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This book examines the fraught political relationship between British governments, which wanted information about peoples'lives, and the people who desired privacy. To do this it looks at something that Britain only experienced in wartime, a centralized and up-to-date list of everyone in the country: a population register. The abolition of this wartime system is contrasted with later attempts to reintroduce registration, and the change in the political mind-set driving these later schemes to develop centralised webs of so-called objective data is examined. These policies were confronted by privacy campaigns, studied here, but it is shown how government responses succeeded in turning political debates about data into technical discussions about computerization; thus protecting its data, largely on paper, from oversight. This reformulation also shaped the 1984 Data Protection Act, which consequently did not protect privacy but rather increased government's ability to gain knowledge of, and hence power over, the people.

This book sheds light on the untold stories of individual student activists at Queens College, New York City, during the 1960s. Against the backdrop of the ongoing Vietnam War and the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, some Americans began to lose faith in their government. Based on injustices that students saw in their campuses, in the country, and in the world at large, they began to question their political leaders. Students organized their discontents over three major issues: civil rights, free speech, and anti-war sentiments. Their protests involved direct actions such as sit-ins, marches, picketing, and boycotts. At Queens College (QC), as the students moved away from the repressive McCarthy era of the 1950s, they began to confront and challenge those in power at the college in the 1960s. The defining characteristic of this break from the past was a student strike in 1961 in objection to the ban of controversial speakers who had been invited to campus by student clubs. The student strike of 1961 gave the activists among them a direct and immediate way to fight power on campus and to fight racism and discrimination. The author argues that student movements cannot be attributed to a single explanation, and therefore, he focuses on individual historical contexts, presenting first-person narratives from the actual participants, and tells their stories in their own voices, from their own records, and from the documents they left behind. The book identifies the QC student activists of the 1960s, exploring how and why they became activists; their activities; their achievement as activists; and what motivated them to think that they could make history themselves by confronting racism. It provides an intimate look at the students'lives and their social justice journey, beginning at Queens College and as they moved into their careers.

Bringing together contributions from social, political, and urban historians, this collection examines social movements in Western European cities from the 1950s to the 1980s. Since their post-war recovery and reconstruction, cities in this part of the world underwent far-reaching societal transitions such as deindustrialisation and the rise of the service economy, the expansion and decline of local welfare regimes, suburbanisation and urban redevelopment, and the democratisation of urban politics. Indeed, the sources for urban activism have been manifold and the rehistoricization of this era through an urban lens is therefore valuable. The authors of this volume seek to provide a comprehensive and multifaceted understanding of how structural socio-economic, political, and cultural changes; ideological shifts; and urban spaces were intertwined in various place-dependent ways. By doing so, they offer fresh comparative and conceptual perspectives on urban activism. The book focuses on the ‘long 1970s'– a structural break in time across the industrial West, which corresponded with the emergence of new social movements and an urban crisis that left a wasteland of abandoned factories, dilapidated workers'housing, and stalling redevelopment schemes in its wake. Addressing how the post-industrial revolution socially, ideologically, and physically manifested itself in the urban environment, this book provides useful insights for colleagues in the fields of urban history, social history, political history, and social movement studies.

This book examines the efforts of the government in Scotland to manage the increase of migrants travelling to Britain at the end of the nineteenth century. Focussing on the period between 1885 and 1939, the book explores how the Scottish machinery of government handled the administration of ‘foreigners.'The author uses a comparative, thematic approach to analyse migrant experiences, identities, and relationships with state institutions. Drawing from state records held by the National Records of Scotland in Edinburgh, the book argues that Scottish officials in semi-autonomous boards began to recognise, describe and enumerate the presence of the ‘foreigner'in the early twentieth century, framing their handling of foreignness in accordance with the Aliens Act of 1905. The author goes on to explain that institutions operating in Scotland developed a distinctly Scottish approach to alien matters, which continued up until the Second Word War. Therefore, an increasing number of importantdecisions affecting migrants were taken by a distinctly Scottish machinery of government, impacting on how Scottish officials understood foreignness, and how those identified as foreigners understood their identity in relation to Scottishness. Contributing significantly to current heated debates on migration and identity amongst researchers and the general public in Europe and beyond, this book provides essential insights into the ways in which a ‘sub-state'began to develop practices, processes and attitudes towards migration which were not always in line with that of the central government.

