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Climate change is an increasingly salient issue within international environmental politics. Biodiversity, despite having become a focal point for conservation, has not risen to the same level of salience. Such disparity is interesting given that the Framework Convention on Climate Change (FCCC) and the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) were linked to a similar negotiation process and collectively represent the foremost treaties addressing sustainable development. In light of the attention climate change has received over biodiversity, this paper revisits the old question of why some issues receive more attention than others. In seeking an answer, this paper will focus on the role of ideals and knowledge in the construction of issue-areas. In particular, it will examine how each issue was defined during the negotiation process and how this effected its perceived salience. This paper will ultimately argue that despite scientific uncertainty inherent in both issues, climate change is more saliently defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an attempt to bridge the approaches of two fields of study - international relations and science and technology studies - in order to explore the nature of the science-policy interactions in global governance. It first reviews existing theorizations in the two fields on how scientific expertise is utilized in addressing issues and problems of global significance. The paper goes on to suggest future research topics for studying the use of scientific expertise in global governance - (i) organizational diversity of global scientific advisory bodies, (ii) tradeoffs among the attributes of effective global scientific advice, (iii) differential impacts of scientific input on different stages of global policymaking, (iv) accountability problem in the global context, and (v) degree of knowledge synthesis as opposed to knowledge generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the efforts of the BRICs to combat climate change. The importance of these issues is related to the fact that in the not so distant future, the economy of these powers combined may exceed the amount of developed economies. Since this fact, these countries also will have greater international responsibilities. As we have noted in the negotiations of international agreements on environment, the policy of these countries is not homogeneous, due to its peculiarities, dependence on certain commodity, or even using this issue to gain greater international visibility. Regarding the capacity to influence, it is a key issue for understanding the future of negotiations within the environment topic. Therefore, a point to be addressed is the influence that the different countries of this group can exert in negotiating arrangements, considering the pressure imposed by China in developing the Kyoto Protocol, while Russian pressure was less expressive. This paper tries to assess what are the points at which the international positions of the BRICs converge or not in the matter of environment regimes, especially the climate change regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on emerging initiatives within the United Nations to treat the environment as a matter of peace and security. Historically, it has been much easier to discuss and act upon environmental issues within the UN system as matters of economic development and international law than to frame or act on environmental problems in terms of security, peace, and conflict. This paper identifies four specific focal points for the relatively recent emphasis on environment/conflict/peace linkages: efforts of the last two Secretaries-General to frame the problem in security terms, the Security Council's grappling with the problem of "conflict resources", the environmental dimensions of peacebuilding, and the links between climate change and international peace and security. The paper is part of a book project on the UN's uneven engagement with environmental concerns across its four core mandates: peace, development, international law, and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitics of the Arctic is undergoing a dramatic shift as a product of climate change and the potential increase in human activity in the region. As a product of a number of maritime boundary disputes, concerns exist that the region may become engulfed in a series of crises over access and entitlement to these disputed areas. Furthermore, the conditions under which states decide to settle their maritime boundary issues are poorly understood in the field of international relations. This article seeks to shed light on this matter by exploring specific barriers to international cooperation over disputed maritime boundaries. Drawing on Putnam's two level games theory and the notion of issue framing, the paper explores how policy elites and domestic actors interact over disputed maritime boundary issues. The potentially negative impact of issue framing on win-sets is illustrated using cases of maritime boundary disputes from East Asia. The article then assesses these dynamics with reference to the Canadian claim to threats to its sovereignty in the Arctic. The paper illustrates the conditions under which domestic actors can impede cooperation over maritime boundary disputes and assesses the implications of this finding for Canadian Arctic foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate Change which is a major challenge for humanity, has emerged as an area of critical concern in the globalised world today. This problem is not amenable to national solutions and hence regional collaborative efforts to mitigate adverse impact of climate change are inevitable. The regional organization in South Asia, i.e., South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has taken several initiatives in this direction. Climate Change was the main theme of the sixteenth SAARC summit held in Thimpu, Bhutan in April, 2010. The Summit declaration of this silver jubilee meeting of the Heads of States of SAARC was subtitled 'Towards a Green and Happy South Asia' to emphasise the focus on Climate Change. Climate Change has emerged as an important issue for SAARC as the entire region is threatened by its adverse impact. This issue has been in focus in SAARC forum ever since the Third Summit held in 1987. Thereafter, a number of projects were identified, various committees and working groups on issues related to Climate Change were set up. However, not much tangible has been achieved so far. This paper attempts to examine and analyze various initiatives taken by SAARC on Climate Change in the context global negotiations on this subject. Its focus is on the efficacy of SAARC as a regional organization to deal with these initiatives. Further, various problems facing SAARC while pursuing these initiatives have also been highlighted. Virtual failure of global and regional efforts due to prolonged, action-less deliberations, lack of political will to accept the inevitable and change course for the survival of humankind has been underlined. In conclusion, it has been emphasized that search for an alternative(to fossil fuels) source of renewable energy is the only hope for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the problem of EU energy governance under its commitment of climate leadership since 1990. With the problem of climate change and gradual depletion of fossil fuels, energy governance is getting more challenging. The reluctance of EU member states to transfer their authority of policymaking to the EU forces them to secure energy supply externally, which undermines their pursuit of reducing energy dependence. This paper applies the insights from international relations (IR) theories to explain the predicament of EU energy governance by investigating the case of EU renewable energy policy. This paper proceeds in four parts. After brief introduction, definition, and coding, the second section introduces the main arguments of three mainstream IR theories that focus on the power, interest and idea variables respectively. The third section examines the explanatory validity of the three IR theories by analyzing the policymaking process of the two EU renewable energy directives. This paper concludes that the reducing energy dependence is necessary. However, it is difficult to achieve that goal