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Nevertheless, based upon her interviews with Malay-Muslim women in Thailand's Deep South, Streicher asserts that "some young women...found soldiers handsome... [and as the] civilized Other of I Malayness i (110)." Following the post-2004 exacerbation of Deep South insurrection, the military has increasingly promoted itself to Deep South locals as an institution of fatherly benevolence. Streicher concludes by arguing that Thailand's 2014-2019 military junta used imperial practices of policing which re-applied tactics used in the Deep South. [Extracted from the article]

This paper uses a fixed effects model and a fixed effects quantile regression to explore the relationship between government spending and poverty reduction in the 63 provinces of Vietnam from 2010 to 2020. Our study argues and finds that government spending plays a significant role in reducing the poverty rate in Vietnam. Furthermore, the paper shows that income per capita is a good proxy for the poverty rate. Given the influential role of government spending in reducing impoverishment, the study also finds that income inequality is a challenge to the Vietnamese government. It contributes to the literature on public finance in Vietnam and emerging markets. Additionally, it has policy implications for policymakers in these economies regarding addressing poverty alleviation and income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the February 2000 white paper by the People's Republic of China about the relations of Mainland China and Taiwan. China's basis and prerequisite for achieving peaceful reunification; Questions involving the One China Principle in cross-strait relations; Adherence to the One China principle in the international community. INSET: PRC White Paper....

Unless the military is under civilian control, the risk of military intervention and control in politics will continue to linger even after democratization, especially in states with a history of military rule. Indonesia, Myanmar, and Thailand make up the past and present military-led regimes in Southeast Asia, in which the military has played a vital part in shaping the trajectory of each state's democratization process. Yet why are some militaries able to maintain significant military control despite transitions from military to democratic rule? What explains the Myanmar military's divergence from its Southeast Asian counterparts? The paper positions the military and the continuation of military control as the center of analysis in understanding civilian control and democratization. It proposes the reconceptualization of the military as an inherently political institution affected by path-dependency, relationalism, and rent-seeking. This framework focuses upon the military's legitimation of its role in politics, repression/co-optation of competing forces, and establishment of an independent economic base. The paper argues that the form and extent of military control in Myanmar is not only hegemonic, but has also transformed, in the decades of military rule, to become the state itself—a level of military influence unparalleled by its regional counterparts in Indonesia and Thailand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evaluates the various factors that influence the relationship between mainland China and Taiwan. Details on international factors; Factors originating in mainland China; Factors arising from developments within Taiwan.

Examines issues surrounding the national unity and territorial integrity of Taiwan. Significance of national reunification of China and Taiwan; Discussion on the civil war started by the Kuomintang; Position of the Chinese government regarding the settlement of the Taiwan question.

This paper investigates the fluctuations in Indonesian-US bilateral relations during 2014–2021, a period which encapsulated the second term of US president Barrack Obama (2013–2017), that of US President Donald Trump (2017–2021), and that of Indonesian president Jokowi Widodo (2014–Present). Two empirical puzzles are addressed: stagnant relations during Jokowi and Obama's terms despite strong expectations to strategically evolve bilateral relations and the lull in ties during Jokowi's and Trump's presidencies despite the convergence of strategic interests in the region. This qualitative discourse analysis assesses the bilateral relations between 2014 and 2021 by employing three foreign policy variables: personalistic, ideational, and structural factors. The article contends that in comprehending the fluctuating ties, all three variables need to be considered, allowing us to determine which factors outweigh others in certain circumstances. This article concludes that despite the personal rapport established between Jokowi and Obama in overcoming bilateral disagreements, the Freedom of Navigation operations continued to be viewed by Jokowi and Indonesian elites as provocative maneuvers. Meanwhile, Trump's election saw a loss of personal rapport between US and Indonesian leaders due to Trump's apparent lack of sensitivity on vexed issues, including that toward the Muslim world, which remained an irritant to the bilateral relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Malaysia's civilian-military relationship, assessing why the military has remained apolitical since Malaysia's independence and the consequences that might lead to changing dynamics in the relations. By utilizing a qualitative case study method, the paper explores the theories exploring modern civilian-military relations and establish the usage of the framework adapted from Croissant et al. to evaluate Malaysia's civilian-military relationship. The five areas assessed in the framework are leadership selection, public policy, internal security, external defence, and military organization. From here three factors play a crucial role in possibly changing the balance of military-civilian relations in Malaysia. These are the integrity of political institutions, the role of the King in military organization and worsening socio-economic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bilateral relations between Indonesia and Vietnam have long been problematic due to the unresolved maritime borders surrounding the North Natuna Sea. Despite having a long history