This book brings together a group of British and Italian scholars who have made significant contributions to the historiography of modern Italy over the last three decades, dedicated to the influence of Paul Ginsborg. Reflecting Ginsborg's interest in the encounter of social and political history in modern Italy, contributions explore the varied forms taken by activism in civil society. Rather than just treating activism and engagement as limited, circumscribed phenomena within a political system, the essays consider these as interventions in the social. Taken together, the contributions gathered here highlight Ginsborg's contributions to scholarship and activism, as well as advancing our understanding of cultural change, institutional reform and the renewal of community in modern Italian history.

This book reexamines the socioeconomic and political transformation that occurred in Brazil during the 1940s as a result of the Second World War. Integrating social and political history, the author explores the adoption of new policies around state-sponsored industrialisation, the consolidation of Brazilian labour law institutions, and the expanded influence of ‘racial democracy'in the country's domestic and foreign policy. The book argues that the nature of the Brazilian state and its definitions of citizenship were redefined both from ‘the top'– as a result of Brazil's integration in the new international order following the War – and ‘from below'- as antifascism and mass nationalism opened new spaces for subaltern agency. Challenging traditional narratives on Brazil's transition from the Estado Novo dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas to a postwar democratic experience, this book highlights the extent to which political developments were shaped by key global processes and foreign relations with the USA. The book also focuses on the ‘bottom-up'forces and actors that brought about change in Brazil, emphasising the role of workers, protestors, and popular actors in shaping history. Breaking new ground in Brazilian historiography, this book makes a significant contribution to studies of populism and democratisation in Latin America.

Reflecting the growing interest of historians in memory studies, this edited collection examines the relationship between memory and global social movements from 1848 to the present. For a long time, there has been little attempt by historians to consider memory and social activism in an integrated, systematic, and comparative way. However, in recent years, scholars have demonstrated that social movements rely on collective memories to assert claims, mobilize supporters, and legitimize their political visions, while also helping to further shape collective memories. This book delves into the synergies between memory studies and social movements, exploring how social movements have been constructing and creating memories of their own activity, how specific landscapes of memory have influenced social movements, and how activists have used memory as a cultural resource to further their own goals and ambitions. The case studies presented cover a range of different types of political activism, including the fights for workers', gay, feminist, and pacifist rights, as well as ecological, urban, and far-right movements across the globe, portraying the diverse interrelations that exist between social movements and collective memory.

This book proposes a new historical framework for the analysis of the relationship between communist Poland and neutral Austria during the final decade of the Cold War. The tragic Polish crisis of 1980–1982 is examined within the context of Poland's relationship with the wealthy, neutral country of Austria. By exploring the political meetings and negotiations that took place around the introduction of martial law in Poland, this book sheds light on Polish-Austrian bilaterial relations as seen from the perspective of Polish diplomatic documents. Divided into three parts, the book begins by illustrating Austria's attitude to reforms in Poland in the early 1980s. The second part focuses specifically on the imposition of martial law in Poland, and the third part explores the cooperation between the two countries through the form of investments and environment protection. Particular emphasis is placed on Polish attempts to recruit Austrian politicians in order to overcome the political isolation in which Warsaw found itself after December 13, 1981. The author analyses the political boundaries that Austria could, and wanted to, cross, in order to help the Polish regime, offering insights into Austria's fears of financial loss as a result of the collapse of the regime.

This book presents a panoramic history of the Chinese nation spanning the twentieth century, with the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation as its central theme. In their unwavering pursuit of national independence, universal emancipation, and a country of power and shared prosperity, the Chinese people undertook an arduous journey that saw China fundamentally transformed by such historic events and experiences as the overthrow of the imperial system in the 1911 Revolution, the founding of the People's Republic of China, reform and opening up, and the construction of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Massive in scope, meticulously documented, and rigorously written, this volume has few rivals among general histories of China in the twentieth century.

