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“The WikiLeaks of its day” (Time) is as relevant as ever to present-day American politics.“The most significant leaks of classified material in American history.” –The Washington Post Not Fake News! The basis for the 2018 film The Post by Academy Award-winning director Steven Spielberg, The Pentagon Papers are a series of articles, documents, and studies examining the Johnson Administration's lies to the public about the extent of US involvement in the Vietnam War, bringing to light shocking conclusions about America's true role in the conflict. Published by The New York Times in 1971, The Pentagon Papers riveted an already deeply divided nation with startling and disturbing revelations about the United States'involvement in Vietnam. The Washington Post called them “the most significant leaks of classified material in American history” and they remain relevant today as a reminder of the importance of a free press and First Amendment rights. The Pentagon Papers demonstrated that the government had systematically lied to both the public and to Congress. This incomparable, 848-page volume includes: The Truman and Eisenhower Years: 1945-1960 by Fox ButterfieldOrigins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam by Fox ButterfieldThe Kennedy Years: 1961-1963 by Hedrick SmithThe Overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem: May-November, 1963 by Hedrick SmithThe Covert War and Tonkin Gulf: February-August, 1964 by Neil SheehanThe Consensus to Bomb North Vietnam: August, 1964-February, 1965 by Neil SheehanThe Launching of the Ground War: March-July, 1965 by Neil SheehanThe Buildup: July, 1965-September, 1966 by Fox ButterfieldSecretary McNamara's Disenchantment: October, 1966-May, 1967 by Hedrick SmithThe Tet Offensive and the Turnaround by E. W. KenworthyAnalysis and CommentCourt RecordsBiographies of Key Figures With a brand-new foreword by James L. Greenfield, this edition of the Pulitzer Prize–winning story is sure to provoke discussion about free press and government deception, and shed some light on issues in the past and the present so that we can better understand and improve the future.

Beginning with the Cold War and concluding with the 2003 invasion of Iraq, Hannah Gurman explores the overlooked opposition of U.S. diplomats to American foreign policy in the latter half of the twentieth century. During America's reign as a dominant world power, U.S. presidents and senior foreign policy officials largely ignored or rejected their diplomats'reports, memos, and telegrams, especially when they challenged key policies relating to the Cold War, China, and the wars in Vietnam and Iraq. The Dissent Papers recovers these diplomats'invaluable perspective and their commitment to the transformative power of diplomatic writing.Gurman showcases the work of diplomats whose opposition enjoyed some success. George Kennan, John Stewart Service, John Paton Davies, George Ball, and John Brady Kiesling all caught the attention of sitting presidents and policymakers, achieving temporary triumphs yet ultimately failing to change the status quo. Gurman follows the circulation of documents within the State Department, the National Security Council, the C.I.A., and the military, and she details the rationale behind'The Dissent Channel,'instituted by the State Department in the 1970s, to both encourage and contain dissent. Advancing an alternative narrative of modern U.S. history, she connects the erosion of the diplomatic establishment and the weakening of the diplomatic writing tradition to larger political and ideological trends while, at the same time, foreshadowing the resurgent significance of diplomatic writing in the age of Wikileaks.

In 2006, British forces entered the Helmand Province of Afghanistan in what would become one of the defining military campaigns of the decade. At great cost in blood and treasure, the UK waged a protracted counter-insurgency against a resurgent Taliban. But how was the decision taken to commit Britain to such a difficult and drawn out campaign? The Afghan Papers is the result of private interviews with and frank contributions by some of the most important actors in the fateful decision. Former generals, politicians and civil servants contribute to an original RUSI analysis that provides a startling insight into the decision to commit the UK to a war – a decision wracked by conflict, incoherence and confusion.

Key Papers on Korea is a commemorative collection of papers celebrating 25 years of the Centre of Korean Studies (CKS), SOAS, University of London that have been written by senior academics and emerging scholars. The subjects covered in this collection reflect the different research interests and different strengths of the CKS and include historical perceptions of ancient kingdoms in Manchuria, North Korean propaganda literature, the problematic history of Sino-North Korean borderlands, the millenarian aspects of Won Buddhism, and the importance of the years 1910-11 in the development of Korean music. The collection is framed by two pieces on SOAS, which have been commissioned exclusively for this publication: an introduction that examines the 60-year history of Korean studies at SOAS, and a closing paper that sheds light on the rare collections of Korean art held at SOAS.

Even students capable of writing excellent essays still find their first major political science research paper an intimidating experience. Crafting the right research question, finding good sources, properly summarizing them, operationalizing concepts and designing good tests for their hypotheses, presenting and analyzing quantitative as well as qualitative data are all tough-going without a great deal of guidance and encouragement. Writing a Research Paper in Political Science breaks down the research paper into its constituent parts and shows students what they need to do at each stage to successfully complete each component until the paper is finished. Practical summaries, recipes for success, worksheets, exercises, and a series of handy checklists make this a must-have supplement for any writing-intensive political science course. New to the Fourth Edition: A non-causal research paper woven throughout the text offers explicit advice to guide students through the research and writing process. Updated and more detailed discussions of plagiarism, paraphrases,'drop-ins,'and'transcripts'help to prevent students from misusing sources in a constantly changing digital age. A more detailed discussion of'fake news'and disinformation shows students how to evaluate and choose high quality sources, as well as how to protect oneself from being fooled by bad sources. Additional guidance for writing abstracts and creating presentations helps students to understand the logic behind abstracts and prepares students for presentations in the classroom, at a conference, and beyond. A greater emphasis on the value of qualitative research provides students with additional instruction on how to do it.

