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This title was first published in 2002. This detailed examination of the role of the Transatlantic Alliance in support of the America-led military and intelligence operations against the Taliban and the Al-Qaida network since the terrorist attacks on the United States provides the first in-depth analysis of NATO's historic first invocation of Article V of the Washington Treaty. Including a substantial overview of NATO's place in the broad security framework of the Western Atlantic powers and both the shared history and ideals that form its common basis, the book specifically analyzes the political machinations behind the decision to invoke Article V and the impact of political differences among the Alliance partners. The book also looks at efforts to prevent future incidents by expanding the security framework of the Alliance. An essential reference source for military and foreign policy academics, courses and practitioners, this text offers the reader an unprecedented insight into NATO's response to this most significant event.

Plus de quinze années se sont écoulées depuis l'attentat du 11 septembre 2001 contre le World Trade Center à New York, des années rythmées par de nouveaux attentats et par une « guerre au terrorisme » sans fin. Cette réédition enrichie d'un chapitre et de deux préfaces, inédits en français, éclaire les événements en cours conçus comme l'affrontement de deux barbaries. Celle de l'iniquité d'un monde mis en coupe réglée par le grand capital et ses fondés de pouvoir installés à la Maison Blanche. Celle de l'« intégrisme islamique radical et anti-occidental », qui est, selon l'auteur, « l'expression dévoyée et réactionnaire du ressentiment des classes moyennes et des couches plébéiennes contre le développement difforme du capitalisme et la domination occidentale, souvent aggravés par un pouvoir local despotique ». L'auteur éclaire le lien indissoluble qui existe entre la terreur permanente et l'état de grande inégalité dans lequel vivent les populations de la planète. Il établit le lien entre la « dominance » mondiale, le terrorisme d'Etat et la violence aveugle qui lui répond. Or, comme il le rappelle, « la pacification du monde ne naîtra pas du choc de ces barbaries : loin de se neutraliser mutuellement, elles se renforcent dans une escalade réciproque, tendanciellement paroxystique, selon le mécanisme clauswitzien de la montée aux extrêmes ». Loin du conformisme ambiant qui paralyse la pensée, Gilbert Achcar nous livre une analyse de la complexité du chaos du monde qui nous frappe désormais de plein fouet. « A lire absolument, car il s'agit du texte le plus percutant et le plus rigoureux qu'on puisse lire sur cette guerre », écrivait Le Monde diplomatique à propos de la première édition de ce livre. Depuis, Le choc des barbaries a été traduit dans plusieurs langues : allemand, anglais (Etats-Unis, Grande-Bretagne, Inde), arabe, castillan (Espagne, Argentine), chinois, grec, italien, japonais, persan (Iran), suédois et turc.

Political Torture in Popular Culture argues that the literary, filmic, and popular cultural representation of political torture has been one of the defining dimensions of the torture debate that has taken place in the course of the post-9/11 global war on terrorism. The book argues that cultural representations provide a vital arena in which political meaning is generated, negotiated, and contested.Adams explores whether liberal democracies can ever legitimately perpetrate torture, contrasting assertions that torture can function as a legitimate counterterrorism measure with human rights-based arguments that torture is never morally permissible. He examines the philosophical foundations of pro- and anti-torture positions, looking at their manifestations in a range of literary, filmic and popular cultural texts, and assesses the material effects of these representations. Literary novels, televisual texts, films, and critical theoretical discourse are all covered, focusing on the ways that aesthetic and textual strategies are mobilised to create specific political effects.This book is the first sustained analysis of the torture debate and the role that cultural narratives and representations play within it. It will be of great use to scholars interested in the emerging canon of post-9/11 cultural texts about torture, as well as scholars and students working in politics, history, geography, human rights, international relations, and terrorism studies, literary studies, cultural studies, and film studies.

International Relations has traditionally focused on conflict and war, but the effects of violence including dead bodies and memorialization practices have largely been considered beyond the purview of the field. Drawing on Jacques Derrida's notion of hauntology to consider the politics of life and death, Auchter traces the story of how life and death and a clear division between the two is summoned in the project of statecraft. She argues that by letting ourselves be haunted, or looking for ghosts, it is possible to trace how statecraft relies on the construction of such a dichotomy. Three empirical cases offer fertile ground for complicating the picture often painted of memorialization: Rwandan genocide memorials, the underexplored case of undocumented immigrants who die crossing the US-Mexico border, and the body/ruins nexus in 9/11 memorialization. Focusing on the role of dead bodies and the construction of particular spaces as the appropriate sites for memory to be situated, it offers an alternative take on the new materialisms movement in international relations by asking after the questions that arise from an ethnographic approach to the subject: viewing things from the perspective of dead bodies, who occupy the shadowy world of post-conflict international politics. This work will be of great interest to students and scholars of critical international relations, security studies, statecraft and memory studies.