if EU member states are still unwilling to transfer their authority of promoting renewable energy to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point for this paper is the concern with two different but interrelated disciplinary debates in the field of security studies and IR: The logic of security ('securitisation') and the logic of risk ('biopolitics') are often understood as two very different animals. This paper seeks to challenge this common perception. Drawing on the works of Laclau/Mouffe, we seeks to excavate the contribution of hegemony theory to security studies and argue that the two logics are two side of a 'postpolitical populist' (Zizek) coin. In the same way as the Christian pastorate could not do without apocalyptic imageries, today's micro-politics of risk depend on a series of macro-securitisations, which enable and legitimise the governmental machinery. In this sense, the logic of risk and the logic of security are inherently connected. This claim is backed up by an inquiry into current global discourses of global climate change regarding mitigation, adaptation and its security implications. Although these discourses are often framed by apocalyptic images, they rarely result in exceptional or extraordinary measures, but rather put forth a governmental scheme of risk management. Tracing the relationship between security and risk in these discourses, we use the case of climate change to highlight the relevance of our theoretical argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy-making is based on the attempt to control and steer future events. To do that, rationality, mainly in the form of scientific expertise, is required both to anticipate possible events and to bring legitimacy to the whole process. However, no rationality can cross-out the very elementary fact that, concerning future events, policy-making is inherently subjected to uncertainty: as for any activity involving some opportunity-risk, probabilities can be known but the outcome stays unforeseeable. This implies that policy-makers must always be able to assume responsibility for their decisions. The paper will explain that the complexity inherent to the climate change issue severely complicates this very basic truth by de facto asking policy-makers to act upon a kind of rationality that is not that of evidence, but that of choosing among probabilities of errors. Furthermore, starting from the assumption that policymaking is structurally entangled into the tension between a conservative attitude (the preservation of the comfortable symmetry between past and future events to the benefit of individuals) and a pro-active one (trying to improve their future), the paper will demonstrate how scientific complexity imposes that the first goal be abandoned and how this fact creates a serious problem in terms of policy-making legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interface between science and securitization has not been systematically addressed within IR. This paper takes a sociological point of view on securitization processes. The paper argues that scientific arguments and 'facts' are at work as at least three distinct mechanisms within and around securitization. First, scientific facts can be mobilised in securitization claims by both experts and other political actors in attempts to seek back-up in the objective, disinterested aura of the scientific vocation. Second, science co-determines the status of a securitizing actor and thus influences the authority of the speaker in specific fields. Third, scientific communities/explanations can come to objectify an issue to the extent where securitization - and even politicization - become next to impossible. Examples from climate change and democratic peace illustrate the first two mechanisms, while the RAND cooperation's objectivation of the issue of nuclear deterrence is taken as an example of the third mechanism. Being reflexive about these mechanisms can help pave the way for a deeper understanding of how science works in security processes, may point to a new research agenda, and can carve out practical reflexivity for security experts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is to take up where we left with the "environmental security" debate in the 1980s: environmental security was seen as a good thing because considering environmental degradation a security threat meant giving more importance and attention to the environment thus ultimately leading to environmental protection. The military was thus an ally in the fight against environmental destruction. On the other hand, environmental security also means that the environment now becomes a focus of security that is subordinated to security interests and thus exempt from the democratic process and civil society more generally. In the name of security, anything can now be done to the environment, including environmental modifications, called geo-engineering. Twenty years - a significant increase about the dangers of climate change - later, we want to explore whether this contradiction still holds. More precisely, the paper wants to explore the possibility of using environmental modification (EnMod) technologies, also called geo-engineering, for stemming climate change both in technical and argumentative terms (acceptability). More precisely, it will argue that, against the background of threatening climate change, environmental security thanks to geo-engineering no longer will be perceived as a contradiction but as a welcome contribution of military technologies to save humanity from itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the character of current crises of the EU ETS in relation to the economic crisis that developed since 2007. Those calling into question the legitimacy of carbon markets as a response to climate change have had a critique of commodification and the role of financial actors as a core part of their arguments. As the financial crisis hit, they were quick to make the links between the sorts of financial practices that precipitated the crisis and those emerging in carbon markets, especially the EU ETS. Some specifically coined the phrase 'subprime carbon' to express this problem. While prior to this crisis, the focus of most critiques of carbon markets was on the offset markets, after 2008 attention became focused more on the EU ETS, and on a series of scandals, such as the tax fraud scandal that broke in 2009, as evidence that carbon markets were not to be trusted as responses to climate change. The paper explores these critical discourses on the finance-climate change connection, as well as the attempts by carbon market promoters to respond to these criticisms, as part of an ongoing research project on the processes of legitimation and delegitimation of carbon markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A change in water availability is frequently cited as a primary mechanism linking climate change to conflict. Despite the need for more systematic research on the factors that enable societies to mitigate such patterns, however, there is little comparative empirical evidence for water-related conflict or cooperation at a domestic level. From an empirical lens, one major obstacle on this issue is the lack of systematically compiled data - in particular event data on water-related intrastate conflict and cooperation. This paper reports on the construction of such a dataset for 35 Mediterranean, Middle East, and Sahel countries for the period 1997-2009. The authors offer an overview of the data collection process and the coding procedures. They discuss key challenges as well as advantages and disadvantages of particular solutions to these, which pertain to information source analyses, sampling, and intercoder reliability. The paper also presents a new scale, the Water Events Scale (WES), which records the intensity of water-related conflictive and cooperative events, and, finally, provides descriptive statistics demonstrating the utility of the new data for the study of intrastate conflict and cooperation over water resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its lack of strong competences in this field, the European Commission has sought for several years to develop a common energy policy. This paper argues that the Commission has skillfully used a strategic repertoire of ideas which links the construction of the internal energy