Description based on print version record.

This is Volume I of Miscellaneous Papers Relating to Indo-China and the Indian Archipelago, which is part of a series of seven on SouthEast Asia. Originally published in 1887, these papers are from the'journals'of the Royal Asiatic, Bengal Asiatic and Royal Geographical Societies; the'transactions'and the'journal'of the Asiatic Society of Batavia and the'Malayan Miscellanies'.

Title from PDF title page (viewed on Dec. 10, 2008).

«Raina's documentation provides invaluable insight into the high-powered and high-level political calculations that made it happen. It is perhaps the most signal achievement of the era and this expertly curated collection on its genesis and evolution is unquestionably of permanent value.» (Professor Marc Mulholland, Professor of Modern History, Oxford) This is the second volume in which Peter Raina presents the Blair government's Devolution papers. Here, the focus shifts to Northern Ireland in the midst of the «Troubles» – a situation where discrimination and bigotry in a society divided by religious and national affiliations had erupted into hatred, violence and fear. Tony Blair, his minister Mo Mowlam and a team of civil servants and others reached for American help and worked intensely with Gerry Adams, Leader of Sinn Fein, and with the government of the Republic in the South of Ireland to bring the warring factions together. Their efforts were concentrated into an astonishing single month. The Devolution plans, as such, have not stood the test of time but, with effort from all sides, a fragile truce was achieved and a virtual end to the «Troubles». This was an enormous achievement. The papers are an object lesson in how patient diplomacy and negotiation can work, even in the most intractable of situations.

In 1987 Tony Blair's New Labour won a landslide victory in the British elections. To show it meant business, the new government immediately embarked on a major legislative programme, granting devolution to the outlying «Regions» joined with England in the UK. The cabinet papers concerned with this initiative have just been released, and Peter Raina is publishing them, with brief commentaries, in two volumes. This one concerns Scotland and Wales. The papers show just how much interdepartmental work was involved in this comparatively modest exercise, and how dependent ministers were on the Civil Service and their legal teams. They also raise questions which have recently been much amplified. The drive for devolution had contradictory aims – to offer more self-sufficiency and foster development; but also to take the sting out of nationalist movements, so as to preserve the Union. Readers can judge how democratic and how fruitful the scheme really was.

The agenda of the 11th CEE Forum Conference in Bratislava, Slovakia, held on 25-26 April 2019 was focused on the reassessment of the Central and Eastern European position in Europe and in the world, seeking for the specificities of this region, being often perceived as a double periphery – of the West and of the East. Since thirty years have passed since the disintegration of the bipolar world, the time has come for a critical reconsideration of the earlier scholarly findings or commonplaces and the formulation of more nuanced and refined conclusions. The selection of papers offered by the organizers in this volume provides an up-to-date view of the CEE region and issues and problems shared by the CEE countries

The first meeting of what would come to be known as the Dartmouth Conference took place in 1960 at the height of the Cold War between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Despite the volatile stand-off between the two superpowers, the meeting of citizens from both countries was held with the explicit support of both President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Soviet Chairman Nikita Khrushchev. Sixty years later, the Dartmouth Conference is established as the longest continuous bilateral dialogue between citizens of the Soviet Union/Russia and the United States. Over the course of six decades, the Dartmouth Conference has brought together leading citizens from the two countries to candidly discuss a full range of issues affecting the US-Russia relationship, from political and economic considerations to arms control and the role of the two countries in regional conflicts. Philip Stewart has participated in 120 of the 148 sessions of the Dartmouth Conference. In this book, he recounts how the Dartmouth talks have expanded international policy options, weathered world crises, and evolved into an ambitious exploration of how relations between civil societies in the United States and Russia might help build a more peaceful world.

Pour étudier d'un point de vue scientifique l'actualité de l'Amérique latine et des Caraïbes, certains types d'archives n'étant pas encore disponibles, les médias figurent parmi les principales sources exploitables. Ce livre explore la manière dont les médias latino-américains disent et construisent l'actualité de leurs pays. Les auteurs montrent comment ces médias peuvent être considérés à la fois comme « acteurs et auteurs » de l'histoire récente. En favorisant les échanges entre auteurs latino-américains et européens, cet ouvrage adopte volontairement une approche pluridisciplinaire pour traiter l'actualité sociale et politique d'une dizaine de pays, convoquant science politique, sciences du langage, sciences de l'information et de la communication. L'éventail des méthodes (analyse de contenu, lexicométrie, analyse argumentative, entre autres) et de cadres théoriques mobilisés (critical discourse analysis, cultural studies, analyse du discours « à la française ») offre au lecteur de stimulantes perspectives.