of cooperation in multilateral forums such as ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), the increasing occurrence of IUUF (illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing) in the North Natuna Sea continues to raise concerns in Jakarta about vessels of different countries, including Vietnamese-flagged vessels. Taking an example, this study evaluates the maritime diplomatic strategies of the President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) administration against the encroachment of Vietnam fishing boats which entered Indonesian waters in the North Natuna Sea between 2020-2021 with reference to the response of 1) Indonesia's navy; (2) the Indonesian Maritime Security Agency, and (3) Indonesian Police or Ministry of Marine Affairs and Fisheries. Although there have been hundreds of incidents, five analytical cases were evaluated in this paper based upon their maritime diplomatic properties to understand Indonesia's contemporary strategy toward such encroachments. Using Le Mière's five framework points, the study argues that Indonesia's maritime diplomatic strategies against Vietnam's IUUF exhibited 1) a kinetic effect; 2) consistency; 3) message explicitness; 4) reactive diplomacy; and 5) lack of power balance among stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this article is to explain the outcome of Pakistan's 2018 Election, which is only the second successful transfer of power from one civilian government to another after completing a full five-year term. The PTI (Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaaf) emerged victorious with a greater majority than was predicted, soundly defeating the incumbent ruling party PML-N (Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz). We question why an incumbent governing party that had been delivering on its campaign promises and was generally perceived to be performing well lost the election to PTI, a newer and more inexperienced party. We make a nested argument in this paper: had an uneven playing field not been created in the pre-poll phase due to reported interference by the military and the media in the formation of public opinion, so-called electables would not have defected to the PTI in large numbers. It is in the context of this broader political environment that PTI's electoral strategy to accept these defecting politicians and select them as candidates paid-off, earning the party an electoral majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an excerpt from China's national defense white paper published on July 28, 1998, which deals with China's strait relations with Taiwan.

In 2018, Malaysia saw a change of ruling parties for the first time since its independence. Malaysian democracy however, remains monopolized by the ruling elites and dominated by a strong state. This paper looks at the multidimensional relations between state, economy and society that characterize the Malaysian democracy and is divided into five thematic sections. Firstly, the key characteristics of Malaysia's state, society and economy are discussed. Secondly, the paper looks at some of the main historical and transformative features of Malaysia's modern statehood including the colonial experience under the British, which institutionalized race-based politics as well as the government's overhaul of its economic and social policies in response to conflict in the late 1960s. The third section looks at some major factors that shape the politics of Malaysia, specifically the factors that contributed to BN's long hold on power. Section four of the paper looks at the major shifts in the relations between state, society and economy and its impact on Malaysian democracy. Finally, the fifth section assesses the challenges and prospect of the country since the change in ruling parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Thailand represents the case of an Asian country overshadowed by authoritarian forces, though it has time and again experienced attempts at democratization. This paper argues that democracy remains deficient in Thailand because, though there have been enormous advances in terms of the economy, social improvements and state stability, political space remains elusive and dominated by the monarchy and military. State formation in Thailand is a function of how entrenched social stratification has been reflected in a highly skewed distribution of economic resources. The paper asks the following five questions: First, why has Thailand, which appears to have become relatively strong in terms of economic and political stability, been unable to achieve democracy? Second, what has been the evolution of democracy versus authoritarianism in Thailand? Third, how have the linkages among state structures, economic relations and societal institutions evolved across time in Thailand? Fourth, what are the main features of their historical development today and how have these (as conditioned by domestic and international factors) affected Thailand's political conditions? Fifth, what is the likely future of Thai democracy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, Taiwan has progressed toward one of Asia's most advanced democracies. This paper looks at the historical and socio-political circumstances and traces the global and domestic factors behind the transformation. Assuming that advanced levels of democratic governance can only be obtained through mediated social control over the state and the economy, the study explores whether democratic values and norms have become internalized and identifies the current caveats of further democratic development. More specifically, the paper argues that although Taiwan's democratization has been caused by external sovereignty-related factors, the discourse on national identity has repoliticzed the public political realm after decades of authoritarianism and led to the habitualization of democratic values and norms. The paper concludes with an assessment of the prospects for comprehensive and inclusive public participation in the shaping of Taiwan's political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shift in Philippine policy on China under the Duterte Administration from appeasement to soft balancing. After his election in mid-2016, President Rodrigo Duterte adopted an appeasement