The book is relevant to all those who wish to know why and how terrorism shifted from West Asia to South and Southeast Asia and Africa. This significant shift needs to be studied in depth for policy formulation and future strategy. The book will reveal that the so called Islamic Terrorism is traceable to Pakistan from concept to reality. Pakistan as a state has provided the platform for outward and inward march of Jihadis. For this to happen, the ISI has been playing the principal role. Thus, the focus in this book is on ISI as an instrument of spreading jihadi culture in Pakistan and elsewhere.

Numerous humanly caused destructions of just the last hundred years dwarf the World Trade Center disaster, and the attention still addressed to it may over the next few years appear disproportionate. But the significance of events is always determined by the social, political, and cultural forces that are articulated through a particular event. The attack of 9/11 was an event waiting to happen, and when it did occur the even itself became a catalyst and impetus for the changing and redirection of global realities. This volume offers provocative assessments of the reaction to the event from a variety of perspectives that will no doubt stimulate the debate on the meaning and consequences of 9/11.

The must-read summary of David Ray Griffin's book: “The New Pearl Harbor: Disturbing Questions about the Bush Administration and 9/11”. This complete summary of “The New Pearl Harbor” by David Ray Griffin, a prominent professor and conspiracy theorist, outlines the research carried out by the author on the events of 9/11. Griffin thoroughly investigated the evidence given by the press, reports, researchers, and the Bush administration, which caused him to question the official story given about that tragic day. He believes that the Bush administration played a part in the attacks, which they used as an excuse for their aggressive foreign policy. Added-value of this summary:• Save time• Understand conspiracy theories surrounding the 9/11 attacks• Expand your knowledge of American politics and societyTo learn more, read “The New Pearl Harbor” and discover the missing information and explanations surrounding the 9/11 attacks.

How did the North European states react to the terrorist attacks in the United States on September 11, 2001? Michael Karlsson argues that 9/11 led to a considerable pressure to strengthen rules and practices for counterterrorism and security, but that this pressure was mediated by several other conditions. The reforms were also affected by, among other things, how the threat of global terrorism was perceived, pressure from international institutions such as the UN, EU, and NATO, the domestic political context, and pre-existing rules and practices. His analysis uses the new institutionalism framework, tested through case studies of Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The book offers a unique lens on the study of counterterrorism from a new theoretical and regional perspective.

La guerrilla recurrente es una revisión de Carlos Montemayor en torno a la guerrilla, los movimientos sociales, el ejército y la forma en que el gobierno ha enfrentado a la movilización social, incluyendo los sucesos de 1968 y 1971. El eje medular del libro es la clandestinidad. La guerrilla recurrente compila una serie de ensayos en los que Carlos Montemayor plantea, de manera lúcida y esclarecedora, el carácter recurrente que determina la lógica del conflicto político, al tiempo que desentraña el contenido, las motivaciones y la evolución de la guerra. En el corazón de las luchas sociales, asegura el autor, hay similitudes que deben servir para la reconstrucción y la comprensión de los procesos históricos. Libro fundamental para entender el México actual, desde las luchas estudiantiles y las guerrillas campesinas -donde el EPR, al que Montemayor ha estudiado desde hace tiempo, juega un papel de primer orden- hasta la represión estatal, el narcotráfico y la evolución del ejército y de los órganos de seguridad nacional. La guerrilla recurrente retira el velo que cubre el discurso del poder y el de quienes se enfrentan a éste, desnudando y evaluando la compleja red de versiones políticas, económicas, religiosas y culturales que se contraponen entre sí y que pugnan por imponerse como verdad única. «Son los temas de los que me he ocupado durante largo tiempo: los movimientos armados campesinos y su interpretación militar o política; la seguridad nacional como actividad policial o como interpretación social para asegurar la continuidad del Estado; la guerra sucia en México; la masacre de Tlatelolco; el proceso de militarización en la lucha contra el crimen organizado desde una perspectiva nacional y hemisférica; la transformación de la organización y concepción militar posterior a la Guerra Fría, y la evolución del concepto terrorismo en los contextos del conflicto israelí y palestino y de la invasión estadunidense a Afganistán e Irak» Carlos Montemayor