Government deficits, the spiraling imbalance of trade, inconsistencies in foreign policy, illegal immigration, unemployment, the decay of our cities, the abuse of the environment, the staggering cost of elections, and the piracy of special interest groups—these problems and a host of others have led thoughtful citizens to question whether our polit

The book examines the contours of relationship between India and the Middle East, before the political frontiers of the both the regions were fashioned in the middle of the twentieth century. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

Political and economic reform is at the top of national agendas around the world. This book based on Moises Naim's participation in the Venezuelan reform experience and as executive director at the World Bank raises questions and explores problems crucial to achieving national reform strategies. Naim's lucid analysis grapples with the problems of dealing with entrenched interests bent on derailing reform; allaying the corrosive effects of corruption and public outcry over inequitable burdens; coping with the political instability brought on by decimated public institutions; managing the impact of reforms on the military establishment; and mobilizing public support for measures as essential as they are painful. The heady days of revolution are gone and these and other dilemmas now confront besieged reform governments everywhere. The problem of managing these in the real world is the subject this book tackles.

This collection examines the subject of identification and surveillance from 16th C English parish registers to 21st C DNA databases. The contributors, who range from historians to legal specialists, provide an insight into the historical development behind such issues as biometric identification, immigration control and personal data use.

Europe: the fruit of a willing construction that superseded much of its past darkness by gradually transforming numerous walls, prejudices and conflicts into bridges of cooperation and mutually enriching developments. Spain: An amalgam of creative tensions, of groundbreaking realisations, of successively frustrated and regained horizons and of long fought hopes. This monograph aims to analyse the vectors and degrees of convergence, the cohesion factors and the changing paradigms of the relation between both in a context marked by crisis and questioning. The key question in this realm is: Do they still revolve around converging pathways? The answer implies, at once, conscious mirrors and new determinations. Europa: Fruto de una construcción que superó muchas de las sombras de su pasado por medio de la transformación de numerosos muros, prejuicios y confl ictos en puentes de cooperación y en desarrollos mutuamente enriquecedores. España: Una amalgama de tensiones creativas, ideas revolucionarias, horizontes sucesivamente frustrados y reconquistados y esperanzas por las que se lucha largamente. Esta obra tiene por objetivo analizar los vectores y grados de convergencia, los factores de cohesión y los paradigmas cambiantes de la relación entre ambas en un contexto de crisis y cuestionamiento. La pregunta clave en este sentido es: ¿Gravitan todavía en torno a itinerarios cruzados? La respuesta implica, a un tiempo, reflejos conscientes y nuevas determinaciones.

Since the emergence of post-Soviet states in the Eurasian space there has been considerable reflection on the role that the state has played in the local and global arenas. Transformation from being part of the ‘Soviet'to independent existence has meant state involvement in the forging of new nations out of disparate identities based on the criteria of national languages, the reinterpretation of historical events, depiction of personality-centric themes, the portrayal of illustrative careers and the rhetoric of development. This volume focuses on some of the aspects of this involvement through studies of the performative role of the Central Asian states in the arena of politics, diplomacy, culture, historical memory, and their interaction within the Eurasian space. It reflects on ways in which the state reacts to society and how discourses in the field of economy, society and culture dovetail with or diverge from the political discourse about state-building. Relations between formal institutions and informal structures; emerging conceptions of democracy in the context of the Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan and the disruptive events in western Kazakhstan during the twentieth anniversary of the republic's independence; the nature of bilateral and multilateral alignments among regional and interregional actors are some of the aspects through which the role of the state has been examined by the authors. The volume seeks to address the question of how the state acts as an agent of influence and control not just on performative traditions but also in the creation of a single community as the basis for a nation

For the past five years, an extraordinary amount of worldwide interest has focused on U.S. interrogation activities. However, the United States has made little systematic effort to develop a knowledge base that could underlie effective interrogation policies, practices, and procedures for the future. This book and accompanying CD-ROM explores non-coercive intelligence interviewing and the arguments to the moral, social, and possible military costs of coercive interrogations, as well as the debates about the possible utilitarian value and limitations of coercive interrogations. This book reflects the view that the United States and other democracies can benefit from exploring and learning more in the area of non-coercive intelligence interviewing.

Life skills education, using the peer-to-peer approach, can effectively promote youth health and protect young people from HIV, drugs, sexual abuse and other threats. This publication draws on experiences, lessons learned and recommendations from the 2005-2009 UNESCAP project “Strengthening Life Skills for Positive Youth Health Behaviour”, which was implemented in Cambodia, China, Philippines and Sri Lanka. A youth-centered approach is adopted, with emphasis on psychological factors, social interaction and how to empower young people, especially out-of-school youth, with essential life skills to better deal with the many challenges they face in their daily lives. Wider socio-structural issues are addressed and key elements are put forward to help develop innovative and creative programmes and move Asia and the Pacific away from ineffective and costly single-problem focused strategies.