policy vis-à-vis China's expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea. However, China has not fulfilled its end of the bargain. It failed to inject public investment into the Philippines' massive infrastructure-building program, and to moderate the behavior of its military units operating in the South China Sea. This has prompted the Duterte Administration to adopt a policy of soft balancing. It pursues this policy by (a) hedging on its alliance with the U.S.; (b) fostering a security partnership with Japan; and (c) pushing for the immediate passage of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-China Code of Conduct (CoC) of the Parties in the South China Sea. In conclusion, this paper argues that the Duterte Administration's current objective is to restrain Chinese aggressive behavior in the South China Sea by maintaining its alliance with the U.S., fostering a security partnership with Japan, and playing a more active role in the ASEAN. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Threat perception has been central in the field of international relations, especially in the literature of states' alliances and conflict solutions. International Relations (IR) balance of power and alliance theories have largely equated "threat" to "power." A standard narrative in Singapore's foreign policy toward great powers is its reluctance to choose between both. Singapore's immediate neighbor, Indonesia, the largest archipelagic country in the world, has voiced similar inclinations. Studies have concentrated on the larger power threat interpretation and their responses toward the change in the international order arising from China's growth or the rise of terrorism but rarely examining issues from small states' point of view. According to Realists' logic, small states possess little capacity to influence the fate of their own survival; therefore, they can only choose between balancing and band wagoning. Threat perceptions play an intermediary role in connecting the external environment and state foreign policy behavior. Hence, the study of threat perception is critical as it influences states foreign policies regarding issues ranging from defense spending to states' level of commitment toward international multilateral cooperation. IR scholars have examined how states form threat perceptions from various psychological and non-psychological perspectives. However, these factors are often studied independently. This paper argues that Gestalt principles of threat perception offer a more thorough analysis of Singapore's threat perception by bridging the gap between realist and constructivist studies by demonstrating how Singapore's threat perception as a small state is magnified due to its unique geographical position and its shared cultural affinity with China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landslide victory of the pan-democrats sent shockwaves through the political sector, including the Hong Kong and Chinese governments in the 2019 District Council election. A new phenomenon was observed in the election that voting was no longer based principally on utilitarian pragmatism as a driving force. This paper analyzes the 2019 District Council election results from a localism perspective. The adoption of a localism perspective is conduced by the political turmoil triggered by the extradition bill proposed by the Hong Kong government months before the election. The fundamental opposition to the extradition bill is the lack of trust toward Hong Kong leaders and the Chinese political system. This in turn is translated into an anti-China feeling among the Hong Kong general public. The rise of an anti-China feeling is related to rise of Hong Kong localism and the weakening of Chinese identity among the Hong Kong people. Localism plays an important role shaping the electoral politics and governance in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Introduction to this Special Issue explains who the Rohingya people are, their relevance with regard to this Special Issue, why it focuses upon their experiences in Asia today, how Covid-19 has affected them and what might be their future. It also presents summaries of each of the papers in the Special Issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since August 2017, the exacerbation of violence and military operations in the northern townships of Rakhine State, where the majority of Rohingya have resided, has led more than a million Rohingya refugees to flee across the border into Bangladesh. Around 6,000 Rohingya are living in bleak, makeshift conditions in "no-man's land" on the Myanmar-Bangladesh border, a place known as Zero Point. The Rohingya here have not been given refugee status, as the area in which they have been sheltering for two years now is officially under Myanmar control. On the other side of a canal, a mere few meters away, is the Tambru area, which lies in Bangladeshi territory. The International Committee for the Red Cross and Bangladesh Red Crescent Society have been conducting humanitarian activities for these forcibly displaced people. Despite their support, life in the "no-man's land" is grim and no facilities exist except for food and temporary shelter. In addition, stranded Rohingya often face intimidation by the Myanmar border guards. It is a unique case study to understand the stranded people in "no man's land" and their struggle for existence. This paper is based on interviews conducted with displaced Rohingya and concerned officials, as well as documentary analysis and observation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to examine candidate Trump's campaign rhetoric about Asia and President Trump's policy toward Asia. It will look at Trump's announcements during his presidential campaign and show that Trump, the candidate, had made various proposals on the U.S. approach to China and American allies in Asia, which had made Asian capitals deeply concerned. In the Asian view, if Trump's campaign promises were realized, the world would be characterized bypolitical tensions, trade protectionism, and arms races. The paper goes on to examine the Trump administration's foreign policy toward American allies in Asia and toward China. It demonstrates, that though the United States are being governed by a new administration—The Trump administration—the U.S. national interest and constitution do not change. President Trump and his administration have found it necessary to maintain many elements of Obama's Asia policy for U.S. interests. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Using a Human Security approach, this study examines Rohyinga refugees in Thailand. The Myanmar government's refusal to offer the Rohingya citizenship has rendered them effectively stateless, denied basic rights and protections. Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law was created in the name of indigenous ethnicity to deny nationality to the Rohingya. Myanmar's military has repressed and massacred Rohingya on several occasions, most notably in 2012 and 2017. Consequently, more than a million Rohingya have fled abroad, with a relatively small number going to Thailand. The purpose of this study is to examine how the Thai government treats the displaced Rohingya and to what extent that the Rohingya pose a security risk for Southern Thailand. After intensive field work and meeting with different stakeholders, this paper argues that Thailand is not a popular destination for Rohingyas but they have generally been brought to or through Thailand by human traffickers. Due to a lack of documents, Thai authorities have often sent Rohingya to detention centers or deported them. This study did not find any link between displaced Rohingya and Malay Muslim insurgents. However, there is no consistent policy from the Thai government to deal with the displaced Rohingya. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a political analysis on two territorial disputes that South Korea has with Japan over Dokdo/Takeshima and with China over Iŏdo/Suyan Rocks, as well as on their implications for the Northeast Asia region, focusing on the roles of sub-state actors and the United States as a third party trans-national actor. It mainly explores why South Koreans consider territorial claims by Japan and China such an affront as to require strident demonstration of ownership, especially since they already exercise effective control over the territories under dispute. It also explores what actions the South Korean government would take in the event of maneuvers or attempted landings by security forces or nationalists/fishing boats from China on Iŏdo or Japan on Dokdo. Employing Robert Putnam's Two Level Game Framework, the paper provides comparative insights on how these cases have been developed to date through interactions between Level I, official negotiators, and Level II, sub- and trans-national actors. The two cases demonstrate that the state is not a unified actor, and non-state actors' nationalistic collective sentiment has played (and will play) a greater role in shaping the directions of (potential) conflicts over Dokdo and Iŏdo. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the nature of cohesive patterns of roll call voting behavior across international issues among the 10 member countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Existing studies reveal a high level of foreign policy convergence among these countries. By incorporating several international issues, we set out to advance the scholarly understanding of the ASEAN states' voting convergence in the UNGA. Our bill-level analysis of voting similarity in the post-Cold War period shows that the respective voting patterns vary across issues on arms control and disarmament, colonialism, economic development, human rights, nuclear weapons and nuclear material, as well as the Palestinian conflict. These findings highlight the ideas and interests of Southeast Asian countries across different foreign policy contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental integrity can be a critical factor for political stability. China, the world's second largest economy and largest manufacturing nation, is a fit case for such investigation. China achieved an annual average GDP growth rate of 9.7% between 1979 and 2009, and 10.5% per year between 2001 and 2010. The impressive growth, however, brought in its trail environmental degradation, especially pollution, which spawned respiratory diseases and threatened life expectancy, apart from forming “cancer villages.” This paper examines and evaluates the criticality and magnitude of the political implications of environmental pollution for the Chinese Community Party (CCP) by taking mass protests and dilemmatic issues into account, as well as offering a critique of the CCP's green growth strategy. The paper concludes that in the activism-social-media-charged atmosphere, trust building between state and society is essential, especially by launching proactive crackdown on pollution and communicating the genuineness of anti-pollution efforts to the public. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: This paper examines the extent to which Thailand's current general or equalization grant program has helped reduce local fiscal disparity. Theoretically, the general grant transfers ought to be inversely related to local revenue-generating capacity. However, based on the 2010–2012 local government financial data from Khon Kaen province, this paper finds that local jurisdictions with high fiscal capacity and income per capita tend to receive more equalization grant per capita than the fiscally and economically disadvantaged localities. Descriptive statistics, the Gini coefficients, and fixed-effects econometric model are used to examine the relationship between general grant transfers and local fiscal capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tatmadaw (the Myanmar armed forces) and the Royal Thai Armed Forces (RTAF) are two of the most resilient and enduring politically active militaries in the world, engaging in a decades long process of the institutionalization of a system of military tutelage. There are, however, significant differences in the strategies pursued and the degree of success achieved in each. These variations are due to the combination of three factors creating the environmental context within which they have pursued these projects: (1) the existence of political allies and cohesiveness of the military; (2) degree of unification of domestic opposition elements against them; and (3) international pressures and influences. Based on