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In this book, sociologist Lynn Hortonexplores how the most dynamic sectors of the global economy—finance and technology—are shaping new forms of elite masculinity. She offers fresh insights into the often overlooked links between economic inequalities and the identity politics of gender and race. Through analysis of the lives and discourse of utra-visible male billionaires, Horton examines how extreme accumulations of wealth are both imbued with gendered celebrity and moral authority and harshly contested. She identifies the ways neoliberalism as an ideological project, advanced by elite-funded networks of think tanks and advocacy groups, draws on such masculinities to amplify and naturalize market-centered assumptions, values, and practices. Gender systems—relational and ranked constructs of masculinity/femininity—permeate neoliberal discourse of markets, the state, and the household. Horton also details the tensions and ties between technocratic elite masculinities which eschew open sexism and discrimination and rightwing populist mobilization of gendered and racialized anti-elite discourse.

The Leech: An Indictment of the Evil Sapping America, Depleting Free Enterprise, and Bleeding Producers is a rallying cry in defense of the'doers'to inspire awareness. Western society was built by the Creator, optimized by the Enabler, and refined by the Server. These three professional classes are the best society has to offer, and without them quality of life instantly degrades. America was designed to allow these classes to freely toil, achieve, and grow. Government was minimized and existed to serve the people. The American system of meritocracy created, grew, and sustained the middle class. Today the situation has changed for the worst, with America teetering upon a tipping point. The Leech, a class that exists solely to appropriate and consume the fruits of others'labor, has grown across every segment of the economy and society. As the Leech grows, the Creator, Enabler, and Server suffer. Successful culmination of the Leech campaign results in the destruction of the middle class, control resting with the'haves'of the entrenched Leech elite, and the rest of society becoming indentured'have-nots,'who are perpetually dependent on an unsustainable system.

In both Europe and North America, populist movements have shattered existing party systems and thrown governments into turmoil. The embattled establishment claims that these populist insurgencies seek to overthrow liberal democracy. The truth is no less alarming but is more complex: Western democracies are being torn apart by a new class war. In this controversial and groundbreaking new analysis, Michael Lind, one of America's leading thinkers, debunks the idea that the insurgencies are primarily the result of bigotry, traces how the breakdown of mid-century class compromises between business and labor led to the conflict, and reveals the real battle lines. On one side is the managerial overclass—the university-credentialed elite that clusters in high-income hubs and dominates government, the economy and the culture. On the other side is the working class of the low-density heartlands—mostly, but not exclusively, native and white. The two classes clash over immigration, trade, the environment, and social values, and the managerial class has had the upper hand. As a result of the half-century decline of the institutions that once empowered the working class, power has shifted to the institutions the overclass controls: corporations, executive and judicial branches, universities, and the media. The class war can resolve in one of three ways: • The triumph of the overclass, resulting in a high-tech caste system. • The empowerment of populist, resulting in no constructive reforms • A class compromise that provides the working class with real power Lind argues that Western democracies must incorporate working-class majorities of all races, ethnicities, and creeds into decision making in politics, the economy, and culture. Only this class compromise can avert a never-ending cycle of clashes between oligarchs and populists and save democracy.

A look at the top 300 most powerful players in world capitalism, who are at the controls of our economic future.Who holds the purse strings to the majority of the world's wealth? There is a new global elite at the controls of our economic future, and here former Project Censored director and media monitoring sociologist Peter Phillips unveils for the general reader just who these players are. The book includes such power players as Mark Zuckerberg, Bill Gates, Jeff Bezos, Jamie Dimon, and Warren Buffett. As the number of men with as much wealth as half the world fell from sixty-two to just eight between January 2016 and January 2017, according to Oxfam International, fewer than 200 super-connected asset managers at only 17 asset management firms—each with well over a trillion dollars in assets under management—now represent the financial core of the world's transnational capitalist class. Members of the global power elite are the management—the facilitators—of world capitalism, the firewall protecting the capital investment, growth, and debt collection that keeps the status quo from changing. Each chapter in Giants identifies by name the members of this international club of multi-millionaires, their 17 global financial companies—and including NGOs such as the Group of Thirty and the Trilateral Commission—and their transnational military protectors, so the reader, for the first time anywhere, can identify who constitutes this network of influence, where the wealth is concentrated, how it suppresses social movements, and how it can be redistributed for maximum systemic change.

The growing wealth gap is best viewed as a proxy for how for how effectively elites have constructed institutions that extract value from the rest of society. For inequality is not just a problem of poverty and the poor; it is as much a problem of wealth and the rich. The provision of public services is one area which is increasingly being reconfigured to extract wealth upward to the one per cent, notably through so-called Public Private Partnerships (PPPs). The push for PPPs is not about building infrastructure for the benefit of society but about constructing new subsidies that benefit the already wealthy. It is less about financing development than developing finance. Understanding and exposing these processes is essential if inequality is to be challenged. But equally important is the need for critical reflection on how the wealthy are getting away with it. What does the wealth gap suggest about the need for new forms of organizing by those who would resist elite power?

Inequality is not just a problem of poverty and the poor; it is as much a problem of wealth and the wealthy. The provision of public services is one area which is increasingly being reconfigured to extract wealth upward to the 1%, notably through so-called Public Private Partnerships (PPPs). The push for PPPs is not about building infrastructure for the benefit of society but about constructing new subsidies that benefit the already wealthy. In other words, it is less about financing development than developing finance.Understanding and exposing these processes is essential if inequality is to be challenged. But equally important is the need for critical reflection on how the wealthy are getting away with it. What does the wealth gap suggest about the need for new forms of organising by those who would resist elite power?

The book outlines the approaches of classical elite theory and democratic elitism for the study of national power structures. The book displays different research methods for elite study as well as the power conceptions included within these methods. An elite structure typology is derived from the elite theory and applied to chart the changes in the elite structure of one country, Finland. The data of this work is unique in international comparison: postal surveys were conducted among the elites and the citizenry in 1991, 2001, and 2011.The study explores empirically the changes occurring in the elite structure from the early 1990s to the present day¾a period that has been characterized by important societal upheavals, such as the great recession of the early 1990s, Finland's accession to the European Union in 1995, and the international financial crisis and the Eurozone debt crisis in the 2000s. The main focus is on how the elite structure has changed in terms of vertical social mobility (i.e., openness) on the one hand and horizontal mobility (i.e., coherence) on the other. With regard to vertical social mobility, the research interest focuses on changes in elites'social background and various factors advancing their recruitment and career into elite positions. As for horizontal mobility, the study focuses on the elites'different channels of contact with other influential groups in society, networking with various societal institutions, the attitudinal unanimity within various elites and between the elites and the citizenry, mobility between different elite groups (i.e. circulation), the accumulation of power positions, and the retention and loss of elite positions. The findings are compared with previous international studies, especially Scandinavian elite studies. Finally, the study considers what the results tell us about the state of democracy.