market (Competition) to climate change (Sustainability) and secure and stable supplies of energy (Security), in order to legitimize its intervention in a policy field that was traditionally considered as a prerogative of the Member States. The CSS frame, as I call it, is effective and resonates with Member States to some extent. This paper relies on preliminary fieldwork to compare the resonance of the CSS frame and its implementation in two large Member States with very different energy situation, Germany and Poland. On the basis of these two cases, I argue that the effectiveness of the CSS frame follows from its polysemous nature or its �constructive ambiguity�. However, I also find that the Commission's discursive strategy has reached institutional and material limits, which prevent the Commission from fully implementing a common energy policy within the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a new reading of climate change as a security issue drawing on the work of Michel Foucault. Foucault argues that security is a technology of government, more specifically a form of risk management, and not only a speech act. This risk management can be informed by all sorts of truth regimes that range from those provided by science to those provided by capital market speculation. The practices of risk management can take various forms that range from routine security practices by civil servants to exceptional measures taken by heads-of-state. In this sense, the Foucaultian framework is well positioned to register a whole range of changes in truth regimes, policies and practices that could be related to the "securitization" of climate change. The main purpose of this paper is to introduce this Foucaultian framework in detail and to make it accessible for the empirical analysis of climate change. In the second part of the paper, I present an explorative discussion of the international politics of climate change in order to demonstrate what kind of hypotheses and new insights about climate policy can be gained from a Foucaultian perspective. I will suggest that the identified "danger" that climate change poses to the continuation of circulation has shifted over the last twenty years, so have the practices of risk management employed. I will argue that in its latest variant (the one analyzed by others as failed securitization), risk management is about preparing for the (IPCC) worst case scenario of a +4 degree rise in mean global temperature by 2100 and the related primary and secondary climate change impacts. Under such scenario, Western populations are to be secured from "vulnerable" populations in developing countries which are imagined to be at the verge of "becoming dangerous". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU has been the first major player to implement a domestic CO2 emissions trading system. This comes as a surprise given that it was one of the most outspoken opponents of emissions trading prior to the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol. So far scholars tried to explain this change of position as a case of policy learning or policy innovation. This paper challenges these explanations, arguing that they miss to problematize the power struggles, with regards to both, the ideas and the actors, involved. Using a Neo-Gramscian framework that enables one to consider both, discursive elements and individual actors with their structural constraints, this paper will explain how the EU turned from a skeptic to the forerunner on emissions trading. The paper argues that the EU's changing stance has to be seen against the background of a historical framework of action, which had put emissions trading at the center of the possible within the climate change debate. Furthermore, it identifies a hegemonic bloc that has assembled in favor of emissions trading, tracing its evolution from its academic origins in the US to its extension into the EU. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. global environmental policy during the Bush administration was widely considered to have fallen short of both global and national needs. Among other actions, critics faulted the administration's disparagement of scientific consensus on climate change and its withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol, its ideological opposition to multilateral population assistance, its failure to exercise leadership on global sustainability initiatives, and a diversity of foreign policy decisions that have cost the United States much needed political support in critical regions of the world. This paper reviews some of the most important of these policy actions and looks ahead to the challenges Barack Obama will face as the 44th U.S. president. In particular, the paper examines the unique opportunities in 2009 and over the next several years for policy reassessment in energy use and climate change, population and development assistance, and sustainable development initiatives. It also considers the key policy actors who will likely play significant roles in the design, adoption, and implementation of a new generation of policies that can better address existing and emerging global environmental and resource problems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the premise that, particularly in industrialized countries, the consumption decisions made individuals and households are a major source of environmental strain (Bin and Dowlatabadi 2005; Stern 1999). Several international organizations and national governments have addressed this issue, but, thus far, their efforts have had minimal effect. This paper examines the conditions necessary for the implementation of policy able to effectively reduce the environmental impact of household consumption. It draws from the experience of American tobacco control, a relatively rare example of a public effort that succeeded in reducing the negative consequences of an entitled consumer behavior. An extensive review of the tobacco control literature informs the conclusion that three fundamental changes brought about conditions conducive to a widespread reduction in smoking. Namely, information about its negative effects became common knowledge and widely believed as true, cigarettes became a target for taxes which raised the price of smoking while placing a penalty on a behavior increasingly seen as "bad," and the public sentiment regarding smoking shifted, deglamorizing the behavior. The paper further suggests that these changes, which were the result of a concerted public effort, have a similar potential in reducing environmentally unsustainable consumption. A closer tying of consumption to the issue of climate change is suggested as a primary facilitating strategy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is driven by two major questions: Why there is a big gap between the strong rhetoric of all South countries supporting regional integration and the poor outcomes achieved so far?; and, Why Brazil, having a low carbon intensive energy matrix, has not taken a leading global and regional role in climate change mitigation and adaptation? The paper has two parts. The first one "Integration and Fragmentation in South America" analyses the dynamic of the South American countries and consider the attempts of economic and political integration. The second one "Brazil in the global and regional politics of climate" analyses the evolving of Brazilian policy in the global arena of the Kyoto Protocol and the failed efforts of the country to produce governance of energy and climate in South America. The final remarks talks about the key Brazilian role in the current negotiations of a post-Kyoto architecture for climate change mitigation and adaptation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of non-state actors in global environmental governance is gaining increasingly scholarly attention. This paper takes its starting point in the literature on international delegation, combined with key insights from research on transnational public-private partnership, focusing particularly on the delegation of authority to private actors. In order to illustrate the specific challenges that the delegation of supervisory functions to private actors poses, this paper draws upon the empirical case of the Designated Operational Entities (DOEs) in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) under the Kyoto Protocol. The Designated