a Historical Institutionalist perspective, this paper will map the interplay of these factors over time within each case to explain the different pathways these projects have proceeded. With a lack of allies, a fragmented opposition, and various degrees of international pressure the Tatmadaw has been unsuccessful in creating a durable system of tutelage, resulting in lengthy periods of direct rule while attempting wholesale recreations of the state. In Thailand, the RTAF's alliance with the Monarchy combined with a fragmented but at times united opposition and weak international pressure has resulted in frequent coups to remove elected governments, but usually for short durations resulting in their limited institutionalization into the political system. The current democracy projects in both states, in part due to domestic and international pressures, are not about replacing but rather embedding the military's involvement in the political system, though their freedom of action has been constrained to a certain extent. Myanmar and Thailand are best characterized as perpetual transitions as an intentional project to maintain a defective-democratic, tutelary system. Defective in that the military maintains the prerogative to involve itself in electoral politics and tutelary in that the military has cordoned off reserve domains of policy which ensure the system, regardless of who is in charge, supports their interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that the choice of electoral rules in Chinese villages results from the incentives that rural party elites face in their efforts to control electoral results. Using the rationalist approach, we propose four conditions under which they will adopt an institution that allows for electoral uncertainty: a large proportion of revenue from village-owned enterprises (VOEs), a large size of electorate, the presence of strong social groups, and frequent upper level government interventions. We use the 2011 Wukan incident to illustrate our argument. The cross-sectional analysis of survey data of 961 villages provides some evidence for the hypotheses: A larger number of labor force and frequent inspections by the upper-level government are significantly correlated with an increase of the likelihood that a village party leader allows villagers to freely nominate candidates. Theoretical and policy implications will be discussed in the end of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper aims to analyze the leadership of Chief Executive C.Y. Leung who took office to govern Hong Kong in July 2012 under China's political framework of “One Country, Two Systems.” As Hong Kong enters into a new period of politics in the process of democratization, there are several major political tasks that the Hong Kong chief executive must handle. These include the search for a consensus on the methods of electing the chief executive in 2017 on the basis of universal suffrage; the response to the call for reforming the Legislative Council in 2016 to prepare for the election of the whole Legislative Council through direct election in 2020; the resolution of conflicts between China and Hong Kong. It is therefore significant and timely to evaluate Leung's leadership so as to project Hong Kong's political development in the remaining four years under his leadership. This paper argues that Leung's leadership stresses “incremental development” based on the status quo, a “reflector model” of governance, “transactional mediation,” and a “role-determined leadership.” In the context of the existing Beijing–Hong Kong power relationship and Leung's conservative political outlook, it is a matter of doubt whether Leung's leadership can effectively withstand the political challenges ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

New works give us glimpses into North Korea, yet little of this translates to how the government frames issues or sees the outside world. In particular, we know little about Pyongyang's nuclear ambitions. This paper proposes data mining using automated content analysis—computer software to analyzes text—to track trends in North Korean rhetoric. Using daily news reports from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) for 2010 provides an empirical basis for making claims on how Pyongyang attempts to frame nuclear issues. This paper suggests that North Korea largely identifies nuclear issues with the United States in contrast to the other parties in the Six Party talks. Furthermore, references to nuclear issues, as well as to Kim Jong Un, are remarkably absent during the two major military actions of 2010 (the Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong island). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Does fiscal decentralization empower sub-national governments to raise sufficient revenue from local sources thereby reducing their dependence on the national government? This paper addresses this question by focusing on Indonesia's most recent decentralization policy and assessing and analysing the role of local governments in this regard. Based on data collected from two different locations in Eastern Indonesia the paper shows that the dependency of local authorities on central government is excessive and that the share of local revenue in regional budget has remained rather small. It also shows that while the fiscal power granted to local governments is limited, a combination of politico-economic and contextual factors has further undermined the prospect of revenue mobilisation at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper investigates financial liberalization in Mexico and South Korea from a comparative international political economy perspective. Though the two countries have a different political economy background, their experiences with financial repression and liberalization were similar, as was the manner in which they handled the subsequent huge inflow of capital. During the process of financial liberalization, both governments had their policy autonomy undermined by strong domestic interest groups as well as by influential international actors. Similar situational effects also prevailed during these two countries’ financial crises: both experienced surges of international financial capital, had presidential elections during the