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In recent years politics has seen an increasing role in economic policymaking for a technocracy of experts. How do politicians feel about this and how do they balance their political and ethical aims with economic expertise? Anna Killick offers an in-depth study of how politicians engage with economists and economic opinion. Based on interviews with politicians from the main parties in France, Germany, Denmark, the UK and USA, the book highlights the role economic opinion plays in politics and the tension that can arise between democracy and technocracy. Deferring to the experts is shown to be neither viable nor desirable, and that we should trust politicians to take the lead role in solving economic problems.

This book represents the first comprehensive study of how technocracy currently challenges representative democracy and asks how technocratic politics undermines democratic legitimacy. How strong is its challenge to democratic institutions?The book offers a solid theory and conceptualization of technocratic politics and the technocratic challenge is analyzed empirically at all levels of the national and supra-national institutions and actors, such as cabinets, parties, the EU, independent bodies, central banks and direct democratic campaigns in a comparative and policy perspective. It takes an in-depth analysis addressing elitism, meritocracy, de-politicization, efficiency, neutrality, reliance on science and distrust toward party politics and ideologies, and their impact when pitched against democratic responsiveness, accountability, citizens'input and pluralist competition. In the current crisis of democracy, this book assesses the effects of the technocratic critique against representative institutions, which are perceived to be unable to deal with complex and global problems. It analyzes demands for competent and responsible policy making in combination with the simultaneous populist resistance to experts. The book will be of key interest to scholars and students of comparative politics, political theory, policy analysis, multi-level governance as well as practitioners working in bureaucracies, media, think-tanks and policy making.

Technocrats claim to know how to solve the social and economic problems of complex modern societies. But as Jeffrey Friedman argues in Power without Knowledge, there is a fundamental flaw with technocracy: it requires an ability to predict how the people whom technocrats attempt to control will act in response to technocratic policies. However, the mass public's ideas-the ideas that drive their actions-are far too varied and diverse to be reliably predicted. But that is not the only problem. Friedman reminds us that a large part of contemporary mass politics, even populist mass politics, is essentially technocratic too. Members of the general public often assume that they are competent to decide which policies or politicians will be able to solve social and economic problems. Yet these ordinary'citizen-technocrats'typically regard the solutions to social problems as self-evident, such that politics becomes a matter of vetting public officials for their good intentions and strong wills, not their technocratic expertise. Finally, Friedman argues that technocratic experts themselves drastically oversimplify technocratic realities. Economists, for example, theorize that people respond rationally to the incentives they face. This theory is simplistic, but it gives the appearance of being able to predict people's behavior in response to technocratic policy initiatives. If stripped of such gross oversimplications, though, technocrats themselves would be forced to admit that a rational technocracy is nothing more than an impossible dream. Ranging widely over the philosophy of social science, rational choice theory, and empirical political science, Power without Knowledge is a pathbreaking work that upends traditional assumptions about technocracy and politics, forcing us to rethink our assumptions about the legitimacy of modern governance.

Classically, studies of the Japanese government are both tantalizing and frustrating as scholars standing outside of the system draw conclusions from significant events like crises, disasters, and moments of reform. This has led to a sense of mystery as scholars have developed sophisticated competing theories about how the system actually operates often with resigned comments that there is a black curtain (kuromaku) drawn over the system. The primary challenge is gaining access to the actual process of policymaking on a daily basis given the seemingly impenetrable nature of the bureaucracy. This study is unusual as it cracks open the curtain to see the wheels and rotating gears along with those pulling the levers. Specifically, through the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Fellowship program, the only congressionally authorized opportunity allowing American officials to be placed directly inside a foreign government, the reader is given a firsthand account of these machinations. Through their eyes, readers will be introduced to Japan's messy policymaking process in telecommunications regulation, pharmaceutical approvals, diplomatic relations, and much more. This approach also allows the author to refine existing theories of Japan's bureaucratic elite and assess the weak system of control exercised over them by the National Personnel Authority (NPA). This understudied agency is the last vestige of MacArthur's legacy as the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers in Japan following World War II. Thus, this study ambitiously hopes to lend a realistic glimpse into the only developed, non-western, industrialized democratic state in the world. More boldly, this study intends to lend a greater appreciation of the complex tug-of-war between democracy and technocracy in other national contexts.

This book provides an in-depth analysis of the ‘technocratic shift'in ministerial recruitment, measuring its extent and variations over time in fourteen European countries. It addresses the question: who governs in European democratic regimes? Just a few decades ago, the answer would have been straightforward: party-men and (fewer) party-women. More recently, however, and in varying degrees across Europe, a greater proportion of non-politicians or experts have been recruited to government, as exemplified by the 2017 election of Emmanuel Macron to the French Presidency. These experts, frequently labelled “technocrats”, increasingly occupy key executive positions and have emerged as powerful actors in the decision-making process. This edited collection explores the contemporary debates surrounding the relationship between technocracy, democracy and political leadership, and will appeal to scholars and advanced students interested in these fields.