This book is a brief historical account of Khilafat, an Islamic political institution mired in controversies from its inception. It is an attempt to present an objective critique of the Islamic polity that, in a way, was primarily responsible for crafting schisms in Islam with its commencement. By the time the last Khilafat of the Ottomans came to an end in the aftershock of the Second World War, the Muslim political elite in India launched a movement for the restoration and continuation of the Ottoman Khilafat.The most paradoxical dimension of the issue was that in the Arab peninsula, the epicenter of Islam, the people were struggling to cast away the yoke of the Ottoman Khilafat, then why were the Indian Muslims emotionally involved in a movement that was vehemently condemned and assailed by a majority of Muslims outside the Indian subcontinent?

This book presents the history of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA) in Northern Ireland from its conception in 1943, and its successor organisation, the Arts Council of Northern Ireland (ACNI). Exploring the political and social impact of cultural policy in Northern Ireland, the book illustrates how the arts developed during the twentieth century and sheds light on the relationship between politics and culture. The author takes a closer look at the responsibilities of ACNI, and examines its interaction with the unionist government, which sought to influence how the organisation distributed its grants. Spanning the outbreak of the Troubles in the 1960s and the Peace Process in the 1990s, the ACNI evolved through a period of conflict and change, and therefore this book argues that there was an undeniable link between the changing political environment and the management of the arts in Northern Ireland. The arm's length principle is analysed in relation to ACNI, examining the influence that the state had upon its management and governance. Offering a unique historical overview of the arts in Northern Ireland, this interdisciplinary book fills a gap in Irish history and presents insights into cultural policy, conflict resolution and political history.

This edited collection offers a timely and original perspective on the many upheavals and revolutions that broke out across the world during the earlytwentieth century. With previous research tending to confine revolutions within national borders, this book sets out to place them within a broader global sphere of thought and action. The authors explore the time phase between the Russian Revolution of 1905 and the Asturian Revolution of 1934, including cases from South Africa, Australia, China, the Middle East and Latin America. Providing insights from leading scholars in the field, this collection highlights the interconnectedness and transnationalism of upheavals and revolutions, offering a new approach which integrates political, social and cultural history.Chapter 8 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via Link.springer.com

This book marks the 200-year anniversary of uprisings in the Ottoman Balkans between February and March 1821, which became known in the West as the beginnings of the Greek War of Independence (1821–1832), and led to the formation of the modern Greek state. It explores the war and its impact on societies involved by delving into the myths that surround it, the realities that have often been ignored or suppressed, and its lasting legacies on national identities and histories. It also explores memory and commemoration in Greece, in other countries impacted, and the Greek diaspora. This book offers a fresh perspective on this pivotal event in Greek, Ottoman, Balkan, Mediterranean, European, and world histories. It presents new research and reflections to connect the war to wider history and to understand its importance across the last 200 years.

This book analyzes the negotiation of socio-political concepts, such as citizenship, republicanism, and representation, between “ordinary” French citizens and their representatives in parliament during the early twentieth century. By examining the letters written to French Deputies of the Chamber (députés) at a tumultuous time in French political history, the author sheds light on the role that politically unorganized citizens played in the process of democratization. Central to the investigation are the aspirations, wishes and demands of individuals acting on their own or as spokespersons for informal communities. The way that they formulated personal requests in their letters to députés reveals their expectations of political representatives, the regime, and their own place in society. By taking a closer look at the epistolary relations between voters and non voters on the one hand and their deputies on the other during a time of rapidly succeeding governments, economic crises and changes in electoral laws, this book demonstrates how the Third Republic's existence was co-determined by ordinary citizens'perceptions of the regime. Helping readers to reflect on the nuances of the politicization process, this innovative book offers unique insights for those researching French political history and modern European political culture.