Despite occupying a central role and frequently being used in the study of international politics, the concept of the'event'remains in many ways unchallenged and unexplored. By combining the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze and his concept of the event with the example of 9/11 as an historical event, this book problematises the role and meaning of'events'in international politics.Lundborg seeks to demonstrate how the historical event can be analysed as a practice of inscribing temporal borders and distinctions. Specifically he shows how this practice relies upon an ongoing process of capturing various movements – of thought, sense, experience and becoming. However the book also demonstrates how these same movements express a life and reality that elude complete capture, highlighting the potential for alternative encounters with the event, encounters that constantly threaten to undermine the limits and imaginary completeness of the historical event. This book offers an exciting new way of thinking about the politics of encountering events, arguing that at the heart of such encounters there are always elements of uncertainty and contingency that cannot be fully resolved or fixed. It will be of great interest to students and scholars of international relations, cultural studies and history.

This second edition contains a 30-page Afterword with additional material on the alleged hijackers, controlled demolition of the WTC, Sibel Edmonds, and the 9/11 Commission, plus a discussion of whether Standard Operating Procedures had been changed in June 2001. From a skeptical vantage-point, but also taking to heart the classic idea that those who benefit from a crime ought to at least be investigated, Griffin, an eminent philosopher and theologian, brings together an account of the national tragedy that is far more logical than the one we've been asked to believe. Gathering stories from the mainstream press, reports from other countries, the work of other researchers, and the contradictory words of members of the Bush administration themselves, Griffin presents a case that leaves very little doubt that the attacks of 9/11 need to be further investigated.The disturbing questions emerge from every part of the story, from every angle, until it is impossible not to seriously doubt the official story, and suspect its architects of enormous deception. Long a teacher of ethics and systematic theology, Griffin writes with compelling and passionate logic, urging readers to draw their own conclusions from the evidence outlined. The New Pearl Harbor rings with the conviction that it is possible, even today, to search for the truth; it is a stirring call that we demand a real investigation into what happened on 9/11.

On the tenth anniversary of the Septemer 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, David Ray Griffin reviews the troubling questions that remain unanswered 9/11 Ten Years Later is David Ray Griffin's tenth book about the tragic events of September 11, 2001. Asking in the first chapter whether 9/11 justified the war in Afghanistan, he explains why it did not. In the following three chapters, devoted to the destruction of the World Trade Center, Griffin asks why otherwise rational journalists have endorsed miracles (understood as events that contradict laws of science). Also, introducing the book's theme, Griffin points out that 9/11 has been categorized by some social scientists as a state crime against democracy. Turning next to debates within the 9/11 Truth Movement, Griffin reinforces his claim that the reported phone calls from the airliners were faked, and argues that the intensely debated issue about the Pentagon—whether it was struck by a Boeing 757—is quite unimportant. Finally, Griffin suggests that the basic faith of Americans is not Christianity but'nationalist faith'—which most fundamentally prevents Americans from examining evidence that 9/11 was orchestrated by U.S. leaders—and argues that the success thus far of the 9/11 state crime against democracy need not be permanent.

Ten years on, what have been the principal impacts of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the external policies and international outlooks of the world's major powers, the range and scope of the international security agenda and on the capacity for states and international organisations to work together to combat the dangers of international terrorism? This book investigates a range of international responses to the events of 9/11, to evaluate their consistency over time; to analyse their long-term significance and impact and to consider both their implications for the international security agenda and the prospects for international cooperation in addressing the challenges posed. In particular, the book considers the perspectives of some of the world's major powers and international organisations on the question of international terrorism, and on its perpetrators, comparing their interpretations and responses and examining how these have changed over the course of a decade of conflict. This book is primarily directed at an academic market, and especially towards undergraduate and taught postgraduate students on courses in international politics, international relations, security studies, terrorism studies, and contemporary international history.

'Profiles the most important figures in the al Qaeda movement---Osama bin Laden, Ayman Zawahiri, Abu Musaib al Zarqawi, and Mullah Omar, giving a comprehensive analysis of its origins, leadership, ideology, and strategy. Focuses more closely on what has happened to al Qaeda since 9/11 and outlines its ultimate goals'--Provided by publisher.

The Impact of 9/11 and the New Legal Landscape is the third volume of the six-volume series The Day that Changed Everything? edited by Matthew J. Morgan. The series brings together from a broad spectrum of disciplines the leading thinkers of our time to reflect on one of the most significant events of our time.