Political elites in liberal democracies are showing heightened concern about threats to national security from the overseas political activities of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and its supporters. This Whitehall Paper argues that an effective liberal democratic policy response requires careful disaggregation of distinct sets of risks: to national security; civil liberties; and academic freedom. Although widely cited as a model to follow, Australia's response to these issues illustrates how aggregation of these diverse risks into a singular national security threat – commonly labelled ‘Chinese influence'– can produce alarmist public policy discourse, legislative overreach and mismatched institutional responsibilities. The Paper suggests a set of measures for liberal democracies to manage their engagement with China's powerful and increasingly authoritarian party-state.

Diploma Thesis from the year 2012 in the subject Politics - General and Theories of International Politics, grade: 1,0,, course: Maastricht Graduate School of Governance, language: English, abstract: Observing an increasing financial liberalization and income inequality during the last decades, this study investigates how the opening of financial markets is influencing income inequality. Operationalizing the research question, it focuses on capital account liberalization (CAL). The paper begins with an extensive literature review which recognizes the importance of a countries institutional quality and derives the following two hypotheses: CAL generally increases income inequality and CAL leads to an especially high increase in income inequality if the institutional quality is low. These hypotheses are empirically tested based on a panel data set covering 159 countries from 1996 – 2009. In the last decades the economies and financial systems of many countries liberalized and integrated with each other in order to benefit economically. However, at the same time income inequality and the gap between the extreme poor and the rich increased. The European Union is one of the regions with the most remarkable development regarding financial liberalization and integration. Some countries have been transformed within the last 25 years from centrally planned economies with controlled financial markets to market economies with open financial markets, integrated within the European Monetary Union. On the one hand this financial liberalization and integration is argued to be an important reason for economic growth. However, on the other hand it is strongly related to the Euro currency crises which is currently the main challenge facing the EU and is discussed daily on the news. The lower- and middle-classes in particular are protesting against immense financial supports for banks and investors on the one side and wage reductions, unemployment and social benefit cuts on the other. Can these inequalities be explained by the increasing liberalization of financial markets? Are they logical consequences of international financial liberalization and integration? This paper approaches these questions on a meta-level by answering the research question: How is Financial Market Liberalization Influencing Income Inequality? Before elaborating on this research question and explaining the investigated hypotheses it is explained what exactly is meant by financial market liberalization.

Projections for the United Sates and Canada to 2030 have been made with a global model to account for concurrent changes in other countries. Three future scenarios were investigated: two IPCC-based scenarios assuming the rapid growth of wood-based energy, and one IPCC-based scenario without this assumption. The model, under the IPCC scenarios, accounted for trends in population, income and land use along with emerging technology and predicted changes to consumption patterns for wood products and bioenergy. Markets for wood products, which mainly are destined for the construction sector in North America, are projected to recover by 2015 under all three scenarios examined. Projections suggest that, in spite of declining use of paper for media, other paper and paperboard for packaging and miscellaneous uses will continue to enjoy strong global demand.

This paper summarizes the Voluntary Sustainability Standards'(VSS) Academic Advisory Council Roundtables. The roundtables aimed to foster the debate on the possibilities and limitations of sustainability standards as tools to environmental, social and economic sustainability. They were jointly organized by the United Nations Forum on Sustainability Standards (UNFSS) and EVIDENSIA, in collaboration with the KU Leuven Center for Global Governance. This paper summarizes the discussions and outcomes of the three roundtable discussions. It brings different perspectives on VSS together which can inform and contribute to a comprehensive understanding of VSS effectiveness through GVCs. Through this paper, the “effectiveness” of VSS is defined along multiple dimensions, all of which are covered and assessed. A first dimension, goal-attainment effectiveness, focuses on the impact of VSS on a range of social, economic and environmental indicators. A second dimension, process effectiveness, analyses the degree to which VSS are adopted by economic operators and the drivers for adoption. A third dimension, constitutive effectiveness, focuses on the degree to which VSS change the overall approach of actors involved in the policy process towards sustainability, i.e., the degree to which their theories of change are used more widely. VSS role on international trade is also debated and discussed.

This volume presents a selection of papers from the 13th International Conference on Military Geosciences (ICMG), held 24-28 June 2019 in Padua, Italy. It covers a wide range of subjects within the confines of military geoscience written by scientists with a variety of different backgrounds from many countries throughout the world. Many of the papers focus on subjects related to Italy and World War I, but additional subject areas include international perspectives in the military geosciences, international security, geospatial intelligence and remote sensing, subterranean and underground warfare, analyses of historical battlefields and fortifications, and military archaeology. The book will be of interest to academics (e.g., military historians, military archaeologists, military geographers and geologists), applied geoscientists (e.g., engineering geologists and geologists working in other areas of applied geology), professional geoscientists, and those with a general interest in military geoscience and history.