This edited collection represents the first comprehensive volume in English on the crucial, but under-explored, late period in the history of East European communism. Focusing on developments in Czechoslovakia from the crushing of the Prague Spring in August 1968 to the ‘Velvet Revolution'of November 1989, the book examines a broad range of political, social and cultural issues, while also analysing external perceptions and relations. It explores the concept of ‘normalisation'in historical context and brings together British, American, Czech and Slovak experts, each with their own archival research and particular interpretations. Overall, the anthology aims to assess the means by which the Prague Spring reforms were repealed and how Czechoslovakia was returned to a ‘normal'communist state in line with Soviet orthodoxy. Key themes include the Communist Party and ideology; State Security; Slovak developments; ‘auto-normalisation'; women and gender; cultural and intellectual currents; everyday life and popular opinion; and Czechoslovakia's political and cultural relationship with the USSR, the GDR, Poland and Yugoslavia. The volume sheds light on the process of decay of the Czechoslovak communist regime and the reasons for its ultimate collapse in 1989.

This book traces the development of the international society tradition from its origins in Grotius'On the Law of War and Peace to its crystallization in Bull's The Anarchical Society. It follows the idea of sociability among peoples as it was presented by Grotius and substantiated by Pufendorf, through the skepticism of Voltaire and Kant, to emerge as humanitarian warfare and human rights in the international liberal movement, ‘world society'in the 20th century Catholic revival, and common practices and social understandings in the English School in the period of disciplinary development in international relations after the Second World War.

The Dictionary of Labour Biography has an outstanding reputation as a reference work for the study of nineteenth and twentieth century British history. Volume XV maintains this standard of original and thorough scholarship. Each entry is written by a specialist drawing on an array of primary and secondary sources. The biographical essays engage with recent historiographical developments in the field of labour history. The scope of the volume emphasises the ethnic and national diversity of the British labour movement and neglected political traditions.

This book argues that during the Cuban Revolution (1952–1958), Fidel Castro, his allies, and members of the Movimiento 26 de Julio tapped into a larger network of transnational revolutionaries who sought to overthrow the region's dictatorships. With his research in multiple archives including those in Cuba, Prados offers a new, transnational perspective on conflicts over dictatorship and democracy, which shaped the Caribbean in the decades that followed World War II. The book traces the roots of the ‘Caribbean Legion', a transnational network of anti-dictatorial revolutionaries, before detailing how Castro and many of his allies in exile exploited this web during the struggle against Fulgencio Batista. Contacts in this network provided the Cuban revolutionaries with crucial military, financial, and diplomatic support from the democratic governments of José Figueres in Costa Rica, and Rómulo Betancourt in Venezuela, entangling the Cuban revolutionaries in a larger regional struggle between democratic regimes and military dictatorships. This transnational involvement shaped the revolutionary regime of 1959 and had far-reaching repercussions for the larger geopolitical dynamics in the region, and for the Cold War as a whole.

This book will be the first to deeply analyze the Swedish court and monarchy through a longue duree perspective to show the crucial role of the court in maintaining a relationship between the monarchy and nobility throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Sweden offered a different type of monarchy in comparison to the more often studied French and British monarchies. Sweden's court system successfully managed several coups and upheavals and maintained strong royal power throughout many transitions. Studying the Swedish model offers insights into how courts functioned in European principalities in general by providing a resilient and flexible framework for royal authority in tandem with the nobility. Based on extensive research conducted in the Swedish National Archives, the Palace Archives, and the Royal Library, the book presents some never-before published case studies and materials that drive the impact of court studies on many different areas of research, including gender studies, political science, and art history.

This book is the first English translation of the original text Atjeh Sepintas Lalu published in 1950 in Bahasa Indonesia by one of Indonesia's leading lawyers, writers, and political figures, examining the history of the continuously turbulent Aceh. The book describes the legal and political situation in Aceh between 1945 and 1949, considering the events and incidents that related to the government, judiciary, civil servants, and life of the parties at the time. It unpacks the dispute between two major streams of thoughts that cut across the people of Aceh during that era – one based on religious teachings, and the other on secular principles. What followed was the unavoidable emergence of disparate groups, which, in turn, yielded conflict. The author, as a former insider in the Aceh government, was able to uncover the'inside story'on the ground, in analyzing and discussing this fragment of the history of Aceh. A unique resource, this translation – presented six decades after it was first made available – is still invaluable today, allowing readers to interpret the events that occurred in Aceh at the time in the context of an understanding of Aceh's development today. This book will be of keen interest to specialists in Islamic law, regionalism, historians of Indonesia, as well as social scientists interested in the early post-independence history of Indonesia.