The danger raised by the terrorist threat is real, existential, and vital to the United States. But the attacks on 9/11 have been broadly misunderstood. In assessing the meaning and significance of the war on terror, Tschirgi raises many issues related to the Middle East and American policy toward that area. For example, he debunks the entire exceptionalist approach to the Arab world (the presumption that Arab societies fail to be fathomed by Western social science). While Tschirgi stresses the need for resolving the war on terrorism favorably, he also suggests two broad policy recommendations. First, he argues that while the United States should maintain its firm commitment to Israel's preservation as a Jewish state, it has no corresponding duty to support Israeli expansionism. U.S.-Israeli relations should proceed on this basis and should be informed by a greater American reliance on principles of international law. Second, Tschirgi concludes that an American withdrawal from Iraq must be effected as early as possible.Tschirgi's provocative thesis is that the attacks of 9/11 were not as unique an event as we commonly believe. Rather, they were understandable—though deplorable—human reactions to a combination of factors that fueled the Arab world's marginalization and led to a generalized feeling among the people of that region that the West (and particularly the United States) posed a mortal threat to their identity. Employing three case studies of marginalized violent conflict—Mexico's Zapatista conflict, Egypt's struggle against the Gama'a al-Islamiyya in Upper Egypt, and Nigeria's fight against the Ogoni people in the Niger Delta—Tschirgi demonstrates the dynamics through which traditional peoples have in modern times opted to wage hopeless struggle against objectively more powerful states. The parallels between the dynamics that informed each of these situations and those marking the international Muslim insurgency against the West are striking, as are the significant differences between the two phenomena. The parallels are found in the mechanics of marginalization and resistance. The differences lie, first, in the Muslim insurgency's identification of the West as a total enemy and the struggle with it as having a zero-sum nature and, second, in the modern terrorists'potential access to lethal means of mass destruction. Both the parallels and differences that mark the two phenomena help deepen a real understanding of the meaning of 9/11.

Jim Marrs presents the official government pronouncement on 9/11 as an obvious conspiracy. The only question is whose conspiracy it was. According to the government, the conspiracy involved about nineteen suicidal Middle Eastern Muslim terrorists, their hearts full of hatred for American freedom and democracy, who hijacked four airliners, crashing two into the Twin Towers of New York City's World Trade Center and a third into the Pentagon, near Washington, DC. The fourth airliner reportedly crashed in western Pennsylvania after passengers attempted to overcome the hijackers. To add insult to injury, this whole incredible Mission Impossible operation, which defeated a forty-billion-dollar defense system, was under the total control of a devout Muslim cleric using a computer while hiding in a cave in Afghanistan.Primarily using mainstream media and government reports, Marrs has crafted the definitive journalistic account exposing the likely complicity of the Bush administration in the 9/11 attacks, providing a history of the overt and covert causes of the events. However, his analysis goes far beyond 9/11, enabling us to understand the motivation behind American foreign policy, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as primary examples of the US government's secret agenda.

A contemporary history of a critical period, Are We Ready? analyzes the impact of 9/11, the anthrax attacks that followed, and preparations for a possible smallpox attack on the nation's public health infrastructure. David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz interviewed local, state, and federal officials to determine the immediate reactions of key participants in these events. The authors explore the extent to which these emergencies permanently altered the political, cultural, and organizational life of the country and consider whether the nation is now better prepared to withstand another potentially devastating attack. This well-reasoned and well-researched book presents compelling evidence that few with hands-on experience with disease and emergency preparedness believe that an adequate response to terrorism—whether biological, chemical, or radiological—is possible without a strong and vibrant infrastructure to provide everyday services as well as emergency responses. Are We Ready? begins with an examination of the experiences of local New York officials who were the first responders to 9/11 and follows them as events unfolded and as state and national authorities arrived. It goes on to analyze how various states dealt with changing federal funding for a variety of public health services. Using oral histories of CDC and other federal officials, the book then focuses on the federal reaction to 9/11 and anthrax. What emerges is a picture of dedicated public servants who were overcome by the emotions of the moment yet who were able to react in ways that significantly reduced the public anxiety and public health threat. Despite the extraordinary opportunity to revitalize and reinvigorate the nation's public health infrastructure, the growing federal and state budget deficits, the refocusing of national attention on the war in Iraq, and the passage of time all combined to undermine many of the needed reforms to the nation's public health defenses.Copub: Milbank Memorial Fund

In light of the ongoing war against terrorism, can the United States maintain its dedication to protecting civil liberties without compromising security? At stake is nothing less than the survival of ideas associated with the modern period of political philosophy: the freedom of conscience, the inviolable rights of the individual to privacy, the constitutionally limited state, as well as the more recent refinement of late modern liberalism, multiculturalism. Contributors evaluate the need to reassess the nation's public policies, institutions, as well as its very identity. The struggle to persist as an open society in the age of terrorism will be the defining test of democracy in the Twenty-first-century.