Master's Thesis from the year 2015 in the subject Politics - Topic: International relations, grade: 75,0 (Auszeichnung), Oxford University (Oxford Department of International Development (ODID)), language: English, abstract: The paper asserts that politicisation and framing can offer a valid explanation for Global Governance in pandemic crises, and accordingly investigates how both affected the international responses to SARS and Ebola. The author argues that—even in the allegedly rational scientific field of health—policymakers engage in framing in order to cope with uncertainty of international crises through categorising epidemic outbreaks and prescribing a particular course of action. Tracing the evolution of both epidemics, the paper identifies five frames, namely'securitisation of medicine','medicalisation of insecurity', economics, human rights and development. The author holds that they significantly impacted the sense-making phase of the evolving epidemics and thereby determined the extent or lack of collective response. In the face of uncertainty of pandemic crisis, the triangular relationship between policymakers, the public sphere and accountability can offer a more elaborate account of crisis management and collective action, as political frames become important as sense-making vehicles within broader global governance processes and can best explain policy responses. Under the WHO six-phased classification scheme, both the 2003 SARS epidemic and the 2014 Ebola epidemic qualified as phase five and thereby should have triggered comparable immediate international containment efforts. The divergent outcomes—effective collective response in the case of SARS and crisis protraction with regards to Ebola—are therefore especially striking. Whereas SARS remained limited to around 700 deaths, Ebola had already killed more than 1,400 people by the time that the WHO first acknowledged the epidemic.

Seminar paper from the year 2017 in the subject Politics - General and Theories of International Politics, grade: B,, course: International Relations Theory, language: English, abstract: This paper presents a review of Alexander Wendt's article'Anarchy is what States Make of it'by outlining and analysing some of his main arguments including the construction of anarchy, applying social theories to the world of politics, the importance of identities and interests in international relations. Alexander Wendt particularly focuses on the structures and systems in making his arguments, which he has also illustrated constructivism's stance on the idea of anarchy in International Politics and the importance of understanding interaction towards achieving the possibility of positive transformation and cooperation, similar to the neoliberals'view. In describing the international system of politics, the traditional approaches have assumed that the structure is anarchical among states and that it is fixed and'exogenously given'. Realists, especially neo-realists or structural realists have talked about anarchy in explaining the uncertainty over security and conflict within the system. Liberals accept that competitions exist among states and that the system is and will always be'decentralized'but also quite agree with neo-realists that the competitive politics are inevitable due to anarchy. The rise of constructivism in the 1980s, however, has brought up anarchy in discussion again and has responded to the dominant ideas regarding anarchy but more specifically, neo-realists and neo-liberals.

Originally published in 1987, this book includes contributions from scholars and peace activists in the United States, Britain, Canada, Belgium, and the German Democratic Republic. These papers present, from a number of different perspectives, the experiences of women in relation to peace in North America, Japan and Europe. The theoretical diversity and historical breadth of the collection provide a balanced and enlightened view of women and peace movements. The papers range from an important theoretical contribution by the American scholar Berenice Carroll to one on the peace movement in Japan after Hiroshima and Nagasaki by Setsuko Thurlow, a Japanese-Canadian and a Hiroshima survivor. The papers are divided into theoretical, historical and practical approaches and the main part of the book is concerned with historical accounts of women's involvement in peace movements. An important issue covered is the contradiction that arises between feminist and pacifist ideals in peace movements. Literary figures such as Vera Brittain and Charlotte Perkins Gilman are also discussed.This book will have multi-disciplinary appeal to students and academics in women's studies, peace studies, sociology and history. It will also be of interest to activists in the women's and peace movements.

This Whitehall Paper explores the ways in which Mogadishu's inhabitants try to stay out of harm's way, from security officials in the presidential compound of Villa Somalia to the city's powerful district commissioners, from patrolling policemen to the women road-sweepers in the rubbish-filled alleyways of the Waberi district. Its central proposition is that security is best understood as a coherent relationship or activity based on the need for physical safety today, rather than in the future. It uses the neighbourhood-watch schemes developed in certain districts of Mogadishu - most notably Waberi - to understand the ways in which the city's inhabitants respond to the security models promoted by international advisers.

Somewhere deep in the archives of the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML) in the heart of New Delhi lies a set of papers that researchers and historians interested in recording the history of Indian intelligence, would love to get their hands on. Alas, those documents-transcripts of tape-recorded conversations with RN Kao, the legendary spy chief-are not going to be available until 2025, according to instructions left by him, months before he passed away in 2002. So until those tapes and papers are made public, any biography of Rameshwar Nath Kao or'Ramji'to friends, colleagues and family would have to depend on personal memories of a vast array of individuals who knew him in different capacities and their interpretation of his personality and contribution.