Operational Entities are private actors, often large international auditing firms, accredited by the CDM Executive Board (EB) to perform the surveillance of CDM projects. Even though the Executive Board, which is a public body, formally decides whether the projects should be approved under the CDM and what amount of emission reductions should be attributed to each project, they make this decision on the basis of information provided by the DOEs. The DOEs and other private consultants also develop methodologies for calculating the amount of emission reductions attributable to different project types, which are approved by the EB. In practice, this means that the DOEs have a large influence both on the formulation and the implementation of the rules governing the CDM. Since there is no visible good to be traded in the CDM but the theoretically constructed emission reduction credits, and since neither the seller nor the buyer has an interest in the emissions reductions per se but simply the right to them, the DOEs are necessary to uphold the integrity of the CDM market. But at the same time as the DOEs are entrusted with the development and implementation of the rules governing the CDM, they are private actors driven by profits. There is a potential conflict inherent in this government arrangement, as the DOEs have an incentive not to scare their customers away by applying the rules overly strictly. The supervisory system of the CDM has consequently been heavily criticized for not being able to guarantee the environmental integrity of the mechanism.Given their important task to assure the quality of CDM projects, surprisingly little has been written so far on the DOEs. Discussing the empirical case of delegation in the CDM, this paper aims at contributing to a new research agenda on international delegation to private actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortcomings in meeting national energy policy objectives as well as threats posed by climate change put pressure on Indian energy politics to consider alternative options such as enhanced renewable energy deployment. The challenge is how to assist emerging economies such as India to leapfrog a polluting development path by facilitating the transition to alternative sources of power generation. The research question tackled in this paper hence asks how and to what extent new modes of governance such as the CDM contribute to 'greening' India by facilitating the diffusion of renewable energy? Ecological modernisation theories argue that deviating from conventional development paths is possible and emphasise the potential for leapfrogging development stages. The central argument of this paper holds that international policy instruments such as the CDM contribute to greening Indian energy policy firstly by enhancing renewable energy deployment through technology transfer and secondly by instilling a political re-orientation through norms diffusion. Yet, the embeddedness approach cautions against overly optimistic assessments arguing that and alternative development path is possible, however, under the conditions that context conditions and path dependencies are given due consideration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global climate change raises profound questions for political theorists. The human impacts of climate change are sufficiently broad, and generally adverse, to threaten the rights and freedoms of existing and future members of all countries; and they will almost certainly exacerbate inequalities between rich and poor countries despite the limited role of the latter in their origins. This article focuses on the question of how the burdens associated with selecting and implementing a robust global climate response ought to be distributed. This problem has two key features: identifying the nature and extent of the burdens; and identifying the agents who should shoulder these burdens. Identifying in a fair and transparent fashion the agents that should take the lead in combating climate change, as well as the precise burdens they must bear in terms of mitigation, adaptation or compensation, will be a key feature of the next generation of global climate policies. The paper argues that only a principled and philosophically robust reconciliation of three approaches to burden sharing ('contribution to problem', 'ability to pay' and 'beneficiary pays') can generate a satisfactory mix of theoretical coherence and practical application. At the time of writing, no proposal designed to replace the existing, Kyoto-based, climate architecture on its expiry in 2012 appears to meet this challenge. The paper considers, however, three climate proposals that offer some useful insights as to how the burden-sharing problem might be solved in future proposals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy security has always been an important issue in energy policy debates but it gained salience in the 21st century. We can observe three changes in the attributes of energy security that have partly redefined the concept. First, skyrocketing prices, network failures and the increasing dependence of European countries on imports have shifted the objectives of energy policy away from the sole focus on market liberalization towards the security of energy supply (economic attribute). Second, the debate around climate change has added a strong environmental dimension to energy security (environmental attribute). Third, energy security is increasingly construed as a global problem requiring supranational coordination (political attribute). This paper examines the concept of energy security in the European Union, where the framing of energy security implies the interconnectedness of market liberalization, climate change regulation and external governance. Is there a true paradigm shift in the European energy policy? Does the move from a planned, monopolized energy system to liberalized markets really impact on energy security? How do climate change, national and supranational issues contribute to reframing energy security? The paper tries to answer these questions by tracking the evolution of the economic, environmental and political attributes of energy security in the EU context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Documents such as 'The Responsibility to Protect' represent our attempts to anticipate future threats to human well-being and codify our international moral life. They are recognisable as the continuation of a centuries-old struggle to define on the one hand a definitive account of human suffering and injustice, and on the other, a definitive view as to where responsibility for alleviating that suffering and for providing justice should lie. This paper argues that such accounts often miss out the lived experience of solidarity that has actually informed the act of rescue or the manifestation of concern. An account of solidarity in response to past humanitarian problems is vital in attempting to prevent and alleviate future suffering. The paper argues first that the contingent mechanisms of human solidarity and empathy have been almost entirely neglected within international ethics, partly because they do not fit dominant modes of thought. It then explores the idea that the provision of solidarity through humanitarian rescue is necessarily an unreliable act of presumption, before setting this account of humanitarian solidarity against the key challenges of 21st century humanitarianism, notably the threat of climate change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change presents a challenge to many debates within international ethics, such as global redistributive justice. This paper explores the humanitarian dimension of climate change. Recent decades have witnessed much soul-searching among humanitarians about the ethical nature of their calling, with debates on vital matters such as whether humanitarianism should ever be political, the relationship between humanitarian and development commitments, the status of the state and of controversial practices such as humanitarian intervention. Climate change promises to change the terms of all these debates. It threatens to increase the frequency of natural disasters, to rapidly change the distribution of cultivable land, to increase the conflicts over resources such as fresh water and to provoke massive refugee flows. This paper will set out this humanitarian dimension of climate change, drawing on the recent proliferation of practitioner literature on the topic, before demonstrating that while humanitarians need to defend a stance of neutrality with regard to human suffering, the need to engage with the inter-state system on the prevention and mitigation of the effects of climate change makes a strict division between humanitarianism and development unsustainable, and a dogmatic detachment from the state as a potential actor within humanitarianism undesirable. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the Bali conference in 2007, governments of some 190 countries agreed to launch international negotiations that should eventually lead to a new international convention on climate change for the post-Kyoto era after 2012. However, experiences from the Kyoto process indicate that this goal is very ambitious. The negotiations will pose serious cooperation problems since international politics on climate change over the last decades was characterized by deep political disagreementâ??both among industrial nations as well as between the developed and the developing world. This paper analyzes international climate negotiations over the period 1992-2008 and focuses thereby on conflict and cooperation structures between involved international actors (national governments, international organizations, NGOs). The main goal is to use such a structural analysis of interactions between different groups of actors (Kyoto advocates and critics; developed and developing countries; rich, middle-income and poor countries) to assess the prospects of new climate negotiations as initiated with the 'Bali road map'. The paper draws on a dynamic social network analysis of climate change related interactions between international actors as reported by international newswires, using the KEDS/Tabari event data machine coding system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While states continue to negotiate about the future of the Kyoto Protocol, a distinct, but related set of institutional arrangements is evolving to tackle the problem of climate change. Emissions trading markets are turning carbon dioxide—the world's most prevalent greenhouse gas—into a commodity to be bought and sold. The Kyoto Protocol created three mechanisms that enable emissions trading, but as this paper will demonstrate, they are only one part of a dense, interrelated set of public and private initiatives to buy and sell carbon dioxide emissions (as well as other greenhouse gases). Examining these initiatives as whole is important to understanding the legacy of private actors in the present institutional arrangements, and may provide indications about how a future global market might evolve.This paper has two aims. First, I map the set of markets that comprise this "regime complex" for emissions trading. Second, I offer an historical account of how various parts of the current regime complex came to be. I argue that private actors have placed a key role in shaping the evolution of the EU-ETS, and appear to be doing the same in the US. To understand the regime complex as it exists today, we must look at changes over time, and particularly the effect of private firms as leaders in emissions trading. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What causes a particaular issue frame to become salient for states? Why do some issue frames, such as the eradication of landmines or negative aspects of climate change, gain international attention quickly, while others, such as preventing child labor or the danger of small arms trading, never get substantial international attention? The use of rhetoric to frame policy issues often influences the amount of attention to an issue and the ability to generate support, yet our understanding of the factors that contribute to why particular rhetoric becomes dominant is limited. Often, domestic and international actors present different descriptions of policy issues in order to advance their own policy views. This project seeks to understand how the issue description and the uses of a variety of power resources contribute to emergence of a dominant frame for international issues. The paper develops a concept of frames to understand how issue definitions change over time through analytical, normative, and temporal elements. In addition, the paper develops hypotheses for potential causes of changing frames and conducts a plausibility probe of these hypotheses on the case of whaling between 1850 through 2004. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transport emissions are by far the fastest-rising category of GHG emissions. Although efficiencies in transport technologies have been reasonably steady and are expected to accelerate with mitigation-related incentives, efficiency improvements in transport have not resulted in less overall fuel use, since efficiencies have been outflanked by the increased use of transport for freight and personal and business travel over ever-increasing distances. While alternative energy technologies such as wind and solar (and more controversially, nuclear) are feasible for electricity generation at fixed sites, fossil fuel will move people and goods for the foreseeable future. High-speed, long-distance transport has enabled the global economy (accounting for the omission of international transport in Kyoto Protocol mitigation commitments), but transport-related emissions must be brought under control if the world is to avoid the commonly accepted “extreme danger” threshold of 2 degrees Celsius global average temperature increase. While much of the work of IR scholars on trade issues in a carbon mitigation context has addressed the issue of WTO compatibility with potential emission reduction instruments, this paper will argue that from an ecological standpoint, “avoidance of transportation” (Sachs et al 1997) is crucial. The difference in labor costs between countries and regions is a major driver of the internationalization of investment and trade (and is also a subject of contention with respect to the gains from economic globalization). The exploratory paper will therefore address the salutory effect that strategies to achieve social justice and raise living standards might have with respect to transportation avoidance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will assess the manifold efforts to securitize global environmental change (GEC) as security dangers and concerns for national and human security that poses a new survival dilemma for those who are highly socially vulnerable due to the impact of natural hydrome¬teo¬¬rological hazards whose number and intensity has increased and is predicted to grow further due to the anthropogenic climate change. In the U.S. nearly as many people died due to the impact of Hurricane Katrina in August 2006 as of the terrorist attack of 11 September 2001. But the perception of these two cases as security concerns has differed not only between many governments within NATO but also among the people in Europe and in North America. The securitization of GEC has fundamentally differed and prevented so far effective global counter measures to adapt to and mitigate against the consequences of this new security threat where the enemy is us: our production and consumption patters as well as ways of life. Climate change as a new human and national security danger and concern poses new global equity problems between those countries and people that have contributed most to GEC and the survival of those poor people â€" especially in the South â€" whose livelihood and survival is directly threatened and who lack the resources for counter measures. The key thesis of this paper is that the turn towards the anthropocene requires a fundamental reconcep¬tua¬lizing of security as a result of a multi-, inter- and transdiciplinary process where natural and social scientists cooperate contributing to an anticipatory learning to prevent that the business as usual scenarios on climate change become reality with all its impact on global security policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper speaks directly to the conference theme ‘bridging multiple divides’. It does so by addressing issues that are salient in current debates on governance among scholars in international relations while exploring those ideas with the help of transdisciplinary research on sustainable