'This book brings together feminist histories in education with an innovative approach to epistolary narrative analytics. In deploying the notion of the epistolary bildung the author rigorously and eloquently shows how the correspondence of Barbara Bodichon can shed fresh light in a range of personal problems and public issues in women's lives, which remain relevant today'- Maria Tamboukou, Professor of Feminist Studies, University of East London, UKThis book assesses Barbara Bodichon's significance in the history of the women's movement in Britain by elaborating a conceptualisation of letters as sources of feminist development. Bodichon was the leader of the first women's suffrage committee in England, which collected 1,500 signatures in favour of the female vote – a petition presented in the House of Commons by sympathising MPs to support the amendment of the 1867 Reform Bill. This book explores the significance of letter-exchange in Barbara Bodichon's feminist becoming as she managed to mobilize partisans and secure signatures by means of chains of friendship letters spreading across the country. For letters functioned as platforms where, concomitantly to her making sense of her experiential input, Bodichon adopted, redefined and challenged circulating discourses – transforming them in the process and hence contributing to the production of feminist knowledge, intersubjectively and collaboratively in dialogue with her addressees. At the crossroads of history of feminism, gender history and history of women's education, this book explores the significance of letter-exchange in Bodichon's development into one of the galvanizing figures of the women's rights movement in Victorian England.

A'riveting and illuminating'Bill Gates Summer Reading pick about how and why some nations recover from trauma and others don't (Yuval Noah Harari), by the Pulitzer Prize-winning author of the landmark bestseller Guns, Germs, and Steel.In his international bestsellers Guns, Germs and Steel and Collapse, Jared Diamond transformed our understanding of what makes civilizations rise and fall. Now, in his third book in this monumental trilogy, he reveals how successful nations recover from crises while adopting selective changes -- a coping mechanism more commonly associated with individuals recovering from personal crises.Diamond compares how six countries have survived recent upheavals -- ranging from the forced opening of Japan by U.S. Commodore Perry's fleet, to the Soviet Union's attack on Finland, to a murderous coup or countercoup in Chile and Indonesia, to the transformations of Germany and Austria after World War Two. Because Diamond has lived and spoken the language in five of these six countries, he can present gut-wrenching histories experienced firsthand. These nations coped, to varying degrees, through mechanisms such as acknowledgment of responsibility, painfully honest self-appraisal, and learning from models of other nations. Looking to the future, Diamond examines whether the United States, Japan, and the whole world are successfully coping with the grave crises they currently face. Can we learn from lessons of the past? Adding a psychological dimension to the in-depth history, geography, biology, and anthropology that mark all of Diamond's books, Upheaval reveals factors influencing how both whole nations and individual people can respond to big challenges. The result is a book epic in scope, but also his most personal yet.

The book offers a history of the discourses and diplomacies of Sudan's civil wars. It explores the battle for legitimacy between the Sudanese state and Southern rebels. In particular, it examines how racial thought and rhetoric were used in international debates about the political destiny of the South. By placing the state and rebels within the same frame, the book uncovers the competition for Sudan's reputation. It reveals the discursive techniques both sides employed to elicit support from diverse audiences, amidst the intellectual ferment of Pan-Africanism, the Cold War, and Black liberation politics. It maintains that the interplay of silences and articulations in both the rebels'and the state's texts concealed and complicated aspects of the country's political conflict. In sum, the book demonstrates that the war of words waged abroad represents a strategic, but often overlooked, aspect of the Sudanese civil wars.

This book explores the different perspectives and historical moments of nationalism in Cyprus. It does this by looking at nationalism as a form of identity, as a form of ideology, and as a form of politics. The fifteen contributors to this book are scholars of different scientific backgrounds and present Cypriot nationalisms from an interdisciplinary framework, including approaches such as history, political science, psychology, and gender studies. The chapters take a historical approach to nationalism and argue that the world of nations, ethnic identity, and national ideology are neither eternal, nor ahistorical nor primordial, but are rather socially constructed and function within particular historical and social contexts. As a land that was, and still is, marked by opposed nationalisms – that is, Greek and Turkish – Cyprus constitutes a fertile ground for examining the history, the dynamics, and the dialectics of nationalism.