Airpower remains the cornerstone of NATO's military advantage, so maintaining the ability to win air superiority over peer opponents in a conflict is key to long-term deterrence stability in both Europe and the Pacific. This Whitehall Paper examines the various modernisation and future capability development efforts being undertaken within NATO, and analyses the major threat systems and overall modernisation trends of the West's main peer-competitors – Russia and China.US airpower capability development efforts are increasingly focused on countering the growing challenge from the Chinese military in the Pacific. To meet this challenge, the Pentagon is planning to transform the way it operates across all domains over the next 15 years. New platforms, weapons systems and increasing automation of command and control threaten to leave NATO allies behind.Current acquisition and modernisation plans of European air forces may eventually close the capability gap with current US theatre entry standard capabilities, but by then the US will have leapt ahead once more. Furthermore, many of the airpower capabilities which the US is pursuing for the Pacific theatre are significantly less relevant for the demands of deterrence against Russia in Europe. Given continuing dependence on US enablers on the part of other NATO members, a significant divergence in capability plans threatens to undermine crucial Alliance interoperability if not recognised and managed early.

This volume of Eurasian Studies in Business and Economics includes selected papers from the 22nd Eurasia Business and Economics Society (EBES) Conference in Rome. It gathers scholarly contributions on the latest applied economics research from developing countries such as Croatia, Poland, the Baltic and ASEAN countries, which tend to be underrepresented in the current literature. Both the theoretical and empirical papers in this volume cover diverse areas of economic research from various regions. The main focus is on sharing the latest findings on empirical industrial organization, in particular the economics of innovation, regional economic development dynamics, and banking sector reforms in developing countries.

In contrast to the common perception that the United Nations is, or should become, a system of collective security, this paper advances the proposition that the UN Security Council embodies a necessarily selective approach. Analysis of its record since 1945 suggests that the Council cannot address all security threats effectively. The reasons for this include not only the veto power of the five permanent members, but also the selectivity of all UN member states: their unwillingness to provide forces for peacekeeping or other purposes except on a case-by-case basis, and their reluctance to involve the Council in certain conflicts to which they are parties, or which they perceive as distant, complex and resistant to outside involvement. The Council's selectivity is generally seen as a problem, even a threat to its legitimacy. Yet selectivity, which is rooted in prudence and in the UN Charter itself, has some virtues. Acknowledging the necessary limitations within which the Security Council operates, this paper evaluates the Council's achievements in tackling the problem of war since 1945. In doing so, it sheds light on the division of labour among the Council, regional security bodies and states, and offers a pioneering contribution to public and governmental understanding of the UN's past, present and future roles.

NATO's Northern members are increasingly concerned about Russia's military activities. This Whitehall Paper contains perspectives from prominent authors across the region, showing how member states are responding, individually and collectively, to Moscow's resurgence. Overall, it identifies the common but differentiated responsibility that member states have for security in the Alliance's northern regions.

This book includes a collection of papers on surveys of topics under consideration in the Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, analysis of topics of traditional concern to developing countries, and a few theoretical papers on the role of law in the international trading system.

First published in 1999, the papers collected in this volume were originally prepared for four workshops organized by the UN Department for Disarmament Affairs to inform the work of the Panel of Governmental Experts on Small Arms. These workshops were held during 1995-96. Some of the authors updated their papers for publication in early 1998. Lora Lumpe, senior fellow with the Norwegian Initiative on Small Arms Transfers in Oslo and Tamar Gabelnick, Acting Director of the Arms Sales Monitoring Project at the Federation of American Scientists in Washington, DC edited the presentations for this book.

This book brings together thirteen selected papers presented in the Third International Seminar on Science and Geopolitics of Arctic-Antarctic-Himalaya, held in India in September 2015. The papers and have been grouped according to the Seminar's three main themes: a) Geopolitics of the Polar Regions, b) Global Climate Change and Polar Regions, and c) Climate Change and Himalayan Region.

In December 2003 the British government announced that within a few years it would need to take decisions about the future of Britain's strategic nuclear deterrent. Exactly three years later, its plans were revealed in a White Paper. The existing Trident system is to be given a life-extension, which includes building new submarines to carry the missiles, costing £15–20 billion. Britain has a substantial nuclear legacy, having owned nuclear weapons for over half a century. The strategic context for the deterrent has changed completely with the end of the Cold War, but nuclear weapons retain much of their salience. This Adelphi Paper argues that it makes sense to remain a nuclear power in an uncertain and nuclear-armed world. Given that deterrence needs are now less acute, but more complex than in the past, the paper asserts that deterrence also needs to be aligned with non-proliferation policies, which seek to reduce the scale of threats that need to be deterred. Somewhat overlooked in current policy are appropriate measures of defence, which can raise the nuclear threshold and, if required, mitigate the effects of deterrence failure. It concludes that the government's decisions about the future form of the deterrent are very sensible, but cautions that they still need to be integrated into a broader policy that embraces diplomacy, deterrence and defence to counter the risks posed by nuclear proliferation.