crisis, and joined the OECD around that time. This paper sheds light on how the two countries experienced macroeconomic imbalances and financial crisis as a result of financial liberalization. The experience suggests meaningful lessons for other developing countries regarding the policy dilemmas that can arise from financial liberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the end of the Cold War, there have been many ups and downs in U.S. relations with China. Each presidential administration—whether Democrat or Republican—has pursued a policy of “engagement.” Although this term, or policy frame, has meant many things, it represents for them a broad umbrella concept that includes a range of policy options mixing cooperative and competitive approaches. The Obama administration has been no exception. This paper explains the Obama administration's engagement policy by evaluating its two central elements: (1) the bilateral relationship with China itself and (2) the rise of a pan-Asian regional policy that undergirds its rebalance to Asia. In this analysis, the Obama administration's approach encompasses both cooperative and hedging strategies, thus demonstrating more continuity than change in its approach to China. It concludes by noting that, despite the growing competition in the U.S.–China relationship, strategic rivalry is not a preordained policy outcome. Rather, the common future for both states rests on leadership and smart policy choices, not fate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The election of new governments in Pakistan and India in 2013 and 2014, respectively, has sparked controversies about the likely trajectory of the enduring rivalry. Emerging individual and domestic conditions reportedly created new opportunities for incremental rapprochement. Equipped with strong political mandates and backed by powerful constituencies, Pakistan's Nawaz Sharif and India's Narendra Modi initially set out to stabilize and revive their countries’ fragile economies and declared improved bilateral ties as a key precondition for implementing their economic agendas. However, mutual recriminations and border tensions resurfaced soon to prevent the revival of the stalled diplomatic dialogue in late 2014. Drawing on a thorough review of research on rivalry maintenance and termination and, in particular, the assumptions of the punctuated equilibrium model developed by Paul Diehl and Gary Goertz, this paper demonstrates how the conflict's structural complexities are likely to persist and undermine the chances for conflict resolution in the years ahead. The prevalent role of the army and a vibrant anti-Indian Islamic ideology in Pakistan, the persistence of a conflict lobby in India, lingering territorial feuds and ever increasing power asymmetries between the two countries, and decreasing third-party mediation in the Indo-Pakistani conflict will likely suffocate any initiative, however well-intended or pragmatic it may be. Even if bold leadership manages to revive a comprehensive peace process, it would have to be based on systematic confidence building measures in order to make it resilient to crises. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Barisan Nasional's construction and implementation of ideational and material security apparatuses has created a one-sided internal security dilemma in Malaysia. This paper argues that the noble objective of promoting Malay interests has been transformed to the venal objective of securing Barisan's political perpetuity that is being pursued under the pretext of achieving inter-ethnic parity within a pluralistic Malaysia. The government's quest for a bumiputra-imagined nation gave birth to affirmative action policies that have often worked at the expense of all other Malaysian ethnic groups, particularly the Chinese and Indian-Malaysians. For better or worse, Malaysia's national security is conceived and developed on the basis of bumiputra ethnicity. In other words, Malaysia's national security is designed to counter mainly the insecurities confronting the Malays, thereby generating a one-sided internal security dilemma. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the effect of India's membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its signing of the TRIPs agreement on the pharmaceutical industry in general and the Indian sector in particular. First, it examines the effect of the implementation of the provisions of TRIPs on the growth of the national and multinational sectors of the industry. Second, it analyzes whether the new WTO rules will necessarily benefit pharmaceutical companies from the West, especially the United States and Switzerland, and whether there is evidence to support the assertion made by industry insiders that by 2015 multinational corporations will reestablish their monopoly of the industry by controlling at least 60% of the Indian market. Third, it investigates whether the multinational monopoly of the drug industry has had—or will have—a negative consequence for Indian consumers. Finally, the article examines the ways in which Indian companies are responding to the challenges of globalization and analyzes their new strategies, such as (1) outsourcing deals with multinationals to produce generic and patented drugs, (2) increasing R&D activities to enable them to make a transition from being drug “imitators” to drug “innovators,” (3) undertaking contract research, including outsourced clinical trials, (4) collaborating in joint R&D and product and process development to synergize their knowledge-base and effectively exploit available human resources and infrastructure (Ranbaxy's alliance with GlaxoSmithKline), and (5) undergoing a consolidation phase through indigenous mergers and acquisitions and strategic alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since the 1980s, Hong Kong triad societies have evolved from hierarchical, pyramidal organizations to loose, compartmentalized syndicates that retain a modicum of hierarchy. Changes in triad organization and modus operandi occurred in response to stringent anti-organized crime measures enacted in Hong Kong. However, organizational evolution has facilitated triad transplantation to China and improved triads’ ability to engage in transnational crime. Triads have exploited favorable circumstances in China: prevalent corruption, rapid urbanization, and high demand for illicit goods and services. This paper includes two case studies of the Sun Yee On triad. The first examines Sun Yee On's localized activity by tracing the evolution of one Shenzhen area chapter. The second case study examines Sun Yee On's role as a supplier of methamphetamine precursor chemicals to Mexico's Sinaloa cartel. Sun Yee On exemplifies how modern triads have become hybridized, assuming attributes of both local Chinese organized crime and transnational criminal networks. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is considered to be one of the most important forces of economic growth and globalization. Many ASEAN economies have only a small domestic market; they are heavily reliant on international trade and FDI. Recent studies on cross-border investment indicate the importance of domestic economic performance and institutional effectiveness (including government effectiveness, regulatory quality, rule of law and property rights protection) in attracting FDI. The result from a cross-national empirical analysis, in this study, also confirms the significant impact of macroeconomic performance and institutional factors on FDI flows into developing countries. In this paper, it is argued that, with the exception of Singapore, most ASEAN countries are afflicted with relatively poor institutions for good governance, with low government effectiveness, and poor regulatory quality and rule of law. This relatively poor institutional quality may exacerbate the effects of external threats. As higher economic growth and better economic integration in other regions may divert FDI flows into ASEAN countries, their appropriate response is to improve institutional quality so that the share of FDI will increase in the total FDI inflows. Improving the institutional environment among ASEAN member countries should, therefore, be an important goal of ASEAN economic integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Inherent to the United States' approach toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) since the second North Korean nuclear issue emerged in the early fall of 2002 has been a policy predisposition that has coexisted with little tangible movement in the direction of resolving this very serious regional and global problem. Indeed, since its inception, overall this problem has become worse. That the DPRK has detonated three nuclear bombs hardly makes the security environment in Northeast Asia more stable, contrary to Pyongyang's claims that its nuclear deterrent force does just that, or brings the North Korean nuclear issue any closer to resolution. For sure, major missteps by Pyongyang have exacerbated the nuclear issue. Moreover, because the Bush and Obama administrations have maintained this predisposition embedded in U.S. ideology, which like any belief system, including the DPRK's juche (self reliance) idea, begets emotion 1 accompanied by both self-deception and deception on the part of state officials, 2 policies implemented by Washington in response to the North's perceived provocations have produced few successes. Policies built on faulty foundations, specifically those that exude the animus of the Cold War, are more likely to fail than not. This paper concludes by providing a practical solution to the North Korean nuclear issue, which should be attractive to both Washington and Pyongyang: a conditional peace treaty that rather quickly leads to the DPRK's denuclearization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the status of women in Chile and Taiwan in order to examine two research questions: First, what can explain Taiwan's considerably better record in enhancing the status of women? Second, what are the implications for the ongoing debate among global feminists about the effects of globalization on the status of women? Case studies of the two countries suggest that they are fairly similar in terms of progress on women's education and health, but that Taiwan has a very significant advantage in terms of women's employment status and political representation. Taiwan's better performance in these areas reflects its distinctive development pattern and electoral institutions, while the implications of the case studies for the nature of globalization's effects on the status of women are more complex and nuanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, more than 70 countries1possess drone technology and many others are seeking to acquire it. This outburst in drone technology compels the nations to involve in a new arms race and promises to change the conduct of war as they counterbalance their adversaries. The development of technological improvements will eventually usher in a “boundless & borderless war without end,” such as the case of the U.S. drone program in Pakistan. It raises some important issues regarding how drone use should be governed in the future. This paper primarily focuses on the political and strategic costs of drone campaigns in Pakistan. It is argued that drone strikes undermine the legitimacy of local governments, crumble its stability, intensify anti-American sentiment, and breed terrorism by creating new recruits for militants who aim to overthrow their governments and who, by the same token, portray these governments as helpless and subservient to the United States’ unchecked power that consequently weaken the credibility of these government to win the loyalties of their own population. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines U.S. policy toward Taiwan and explores several proposals for change that an American administration may wish to consider. The author suggests that, while the United States should not overhaul its current relationship with Taiwan, some modest adjustments in policy may be warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: Using unique survey data collected in 2000 and 2010 and a novel approach to the study of women's movement, this study examines the extent to which the women's movement has persisted and/or changed over the past decade in South Korea. The core emphasis of the paper is on whether Korean women's organizations have changed mobilization repertoires that are important for movement formation, and if so, how and why. The findings indicate two things. First, on one hand, the women's organizations have displayed similar patterns of resource mobilization (i.e., financial situation) over a ten-year period. On the other hand, women have used or have been willing to use different political tactics and alliance strategies to pursue their goals. Second, the younger women's groups, compared to their older counterparts, have collaborated more among themselves and have also been more satisfied with other public and private sectors in addressing women's issues and formulating appropriate policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relation between the two close neighbors in the modern world is bound to be a relation of complex interdependence in normal situation for varied reasons. In South Asia, Bangladesh and India are not only geographically close neighbors, they also share common history, culture, and economic background. India also helped Bangladesh in its war of liberation from Pakistan in 1971, which prompted the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistani occupation and hastened the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent state. Nethertheless, the relationship between these two neighbors is not symmetrically positive. While the reasons for asymmetry in their relations are manifold, a few of them may be worth mentioning here: history, the larger size of India compared to Bangladesh, the nature of political regimes and their leaders in the two countries, the government policies, geography/border, and the economic conditions in both the countries. This paper, while examining the recent issues that have created problems and the possible areas of cooperation and development in the relations between the two neighbors, suggests that a symmetrical relation of complex interdependence between India and Bangladesh will be beneficial for both the countries in many ways. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In contemporary Thailand, achieving effective civilian control of the armed forces is a daunting challenge. The country's long series of military coups are one outcome of the operational independence generally enjoyed by the military. In most cases, these military interventions have sought to support the political ambitions of the palace and its networks. For almost a decade, Thai politics has been polarized by reactions to the electoral success of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his perceived threat to military and royal power. The military has thus acted as arch-royalist “protector,” helping itself to enhance its political status in a monarchy-led parallel state. This paper examines how and why the armed forces continue to remain powerful in Thailand and what prospects exist for diminishing this clout in the messy aftermath of the 2006 coup. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Recent commentary on China's approach to Afghanistan has argued that it is either driven by opportunistic “free riding” on US-NATO efforts or a fundamental caution determined by security concerns in its restive province of Xinjiang. In contrast, this paper argues that China has three primary goals with respect to Afghanistan that mirror those toward the other states in “Greater Central Asia”: (1) to ensure the security of Xinjiang; (2) to secure the development of greater economic links, including investment in natural resources; and (3) to combat the influence of the United States and India. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many foreign aid agencies promote peacebuilding as a global policy objective. This paper considers how they have fared in practice in subnational, “peripheral” conflicts in Asia that have relatively low international profiles, using case material from Aceh in Indonesia, the Far South of Thailand, and Sri Lanka. Foreign aid has supported long-term economic growth in these countries but typically failed to address peacebuilding concerns or associated inequalities between ethnic groups. Many barriers limit the scope to promote peacebuilding, stemming from recipient governments’ reluctance to accept external involvement and from aid agencies’ own limitations. Those agencies that do address conflict concerns tend not to use technical peacebuilding tools or methodologies. Instead, they prioritize the root causes of conflicts, recognizing human rights protection and equality of opportunity as policy aims. They also devise responses locally, build good relationships with governments, and work incrementally from a strong knowledge base. Wider adoption of similar policy objectives and practice would enable further small-scale peacebuilding initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Balochistan is in the grip of two distinct and mutually exclusive ethnonational and religious movements that straddle important swathes of its rugged and mountainous territory. From Quetta up in the north to the coast of Makran in the south, Balochistan is being shaped by the twin forces of local nationalism and jihadist organizations. Domestically, the issue of Balochistan has remained an Achilles heel for Pakistan's policy makers culminating in five separate insurgencies in the post-colonial era. All such insurgencies had to do with the imperative of a centralizing elite and the recalcitrance of a local elite resisting assimilationist pressures. On the religious front, since 2009 Balochistan has come under increased scrutiny, with the Americans alleging that Quetta and its environs are a safe haven for the Taliban leadership, including Mullah Omar. Coincidentally, Quetta has also seen rising sectarian conflict, and the Shia-Sunni divide in the city continues to assume importance in the War on Terror. In light of the rising tide of Baloch nationalism and jihadist activism, including sectarian killings, the paper puts forth a critically oriented analysis of the twin dynamics of religious activism and ethnic conflict in Balochistan and its attendant ramifications for domestic, regional, and global security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents the text of a policy paper presented by Taiwan's Mainland Affairs Council Chairman Chang King-yuh at the National Unification Council meeting on July 22, 1998, which deals with the cross-strait relations between China and Taiwan.