This book re-evaluates the role of local agency and provides a new perspective to the political, social and cultural history of state formation, taking a microhistorical approach and through close analysis of archival sources between 1550 to 1700. The backcountry of the Republic of Genoa is a laboratory for gauging the weight and significance of two elements which, according to Charles Tilly and other scholars, have characterized the construction of the modern state: judicial administration and fiscal extraction. The instruments employed in this respect were arbitration and compensation. Interactions between center and periphery occurred within a stratified and discontinuous fabric of fluid jurisdictions and segmented residential topographies, which constituted spaces of mediation. Such spaces were generated by conflicts between kin groups (feuds and factional alignments) and managed both by Genoese officials and by local notables and notaries, who translated a whole set of local practices into judicial procedures. This book offers a rich contextualization of material life, family relationships, economic activities, and power struggles in a corner of the Mediterranean world that was extremely important, but about which very little has been published in English.

This book explores the changing nature of social movements and economic elites in post-Second World War Europe. In the years following 1945, Europe faced diverse challenges connected by the overriding question of how the reconstruction of the continent should proceed. For the Central Powers, the implementation lay in the hands of the Allied occupying forces who organised the process of denazification and the establishment of a new economic order. In countries without military occupation, there was a deep gap between the new governmental forces and the former collaborators. In both cases, social movements which were formed by anti-fascists on the left of the political spectrum assumed the task of social reorganisation. The chapters in this book explore the discourses about economic systems and their elites which moved to the fore across a range of European countries, uncovering who was involved, what resistance these social movements faced and how these ultimately failed in the Westto bring about change, while in Eastern Europe Stalinism forcibly imposed change.

This book explores Belgian state-building through the prism of its army from independence to the First World War. It argues that party-politics, which often ran along geographical, linguistic, and religious lines, prevented both Flemings and Walloons from reconciling their regional identities into a unified concept of Belgian nationalism. Equally, it obstructed the army from satisfactorily preparing to uphold Belgium's imposed neutrality before 1914. Situated uneasily between the two powerhouses of nineteenth-century Europe, Belgium offers a unique insight into the concepts of citizenship and militarisation in a divided society in the era of fervent nationalism. By examining the composition, experience, and image of the army's officer corps and rank and file, as well as those of the auxiliary forces, this book shows that although military and civilian society often stood aloof from one another, the army, as a national institution, offered a fleeting glimpse into the dichotomy thatwas pre-war Belgium.

This edited collection examines the concept and nature of the ‘people's martyrology', raising issues of class, community, religion and authority. It examines modern martyrdom through studies of Peterloo; Tolpuddle; Featherstone; Tonypandy; Emily Davison, fatally injured by the King's horse on Derby Day, 1913; the 1916 Easter Rising; Jarrow, ‘the town that was murdered, and martyred in the 1930s'; David Oluwale, a Nigerian killed in Leeds in 1965; and Bobby Sands, the IRA hunger striker who died in 1981. It engages with the burgeoning historiography of memory to try to understand why some events, such as Peterloo, Tonypandy and the Easter Rising, have become household names whilst others, most notably Featherstone and Oluwale, are barely known. It will appeal to those interested in British and Irish labour history, as well as the study of memory and memorialization.

This volume brings together an interdisciplinary team of established and emerging scholars from the disciplines of history, political science and communication studies, to provide a historical reappraisal of Cambodia's relationships with the West. Contributors to the volume examine moments of historical import in Cambodia's history, from the sixteenth to the twenty-first century. These include Cambodia's first contacts with European mercantilism; the establishment of formal French colonialism and commercialism; British peace enforcement and diplomacy after the Second World War; independence, modernisation and the onset of the Cold War and the United Nations peace process; and the Khmer Rouge genocide tribunal of more recent times. The result is a unique and significant new analysis of some of Cambodia's most controversial interactions with the West, demonstrating how far the West has shaped the development of Cambodia in the contemporary epoch.