This Whitehall Paper provides an in-depth analysis of Russia's Ground Forces, including airborne and naval troops. It examines their role in Russian foreign policy, reforms to units'equipment and operational roles, performance during combat operations against Ukraine, and current unit deployment locations and purposes in the Central, Southern and Western Military Districts. Russia perceives itself as operating from a position of weakness and surrounded by superior NATO forces. It is pursuing a programme of military reform, both in terms of equipment and structures. The Russian Ground Forces are being geared towards fighting in aggressive, short, sharp and complex operations into enemy territory, as well as being streamlined to increase readiness levels and deployability at short notice. However, operations against Ukraine have required force generation efforts from almost every Russian Ground Forces formation, including those in the Far East, which is evidence that the Kremlin's ability to sustain even a moderate tempo of operations in the medium term is limited. Furthermore, chronic undermanning and morale issues remain, which will be exacerbated by the political decision to re-establish division-scale formations. In addition, Western sanctions and Russia's difficult economic situation are severely hampering efforts to extend equipment reforms across the whole force. Russian Ground Forces should not be seen by the West as an unstoppable colossus. However, the West must not ignore the unmistakable Russian efforts to prepare for offensive, high-tempo operations against NATO, and the formidable political will that will use them if given the opportunity.

The Documents on Irish Foreign Policy series is the history of Irish foreign policy reproduced from the text of selected original documents from the files of the Department of Foreign Affairs now held in the National Archives of Ireland. Much of this material has never before been seen by historians. The series also includes important documents from papers of significant individuals, in particular from the private papers of Eamon de Valera. Volume V chronicles Irish foreign policy in the last years of peace leading up to the outbreak of World War Two. It shows how Ireland moved from supporting the League of Nations to a policy of wartime neutrality. The volume also explains in unrivaled details the important developments in Anglo-Irish relations leading to the 1938 Anglo-Irish Agreement over trade, finance, and defense, which allowed Ireland to remain neutral in World War Two and includes full texts of the negotiations leading to the Agreements. The volume is essential for anyone interested in Irish history and Irish foreign policy, and, in a wider context, the response of small states to the clash between democracy and fascism that led to the Second World War. The volume contains confidential reports and deciphered code telegrams from the Irish legations in Washington, London, Paris, Geneva, Berlin, and the Holy See to Dublin, including newly declassified material. It includes a comprehensive account of Ireland's policy towards Spain during the Spanish Civil War, including the question of whether to recognize Franco's government before the end of the civil war and how to safeguard the life of Irishman Frank Ryan, an IRA man fighting with the International Brigade, captured, jailed, and sentenced to death in Spain by the Nationalists.

Politics at the Edge was the theme of the 1999 PSA Annual Conference. This volume brings together nearly twenty of the liveliest, most thoughtful and original papers from some two hundred presented at the conference. The major traditional strengths of British political science are well represented - with papers on parties, political theory and the history of political thought - but so too are less familiar areas such as the politics of Latin America and the politics of poststructuralism. Distinguished contributors include Agnes Heller, David Held, Mahdi Elmandjra, Andrew Dobson, Andrew Vincent and Richard Sakwa.

This volume is a collection of papers written by nationals or former nationals of the respective country in ASEAN and Northeast Asia. Unlike other works written by scholars outside ASEAN or East Asia, it offers an insider's point of view of the 10 ASEAN states, China, Japan and South Korea on regional community building. While a nationalist perspective may permeate throughout the study, it is also clear that pursuing regional cooperation is considered to be important by the respective author, denoting the non-exclusivity between nationalism and regionalism and the mutual reinforcement of the two. Each author of this volume has made a deliberate effort to introduce and survey the developmental challenges and experiences of his or her country from a historical perspective. All authors, without exception, have emphasized the importance and advantages in staying with ASEAN or linking up with ASEAN by China, Japan and South Korea in political-security, economic and socio-cultural terms. Their papers also reveal that the self-help and self-strengthening mechanism emphasized by the ASEAN Plus Three process will take time to bear fruits. In the meantime, it seems that bilateral interactions and cooperation between ASEAN and Northeast Asian states remain to be more dominant as shown in this study. One can argue that bilateral interactions are the building block of multilateralism interactions. To be sure, there is a deliberate effort in this study to highlight'unity in diversity'in East Asia in general and ASEAN in particular.

The year 2013 marked 15 years of the phenomenal diplomatic relations between South Africa and China. Th e relationship between South Africa and China has been developing since diplomatic ties were established on 1 January 1998. Since then, South Africa-China's bilateral relations have undergone rapid and all-facet development. Th ere were frequent high level and other kinds of mutual exchanges between the two countries. Th e bilateral relations within the space of fifteen years have evolved from a Partnership to a Strategic Partnership, and then to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Furthermore, in the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, which was set out in the Beijing Declaration signed in 2010, the two countries expressed the desire to further strengthen and deepen cooperation in both bilateral and regional affairs by establishing a comprehensive strategic partnership based on equality, mutual benefit and common development. Th e agreements range from political dialogue, trade, investment, mineral exploration, manufacturing, and agriculture to joint efforts in the global arena, such as in the United Nations, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS). In recognition of the aforementioned bilateral achievements, on 19 September 2013, an Ambassadorial forum was co-hosted by the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO), The Embassy of the People's Republic of China in the Republic of South Africa, and the Africa Institute of South Africa Human Science Research Council (AISA-HSRC). The objective of the Ambassadorial Forum was to provide an opportunity for refl ections on the past and outlook on the future diplomatic relations between South Africa and China. This book presents the offi cial keynote addresses which provide strategic thinking and foresight into the bilateral relations between the two countries. Th e main substance of the book is a collection of the Ambassadorial Forum papers that were submitted. The papers evaluate economic and political progress from a national interest perspective. Progress is measured against variables such as trade growth, people-to-people development, partnerships, and the implementation of state agreements, all against the background of the theory of national interest.

