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In 2018, Malaysia saw a change of ruling parties for the first time since its independence. Malaysian democracy however, remains monopolized by the ruling elites and dominated by a strong state. This paper looks at the multidimensional relations between state, economy and society that characterize the Malaysian democracy and is divided into five thematic sections. Firstly, the key characteristics of Malaysia's state, society and economy are discussed. Secondly, the paper looks at some of the main historical and transformative features of Malaysia's modern statehood including the colonial experience under the British, which institutionalized race-based politics as well as the government's overhaul of its economic and social policies in response to conflict in the late 1960s. The third section looks at some major factors that shape the politics of Malaysia, specifically the factors that contributed to BN's long hold on power. Section four of the paper looks at the major shifts in the relations between state, society and economy and its impact on Malaysian democracy. Finally, the fifth section assesses the challenges and prospect of the country since the change in ruling parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, Thailand represents the case of an Asian country overshadowed by authoritarian forces, though it has time and again experienced attempts at democratization. This paper argues that democracy remains deficient in Thailand because, though there have been enormous advances in terms of the economy, social improvements and state stability, political space remains elusive and dominated by the monarchy and military. State formation in Thailand is a function of how entrenched social stratification has been reflected in a highly skewed distribution of economic resources. The paper asks the following five questions: First, why has Thailand, which appears to have become relatively strong in terms of economic and political stability, been unable to achieve democracy? Second, what has been the evolution of democracy versus authoritarianism in Thailand? Third, how have the linkages among state structures, economic relations and societal institutions evolved across time in Thailand? Fourth, what are the main features of their historical development today and how have these (as conditioned by domestic and international factors) affected Thailand's political conditions? Fifth, what is the likely future of Thai democracy? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the lifting of martial law in 1987, Taiwan has progressed toward one of Asia's most advanced democracies. This paper looks at the historical and socio-political circumstances and traces the global and domestic factors behind the transformation. Assuming that advanced levels of democratic governance can only be obtained through mediated social control over the state and the economy, the study explores whether democratic values and norms have become internalized and identifies the current caveats of further democratic development. More specifically, the paper argues that although Taiwan's democratization has been caused by external sovereignty-related factors, the discourse on national identity has repoliticzed the public political realm after decades of authoritarianism and led to the habitualization of democratic values and norms. The paper concludes with an assessment of the prospects for comprehensive and inclusive public participation in the shaping of Taiwan's political conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landslide victory of the pan-democrats sent shockwaves through the political sector, including the Hong Kong and Chinese governments in the 2019 District Council election. A new phenomenon was observed in the election that voting was no longer based principally on utilitarian pragmatism as a driving force. This paper analyzes the 2019 District Council election results from a localism perspective. The adoption of a localism perspective is conduced by the political turmoil triggered by the extradition bill proposed by the Hong Kong government months before the election. The fundamental opposition to the extradition bill is the lack of trust toward Hong Kong leaders and the Chinese political system. This in turn is translated into an anti-China feeling among the Hong Kong general public. The rise of an anti-China feeling is related to rise of Hong Kong localism and the weakening of Chinese identity among the Hong Kong people. Localism plays an important role shaping the electoral politics and governance in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that the choice of electoral rules in Chinese villages results from the incentives that rural party elites face in their efforts to control electoral results. Using the rationalist approach, we propose four conditions under which they will adopt an institution that allows for electoral uncertainty: a large proportion of revenue from village-owned enterprises (VOEs), a large size of electorate, the presence of strong social groups, and frequent upper level government interventions. We use the 2011 Wukan incident to illustrate our argument. The cross-sectional analysis of survey data of 961 villages provides some evidence for the hypotheses: A larger number of labor force and frequent inspections by the upper-level government are significantly correlated with an increase of the likelihood that a village party leader allows villagers to freely nominate candidates. Theoretical and policy implications will be discussed in the end of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In contemporary Thailand, achieving effective civilian control of the armed forces is a daunting challenge. The country's long series of military coups are one outcome of the operational independence generally enjoyed by the military. In most cases, these military interventions have sought to support the political ambitions of the palace and its networks. For almost a decade, Thai politics has been polarized by reactions to the electoral success of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his perceived threat to military and royal power. The military has thus acted as arch-royalist “protector,” helping itself to enhance its political status in a monarchy-led parallel state. This paper examines how and why the armed forces continue to remain powerful in Thailand and what prospects exist for diminishing this clout in the messy aftermath of the 2006 coup. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]