This book explores the links between the British government and the dictatorships of Argentina and Chile, 1973-82, using newly-opened British archives. It gives the most complete picture to date of British arms sales, military visits and diplomatic links with the Argentine and Chilean military regimes before the Falklands war. It also provides new evidence that Britain had strategic and economic interests in the Falkland Islands and was keen to exploit the oil around the Islands. It looks at the impact of private corporations and social movements, such as the Chile Solidarity Campaign and human rights groups, on foreign policy. By analyzing the social background of British diplomats and tracing the informal social networks between government officials and the private sector, it considers the pro-business biases of state officials. It describes how the Foreign Office tried to dissuade the Labour governments of 1974-79 from imposing sanctions on the Pinochet regime in Chile and discusses whether un-elected officials place constraints on politicians aiming to pursue an ‘ethical'foreign policy.

This book provides a study of the manner in which the Roman Catholic Church in France responded to successive revolutions between 1789 and 1870 as well as to the cultural upheaval associated with accelerating socio-economic change. It focuses on the Church as an institution engaged in a dynamic process of (re)Christianization and determined, as the only repository of the true faith of Jesus Christ, to fortify belief, and to combat the ‘Satanic'forces of moral corruption and revolutionary chaos and create a ‘counter society', the société parfaite. Discussion of the Church as an institution in crisis, of the recruitment, instruction and mind-sets of its bishops, parish clergy, and the members of religious orders, of its hierarchical structures and internal discipline, and of the need to compensate for the losses suffered during a period of revolutionary upheaval, provides the basis for an exploration of its evolving doctrine(s) and sense of purpose; for an assessment of the pastoral care provided to parish communities; and of the leadership and moral qualities of the clergy; before final consideration of the reception of the religious message(s).

This book is the first full-length study of the Soviet Constitution of 1936, exploring Soviet citizens'views of constitutional democratic principles and their problematic relationship to the reality of Stalinism. Drawing on archival materials, the book offers an insight into the mass political culture of the mid-1930s in the USSR and thus contributes to wider research on Russian political culture. Popular comments about the constitution show how liberal, democratic and conciliatory discourse co-existed in society with illiberal, confrontational and intolerant views. The study also covers the government's goals for the constitution's revision and the national discussion, and its disappointment with the results. Outcomes of the discussion convinced Stalin that society was not sufficiently Sovietized. Stalin's re-evaluation of society's condition is a new element in the historical picture explaining why politics shifted from the relaxation of 1933-36 to the Great Terror, and why repressions expanded from former oppositionists to the officials and finally to the wider population.

This volume collects new angles and perspectives on issues shaping the development of the Caribbean. Bringing together essays on regional integration, identity, and culture and focusing on foundational personalities and institutions in the region, this book opens up new lines of inquiry on twentieth-century Caribbean history. Essays examine popular perspectives of the West Indies Federation; the intersections of ideology and governance through key figures such as C. L. R. James and Rawson William Rawson; the socioeconomic context of Caribbean foodways; and Carnival as a tool of cultural diplomacy. Integration is a critical theme throughout. Pointing to the region's rich cultural and historical heritage, this book explores how Caribbean unification may provide a way forward for this patchwork of island territories facing the challenges of the twenty-first century.

This book explores the role of television in the 1950s and early 1960s, with a focus on the relationship between Tories and TV. The early 1950s were characterized by recovery from war and high politics. Television was a new medium that eventually came to dominate mass media and political culture. But what impact did this transition have on political organization and elite power structures? Winston Churchill avoided it; Anthony Eden wanted to control it; Harold Macmillan tried to master it; and Alec Douglas-Home was not Prime Minister long enough to fully utilize it. The Conservative Party's relationship with the new medium of television is a topic rich with scholarly questions and interesting quirks that were characteristic of the period. This exploration examines the changing dynamics between politics and the media, at grassroots and elite levels. Through analysing rich and diverse source materials from the Conservative Party Archive, Anthony Ridge-Newman takes a case study approach to comparing the impact of television at different points in the party's history. In mapping changes across a thirteen year period of continual Conservative governance, this book argues that the advent of television contributed to the party's transition from a membership-focused party to a television-centric professionalized elite.