Il capitalismo finanziario alimenta il falso dogma della scarsità della moneta e sta diventando sempre più una guida politica assoluta.Oltre a mercificare l'uomo, disgrega e degrada la società in due maniere: le infligge ricorrenti crisi e dissolve le sue basi morali in una logica di competizione individualistica.Con il pretesto di dover assicurare la governance richiesta dagli stessi mercati che hanno destabilizzato la società, essa crea la giustificazione per controllare la vita sociale attraverso nuovi strumenti elettronici e biologici, che tracciano, violano e manipolano l'uomo fin nella sua integrità neurofisiologica.Questa “società gestita” è il risultato dell'applicazione degli strumenti della psicologia aziendale, potenziati con tecniche di manipolazione neurale e biologica.Tale tecnologia ha dato ai governanti non solo un potere di controllo e intervento su tutti noi prima impensabile, ma anche una nuova struttura del potere stesso, delocalizzata e politicamente irresponsabile, in cui l'automazione e la smaterializzazione degli strumenti di governo e di arricchimento hanno privato le persone del potere di contrattazione e della partecipazione ai processi decisionali, relegandole al margine dei circuiti produttivi e decisionali.Ha generato un ordine contrario ai bisogni dell'uomo e della biosfera, un ordine cementato da un catechismo ideologico “politicamente corretto” che criminalizza, censura e inibisce chi ne critica i fondamenti.Siamo piegati dalle crisi incalzanti e dalle loro imposizioni, e così accettiamo che la sopravvivenza del sistema produttivo da cui dipendiamo necessiti di un maggior controllo sociale, di una crescente riduzione delle sicurezze personali, delle relazioni comunitarie e delle libertà.Quando saremo completamente sottomessi, per governarci non sarà più nemmeno necessario concederci i diritti e la dignità basilari.Descrivendo questo minaccioso passaggio epocale, in cui l'Uomo sta rischiando tutto, il libro indica la via di uscita dall'incombente dominio tecnocratico nella stessa insondabile e incoercibile complessità del mondo, della psiche, dell'Essere.L'autoreMarco Della Luna, laureato in diritto e in psicologia, avvocato e saggista, studioso di strumenti di manipolazione sociale, noto conferenziere, partecipa spesso a trasmissioni televisive e radiofoniche, e a importanti eventi a livello nazionale. È prolifico autore di aggiornatissimi testi (libri, instant book, e-book) che hanno non solo spiegato, ma battuto sul tempo le strategie oligarchiche e governative per il controllo sociale e lo sfruttamento della società (Euroschiavi, Neuroschiavi, La moneta copernicana, Cimiteuro, Sbankitalia, Traditori al governo? e altri ancora).

What are the chief challenges posed to contemporary democracy by modern technology, and how can democratic theory best respond to, or at least reflect on, those challenges? Inhabiting the kind of technologically advanced era in which we live, what sources are available within political theory for theoretical insight concerning the problem of democratic engagement with technology? The purpose of this volume is to canvas a broad range of theorists and theoretical traditions in order to address these questions, including Hegel and Marx, Rousseau and John Dewey, Heidegger and Simone Weil, Habermas and Walter Benjamin, Hannah Arendt and Hans Jonas. Commentaries on all these important thinkers -- focused on the issue of contemporary technology as posing unique social and political challenges for democratic political life -- yields rich and ambitious resources for theoretical reflection.

One of the most common and strongest criticisms of the EU is that power is held by a select few who are unaccountable technocrats sitting in Brussels who without consultation formulate policies.A fresh and innovative new series, written by leading authorities, providing students and researchers with a concise analysis of key topics relating to the state of the European Union and its future development. Combining insights from the theoretical literature with brief institutional descriptions, each book in the series focuses on the key questions,'Where does power lie?','What are the likely scenarios for development?', thereby enabling the reader to gain a better sense of the dynamic processes of politics at EU level.

This book examines the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (EU) and evaluates the democratic credentials of the EU's main decision-making procedure. It finds that though there is potential for democratic decision-making in the EU, the actual process is dominated by technocrats and secret meetings.The book assesses and discusses the conditions for democratic input in decision-making with five empirical chapters each addressing the ordinary legislative procedure from different dimensions: democratic deliberative forums, inclusion, openness, power neutralising mechanisms and decision-making capacity. The analytical framework provides for an in-depth assessment of the ordinary legislative procedure's potential democratic qualities and examines whether it fulfils democratic criteria, how the procedure works in practice and whether it has the necessary democratic clout. The author provides both a theoretical discussion and an empirical assessment of what role the principle of democracy could play in the EU.Filling a gap in EU legislative studies and contributing to the debate on the European democratic deficit, Democratic Decision-making in the EU will be of interest to students and scholars of European Union politics, legislative studies and deliberative democracy.