This book brings together 30 papers commissioned from 2011 to 2013 by the EU-funded Europe-China Research and Advice Network (ECRAN). These papers, thematically grouped in sections on economics, society and politics, were written by some of the world's leading China experts in Europe, and give a European perspective of this complex relationship. The papers provide a broad overview of how Europeans see the key challenges currently faced by China and Europe as well as a unique insight into the related policy aspects of the vexed and complex relationship of the two largest trading partners in the world.The EU-China Relationship: European Perspectives is written in a highly pragmatic manner, focusing on specific political, economic and social issues that impact on international relations. It is an essential EU toolkit and policy handbook for academics and policy makers in government and business who are engaging with China, not just in the EU but across the world.

This book contains of some of the papers presented in an international seminar on India-China Relations in the Contemporary Era: Opportunities, Obstacles and Outlooks, organised by the department of Political Science of the HNB Garhwal University, Srinagar, Garhwal, Uttarakhand (India). The papers compiled in this book largely focus on discussing and analysing the contours of India- China relationship in the present era. It is felt that in view of their hostile past the Opportunities, Obstacles and Outlooks in their relationship should be discussed to facilitate movement from hostility to a co-operative relationship. For a better understanding and comprehension the papers have been complied and divided into four sections. The first section takes a look at the conceptual issues, the second section on the bilateral issues, the third section on economic issues and the fourth section on the diverse issues like water, sea power, trade and space etc. Since in the contemporary era it is being assumed that the Asian growth momentum would depend upon how India and China conduct their relations with other Asian countries and how they manage their bilateral relations that are burdened with a hostile historical legacy therefore, the present volume aims to provide a direction and suggestions for the removal of impediments. In view of the content of the papers it is felt that this volume would be useful for the policy makers, academicians, scholars, students and the general reader.

Is Japan re-emerging as a normal, or even a great, military power in regional and global security affairs? This Adelphi Paper assesses the overall trajectory of Japan's security policy over the last decade, and the impact of a changing Japanese military posture on the stability of East Asia.The paper examines Japan's evolving security debate, set against the background of a shifting international environment and domestic policymaking system; the status of Japan's national military capabilities and constitutional prohibitions; post-Cold War developments in the US Japan alliance; and Japan's role in multilateral regional security dialogue, UN PKO, and US-led coalitions of the willing. It concludes that Japan is undoubtedly moving along the trajectory of becoming a more assertive military power, and that this trend has been accelerated post-9/11. Japan is unlikely, though, to channel its military power through greatly different frameworks than at present. Japan will opt for the enhanced, and probably inextricable, integration of its military capabilities into the US Japan alliance, rather than pursuing options for greater autonomy or multilateralism. Japan's strengthened role as the defensive shield for the offensive sword of US power projection will only serve to bolster US military hegemony in East Asia and globally.

OR, Defence and Security presents eleven papers, originally published in the Journal of the Operational Research Society and the Journal of Simulation, which exemplify important themes and topics in Operational Research (OR), as applied to modern-day defense and security issues. Topics range from frontline OR in a peace-support operation to new developments in combat modelling, and from the logistics of overseas intervention to defence planning at the top level. Also included are examples of applications addressing insurgency and terrorism. Edited by Dr Roger A. Forder, who had a distinguished career in OR in the UK Ministry of Defence, he has also written an authoritative introductory chapter which sets the papers in the context of the global strategic environment as it has evolved since the end of the Cold War. The OR Essentials series presents a unique cross-section of high quality research work fundamental to understanding contemporary issues and research in across a range of Operational Research (OR) topics. It brings together some of the best research papers from the esteemed Operational Research Society and its associated journals, also published by Palgrave Macmillan.

This Adelphi Paper is the first concise yet comprehensive analysis of the role of the G8 in international peace and security. It argues that the G7/8 has a long and impressive history in the field of international security. The G7/8 has, for example, spearheaded the introduction of'low politics'and'soft security'to the top table of great power diplomacy and integrated Japan and, later Russia, into the realm of Western security discussions. In questions of war and peace the G8 does not command the legitimacy of the UN Security Council but, for the international community, is a more acceptable vehicle than unilateral action. As such the G8 can be seen as a note-worthy'second best'option after the UN Security Council. This Paper further argues that China should be admitted into the G8 first as an observer and later as a member. There is also a strong argument for the European Union to have one seat at the G8 even if such a change does not seem realistic today. The G8 bears great resemblance to the 19th century Concert of Europe. Whether it will assume a similar role in the 21st century depends in the final analysis on whether the United States welcomes such a role for the G8.