Surviving the Future is a story drawn from the fertile ground of the late David Fleming's extraordinary Lean Logic: A Dictionary for the Future and How to Survive It. That hardback consists of four hundred and four interlinked dictionary entries, inviting readers to choose their own path through its radical vision. Recognizing that Lean Logic's sheer size and unusual structure can be daunting, Fleming's long-time collaborator Shaun Chamberlin has selected and edited one of these potential narratives to create Surviving the Future. The content, rare insights, and uniquely enjoyable writing style remain Fleming's, but are presented here at a more accessible paperback-length and in conventional read-it-front-to-back format. The subtitle—Culture, Carnival and Capital in the Aftermath of the Market Economy—hints at Fleming's vision. He believed that the market economy will not survive its inherent flaws beyond the early decades of this century, and that its failure will bring great challenges, but he did not dwell on this: “We know what we need to do. We need to build the sequel, to draw on inspiration which has lain dormant, like the seed beneath the snow.” Surviving the Future lays out a compelling and powerfully different new economics for a post-growth world. One that relies not on taut competitiveness and eternally increasing productivity—“putting the grim into reality”—but on the play, humor, conversation, and reciprocal obligations of a rich culture. Building on a remarkable breadth of intellectual and cultural heritage—from Keynes to Kumar, Homer to Huxley, Mumford to MacIntyre, Scruton to Shiva, Shakespeare to Schumacher—Fleming describes a world in which, as he says, “there will be time for music.” This is the world that many of us want to live in, yet we are told it is idealistic and unrealistic. With an evident mastery of both economic theory and historical precedent, Fleming shows that it is not only desirable, but actually the only system with a realistic claim to longevity. With friendliness, humor, and charm, Surviving the Future plucks this vision out of our daydreams and shows us how to make it real.

Throughout their entire history, the sedentary civilizations of China and Europe had to deal with nomads and barbarians. This unique volume explores their drastically different responses: China'chose'containment while Europe'chose'expansion. Migration played a crucial role in this interaction. Issuing from two population centers, the sedentary one in the West and the nomadic one in the East, two powerful population streams confronted each other in the Eurasian Steppe. This confrontation was a crucial factor in determining patterns of Eurasian history - it destroyed existing states, created new ones, and drastically changed the balance of power. Even today, while Russian populations in Asia contract, the population pressures in China and Central Asia continue to build and are likely to spill over across the border. This book shows how we are witnessing the beginning of a new cycle of the age-old contest.

The close diplomatic, economic, and military ties that comprising the'special relationship'between the United States and Great Britain have received plenty of attention from historians over the years. Less frequently noted are the countries'shared experiences of empire, white supremacy, racial inequality, and neoliberalism - and the attendant struggles for civil rights and political reform that have marked their recent history. This state-of-the-field collection traces the contours of this other'special relationship,'exploring its implications for our understanding of the development of an internationally interconnected civil rights movement. Here, scholars from a range of research fields contribute essays on a wide variety of themes, from solidarity protests to calypso culture to white supremacy.

Using archival sources and interviews with key participants, new insight is gained to how the Lib-Lab Pact of 1977-78 - an agreement, short of a full coalition - came about, was structured and implemented, and how Liberal leader, David Steel, might have achieved significant policy concessions on electoral reform.

This book explores the revival under Edward VII of the ceremonial state visit by British monarchs, showing the impact and importance of active royal diplomacy during his reign. Using the Royal Archives, memoirs and newspapers, it reveals the contribution made by the use of ceremony and public display to popular appreciation of the monarchy.

This study offers a radical reassessment of a crucial period of political and cultural history. By looking at some 400 songs, many of which are made available to hear, and at their writers, singers, and audiences, it questions both our relationship with song, and ordinary Britons'relationship with Napoleon, the war, and the idea of Britain itself.

Although marginal as a political force, anarchist ideas developed in Britain into a political tradition. This book explores this lost history, offering a new appraisal of the work of Kropotkin and Read, and examining the ways in which they endeavoured to articulate a politics fit for the particular challenges of Britain's modern history.

Crowd Actions in Britain and France from the Middle Ages to the Modern World explores the lively and often violent world of the crowd, examining some of the key flashpoints in the history of popular action. From the Peasants'Revolt of 1381 to the Paris riots in 2005 and 2006, this volume reveals what happens when people gather together in protest.