'The [Bush] administration has squandered the opportunity to eliminate al Qaeda....A new al Qaeda has emerged and is growing stronger, in part because of our own actions and inactions. It is in many ways a tougher opponent than the original threat we faced before September 11, and we are not doing what is necessary to make America safe from that threat.'No one has more authority to make that claim than Richard Clarke, the former counterterrorism czar for both Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. The one person who knows more about Usama bin Laden and al Qaeda than anyone else in this country, he has devoted two decades of his professional life to combating terrorism. Richard Clarke served seven presidents and worked inside the White House for George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush until he resigned in March 2003. He knows, better than anyone, the hidden successes and failures of the Clinton years. He knows, better than anyone, why we failed to prevent 9/11. He knows, better than anyone, how President Bush reacted to the attack and what happened behind the scenes in the days that followed. He knows whether or not Iraq presented a terrorist threat to the United States and whether there were hidden costs to the invasion of that country. Most disturbing of all are Clarke's revelations about the Bush administration's lack of interest in al Qaeda prior to September 11. From the moment the Bush team took office and decided to retain Clarke in his post as the counterterrorism czar, Clarke tried to persuade them to take al Qaeda as seriously as had Bill Clinton. For months, he was denied the opportunity even to make his case to Bush. He encountered key officials who gave the impression that they had never heard of al Qaeda; who focused incessantly on Iraq; who even advocated long-discredited conspiracy theories about Saddam's involvement in previous attacks on the United States. Clarke was the nation's crisis manager on 9/11, running the Situation Room -- a scene described here for the first time -- and then watched in dismay at what followed. After ignoring existing plans to attack al Qaeda when he first took office, George Bush made disastrous decisions when he finally did pay attention. Coming from a man known as one of the hard-liners against terrorists, Against All Enemies is both a powerful history of our two-decades-long confrontation with terrorism and a searing indictment of the current administration.

From the Oscar and Emmy-winning director of Fahrenheit 9/11 comes the official guide to the film, including the complete screenplay of the 2004 Cannes Film Festival Best Picture Award winner. The Cannes Film Festival jury voted unanimously to award the 2004 Best Picture Award to Michael Moore and Fahrenheit 9/11. Since then, it has gone on to smash all box office records for a documentary and created an international discussion about the Bush administration and the war in Iraq. The Official Fahrenheit 9/11 Reader is a powerful and informative book that includes the complete screenplay of the most provocative film of the year. The book also includes extensive sources that back up all facts in the film, as well as articles, letters, photos, and cartoons about the most influential documentary of all time.

The terrorist destruction of the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 was the climax of a course plotted by Osama Bin Laden to bring about his apocalyptic vision of a decisive clash between the Western and Moslem worlds. This timely volume details the organizational workings and belief system of Bin Laden's brutal campaign. The authors explore the background and objectives of the attacks, the elaborate planning that went into them, and the process of their practical execution.In addition to its factual account, The Globalization of Terror makes a significant contribution to scholarly and theoretical research dealing with international terror. The book offers a unique analysis of the Afghan'alumni,'who had previously fought the Soviets in the 1980s, within the overall tapestry related to modern international terror. The authors detail how their activities evolved from a movement of national self-defense to the militant worldview identified with radical Islam. The book reveals, as well, the organizational structure so carefully erected by Bin Laden and his associates, in order to realize the vision of a worldwide Islamic Caliphate in practical terms. The book is intended to work as a set of guidelines for newcomers to the world of international terrorism including anti-terror task forces, heads of security companies as well as professionals in the field.The importance of The Globalization of Terror lies in its clear presentation and precise analysis regarding the dimensions of the danger international terror poses to the free world, and in its recommendations for the necessary strategy to prevent the recurrence of acts of large-scale terror.

What causes Anti- Americanism and where are its historical roots? What is the impact of 9/11 on America's sense of itself and its role in the world? Is America paradoxically a victim of its own political and economic power? This book seeks to understand the terrible attacks of September 11th within a broader historical, political and ideological context. Rather than drawing on simple'clash of civilisation'oppositions, the author argues that it is important to have an awareness of the complex historical processes which influence: America's sense of itself and its changing view of the world How the world, especially the Muslim world, views America The changing nature of international politics and the global system since the end of the cold war. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary and historical sources Richard Crockatt has written a balanced, subtle and highly readable book which provides genuine insight into American foreign policy, anti-Americanism and Islamic fundamentalism. It will be important reading for all those seeking to understand the background to the'war on terror'.