transport and mobility. It also speaks to environmental and sustainability scholars who stress that in order to mitigate climate change, entire sectors of society have to be radically transformed. The transport sector is highly implicated in the climate change problem and the key concern is to govern transport and mobility toward something more sustainable. In democracies it means that all social actors need to be part of that transformation. How to mobilize societal actors to take steps that oftentimes run against their short term interest, is something which both transport researchers and governance scholars are grappling with. This paper makes a contribution to this debate by looking for examples of new governance in the sustainable transport and mobility research (in the TransportMistra project). Interesting examples tried in the European context are strategies like; congestion charging, mobility management and sustainable transport planning. Themes salient in the new governance debate like: transparency, participation, stakeholder involvement and deliberation, are crucial in the sustainable transport and mobility debate. Questions addressed in the paper are: How are ambitions like increased transparency and participation by stakeholders mirrored in practice? Are there examples of new forms of engagement and deliberation in this research and which forms do they take? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a preliminary exploration of the social construction of climate science and policy in a range of sub-national, national, and international policies aiming to avoid dangerous climate change. The paper discusses the rationale that are most likely to result in substantive reductions of greenhouse gas emissions and the role science has played in justifying climate change policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores possible politico-legal pathways for local communities vulnerable to global climate change. Specifically, Pacific SIDS face the challenge of adapting to the effects of climate change, which threaten their physical survival, culture, and way of life. To date, much of the climate change discourse surrounds mitigation (and to a lesser degree, adaptation) at the national level, without direct concern for theoretical and pragmatic consideration of communities within particular cultural and environmental contexts. This paper reviews personal interviews in the island atoll nation of Tuvalu in an attempt to understand the full contextual impacts of climate change. The paper examines this case in light of human security and environmental justice frameworks, and then suggests possible pathways forward for climate change adaptation in vulnerable communities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of a country’s embeddedness in international networks on the level at which a country implements an international environmental regime. Specifically, the paper examines whether countries that are more embedded in networks of inter-governmental organizations and in networks of international non-governmental organizations are more committed to implementing the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). As social phenomena seldom have univariate explanations, the paper controls for a host of economic, political, and sociological explanations both at domestic and at the international level. The paper employs a cross-sectional analysis across 128 countries with varying levels of economic development. The dependent variable is operationalized as an ordinal variable where the levels are ranked based a country’s commitment to implementing the UNFCCC: (1) a country does not yet have a plan on how to implement the UNFCCC; (2) a country has designed such a plan and submitted it to the secretariat to the UNFCCC; (3) a country has begun implementing global climate change policies by hosting an international mitigation project; (4) a country has been regularly submitting inventories of its use of the global atmosphere; (5) a country has implemented mitigation policies domestically, including an increase in fossil fuel taxes and/or a decrease of fossil fuel subsidies, and/or provided funding for international mitigation projects. The key independent variable is operationalized as a country’s embeddedness in international networks. Various kinds of networks enable communication among countries and are conduits of environmental norms. The paper operationalizes this embeddedness in the following ways: (a) a number of NGOs in each country that are members of the World Conservation Union and (b) a country’s memberships in various intergovernmental environmental organizations. The paper controls for the impact of a host of factors at domestic and international levels. First, it controls for economic factors by including concentrated costs that are imposed on domestic actors as well as diffused benefits that accrue to diffused actors. Further, the paper controls for the impact of political factors, i.e. institutions providing access to policy making and those impacting the support base. The paper also controls for domestic sociological factors, i.e., normative influences on policy makers. Lastly, the paper controls for international factors, such as a country’s dependence on exports of fossil fuels, and a share of this global environmental problem that can be attributed to a country. Empirical analysis, employing an ordinal logistic regression model, indicates that higher embeddedness in international networks of environmental NGOs is associated with higher level of implementation of this international regime. Further, the analysis supports the hypotheses of the impact of some of the control variables, including the impact of domestic institutions, local air pollution, and domestic environmental norms. In terms of the international factors, the analysis support the hypotheses on the impact of the role of country’s export dependence on fossil fuels and the impact of the country’s share in the global environmental problem. The empirical results are robust with respect to three specification checks. First, the results are robust with respect to how the dependent variable is treated. The results hold even when the dependent variable is conceptualized as nominal (using a multinomial logistic regression model). Second, the results are not impacted by the Kyoto-holdouts. Third, the results also hold with the inclusion of continental dummies in the model. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is currently in an untenable position: global warming is worsening even as our understanding of climate science improves. Why is this the case? And what can be done to spur action? In this paper, we will interrogate this mismatch between knowledge and performance from a particular perspective â€" the perspective of human rights. Our goal is to argue that human rights discourses, mechanisms, and institutions might â€" indeed must â€" help overcome this disconnect between scientific knowledge and effective action on the problem of global climate change. Climate change is, at its base, a social rather than a scientific problem. At the root of this social problem lies injustice. The drivers of environmental change lie in social relations of consumption, reproduction, and exploitation, while the worst effects of climatic change will likely be faced by the most vulnerable. Scientific discourse has been allowed to obscure the social drivers of climate change, and to deflect attention away from the social changes that climate change demands. We need a new framework through which to analyze and act on this problem. This paper examines whether human rights can provide such a framework. Specifically, how might human rights reshape the debate over global warming and lead to different forms of legal and political action? Does the language of human rights draw attention to specific populations, geographies, and effects of “global” warming in ways that are politically meaningful? And how might the language of human rights help us to bridge the gap between knowledge and action? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of transnational advocacy networks and coalitions has been widely discussed with regard to the rise of global civil society. However, little is known about transnational coalition formation among multinational firms in processes of market creation. This paper focuses on the transnational mobilisation of firms in promoting a global market for carbon emission credits in the context of climate politics.Since the inception of climate politics, firms have played a vital political role, initially opposing any form of regulation. However, in the late 90s, firms in Europe and subsequently in the United States began to endorse emissions trading as a form of market-based climate policy. At the core of this shift is the creation and promotion of various initiatives including advocacy networks, market-facilitating mechanisms, and private carbon trading schemes. This raises the question what drives the emergence of a transnational pro-trading coalition among multinationals in the transatlantic marketplace.Drawing from studies on policy diffusion and private governance, it is argued that coalition formation is best understood as a form of diffusion within and across industries. Here, diffusion is qualified as a distinct causal mechanism that builds on the interdependence of firm behaviour. Two main forms of diffusion are at work in coalition formation: diffusion through adaptation to global norms or competitive pressures, and diffusion through learning in transnational networks or through observation of industry peers. With this focus, the paper contributes to the understanding of the transnational mobilisation of multinationals in the creation of environmental markets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper has two parts. The first one "Brazil in the Global System" summarizes the most important dynamics in the Brazilian society in the last two decades. The second part "The evolving Brazilian role in the global politics of climate" analyses the Brazilian standing in the negotiations of the Kyoto Protocol (1996-2001) showing how Amazonian deforestation shaped deeply alliances of Brazil and finish analyzing the progress toward a more responsible regional and global position in the recent period. The paper argue there is a good possibility of a change in Brazilian position after a moving in the American position with the next president. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper develops an account of emotional currents contributing to the legitimacy of international norms. Recent theories focused on principled advocacy and argument have underestimated the affective contexts and dynamics involved in norm diffusion. Political concerns over "hypocrisy" have also supported a one-sided account of the kind of force norms have, by focusing on the official consent and commitment of states. This paper devotes attention instead to the historical events, ritual practices, and emotional expressions that inspire and sustain normative change in two areas—human rights and climate change. While human rights violations may have more successfully stimulated explicit emotions, both areas involve emotions of a more subtle kind: the implicit, long-term emotions or "moods" that create hope, trust, and confidence in a legal standard or regime. By understanding these non-deliberative and non-instrumental processes, institutionalists and constructivists can gain insight into why and how even powerful states are held accountable to norms in the absence of explicit commitments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper develops an account of emotional currents contributing to the legitimacy of international norms. Recent theories focused on principled advocacy and argument have underestimated the affective contexts and dynamics involved in norm diffusion. Political concerns over "hypocrisy" have also supported a one-sided account of the kind of force norms have, by focusing on the official consent and commitment of states. This paper devotes attention instead to the historical events, ritual practices, and emotional expressions that inspire and sustain normative change in two areas—human rights and climate change. While human rights violations may have more successfully stimulated explicit emotions, both areas involve emotions of a more subtle kind: the implicit, long-term emotions or "moods" that create hope, trust, and confidence in a legal standard or regime. By understanding these non-deliberative and non-instrumental processes, institutionalists and constructivists can gain insight into why and how even powerful states are held accountable to norms in the absence of explicit commitments. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The humanitarian impulse raises profound questions about what humans can, and sometimes will, do for each other. Some see its manifestations as evidence of universal moral claims and possibilities. This paper sets out a slightly different approach. It argues that the humanitarian impulse is cursed with a contingency that might offend many who endorse it. Yet it sees something fundamentally important in that contingency, a seductive marriage between the political and a very distinctive, but flexible, set of ideas about basic human dignity and needs. This recognition opens the way for a more nuanced account of state humanitarianism as a necessarily political and flawed, but nevertheless significant, enabler of human dignity. To bring its possibilities to life, an engagement with the concept of internationalism will be suggested. The first part of this paper sets out the sources and character of the humanitarian impulse, arguing that its contingency and unstable ontological grounding need not be an obstacle to its enabling function as source of action in the face of urgent human need. The paper goes on to examine these insights in the context of international politics and provide a brief account of the possibilities of state humanitarianism, drawing on historical examples to illustrate how state humanitarianism might fruitfully be conceptualised to address contemporary concerns. The final section will argue for the potential of an internationalist politics in framing states' engagement with the humanitarian impulse and constituting them as effective agents in meeting the global humanitarian challenges raised by extreme poverty, crimes against humanity and, increasingly, climate change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several authors have analyzed the oil and gas industry's response to the climate change challenge. However, this literature has given little attention to one key technological strategy, CO2 capture and storage (CCS). This paper offers comparative case studies of the development of CCS strategies in BP, ExxonMobil and StatoilHydro. Thereby, it adds to the literature on the climate change strategies of oil companies - and the wider discussion of corporate environmental strategies - in two ways: First, by painting a more complete picture of the climate change strategies adopted by the companies. Second, by helping to illuminate a crucial issue: Whether or not corporate environmental strategies have any significant impacts on society and the environment. The comparative analysis shows that the involvement of oil and gas companies in CCS activities - ranging from general policy statements and lobbying governments about regulatory issues, via R&D efforts to large-scale commercial deployment - was for a large part driven by their overall approach to the climate change problem. Their involvement in CCS activities was in turn consequential, because oil and gas companies control key technologies, expertise and strategic project opportunities for CCS. Their decisions about how to use these resources have been important to the fate of attempts to establish CCS as part of the portfolio of practically available and legitimate mitigation options. The paper concludes that oil companies' climate strategies have had a significant societal impact by affecting the process of institutionalization of a new mitigation option for climate change, and associated technological "path creation". ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the environment a national security issue? Many countries in particular in Sub-Saharan Africa have experienced civil war over the past decades causing hundreds of thousands of deaths in Somalia, Sierra Leone, and Sudan, just to name a few. But what causes this human suffering, and what can be done about it? Recent studies have shown that changes in rainfall patterns can increase the likelihood of armed conflict in countries that are dependent on agricultural production. Climate change is likely to lead to even greater variability in rainfall and more extreme weather events in the future, such as droughts or floods. The result may be increased poverty and political instability in the developing world. This paper argues that the whole notion of security as traditionally understood â€" in terms of political and military threats to national sovereignty â€" must be expanded to include the growing impacts of environmental stress â€" locally, nationally, regionally and globally. Further, the paper presents findings of preliminary research that links water scarcity to political violence in sub-Saharan Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global climate change is a global problem which cannot be solved without involving subnational actors. These actors face, however, the twin challenge of global climate change and economic globalization. Liberalization and privatization of the energy sector have spread in many countries around the world. This has led to a re-dimensioning of energy and climate change policy. Traditionally, the area of energy policy was characterized by a high degree of congruency of economic and political space. Recently the liberalization of energy markets, the privatization of energy producers, and the merger of energy companies have changed these structures. Today energy and climate change policy is rather made in Brussels than by national or subnational governments. In this paper we ask which strategies of going global they have developed in response. We argue that subnational authorities pursue strategies of re-territorialization and re-scaling to extend their scope and regain the power to intervene in energy markets and shape climate change policy. Subnational actors, such as big cities, have become global players and engage in different forms of paradiplomacy, i.e. subnational governments have established their own foreign relations. Pioneering cities have founded transnational networks to influence decision-making in Brussels. Apart from lobbying activities, these networks also stimulate learning processes between their members. The paper asks as to whether this new spatial grammar of local energy and climate policy really extends the scope of local authorities, which governing capacities can be improved by spatial restructuring, and which tasks remain bound to the traditional territorial institutions of local politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last sixty years, there has been firm consensus about American support for the United Nations. Policy makers, public opinion, the media and party platforms confirmed a commitment to the values portrayed by the United Nations and its utility as an instrument of American statecraft. Yet, recently, we find claims that the United Nations is a “dangerous place” and even proclamations of its “irrelevance.” In addition, public support for the UN is experiencing a rapid decline. The long-term view of American approval ratings of the United Nations reveals a sharp decline over the last ten years, with the last four years particularly depleted. The current data finds that only 30 percent of Americans approve of the United Nations. This paper explores what is driving the decline in American public support for the United Nations. It utilizes polling data and content analysis to trace the determinates of public perceptions about the UN. This paper specifically explores whether the media is contributing to the decline in support as it frames the UN as anti-US. Understanding American attitudes about the United Nations helps to predict the future health of the organization and its mission. In addition, assessing these viewpoints also serves as a measure of support for America’s engagement in multilateralism, global human rights, development, efforts to address climate change, as well as many other values that the UN seeks to embody as an institution. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change meaning evident rapid global warming represents an environmental category of global problems and concretizes global changes. It can be interpreted as a threat and to implement a risk society and thus, represent human / peoples’ everyday security. Climate change needs human responses and requests activities such as immediate adaptations in many levels in economics, politics and governance. In spite of growing concern there is room for a sceptical point of view that climate change does not necessarily be that big issue on political agenda, which unites the human kind and all states. Unlike climate change has an economic dimension and also a security dimension meaning e.g. a threat to a national sovereignty and a fight on strategic resources (e.g. fresh water). This easily supports national thinking and decision-making. The hypothesis of this paper is that the security dimension of climate change will mean changes in problem definition on security like nuclear safety meant in the 1990s. First, the paper discusses on the importance of environmental / human security, where people(s) are subjects of security instead of a more abstract state. Second, it discusses on if to perceive security based on a distinctive cooperative region would be possible and politically meaningful. Third, the paper lists how climate change has brought up fundamental security issues such as sovereignty and energy security and discusses on if a stronger national defence will be among main responses. Final, it speculates if climate change is becoming a new discipline for disciplining. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that contemporary research on 'the impact of international norms' has a tendency to under-theorise latter processes, i.e. what happens after ratification of international agreements. As vividly illustrated by climate change policy, ratification of an agreement is not that easily followed by rule-guided behaviour. The paper argues that part of the 'failure' in existing research is that the role of domestic norm-takers is not properly acknowledged or included in the analysis. All the major theories on international relations--neorealism, neoliberalism, and constructivism--suffers from a narrow conception of 'state behaviour', thus not being able to sufficiently identify what actors that are important when states form their preferences, but particularly for the international norm to 'take root' domestically. Further, it is argued that a fruitful definition of 'the impact of international norms' is their institutionalisation in domestic policies. It is only in a domestic democratic policy process that international norms, in the long run, can be sufficiently legitimised and thus effective. Finally, a socio-evolutionary approach is introduced in order to better understand which norms in the international agreement that are 'selected' at various levels of domestic society. Key factors in the theory are (a) how the new norms 'fit' with social structure, i.e. predominating ideas and norms in a given society; (b) the perceived legitimacy of the source of new ideas; and (c) how well the new norms 'fit' with key actors' identities. Drawing on a constructivist framework, socio-evolutionary theory provides the tools to identify which norms that come to prevail, thus explaining domestic norm selection by factors within the theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrestrial carbon sinks have played a critical role in the climate change negotiations and constitute a central element in the scheme to limit atmospheric greenhouse gas concentrations set out by the Kyoto Protocol. This paper examines dominant discursive framings of tropical sink projects developed under the Activities Implemented Jointly (AIJ) pilot phase and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). A central proposition is that these projects represent a micro-cosmos of competing and overlapping discourses that are mirrored in debates of global environmental governance. While the win-win and cost-effective logic of ecological modernization has legitimized the development of carbon sequestration projects, a green governmentality discourse has provided the scientific and administrative rationale necessary to implement tree-plantation projects as parts of the Kyoto Protocol. In contrast, a critical civic environmentalism discourse has contested forest sink projects depicting them as unjust and environmentally unsound strategies to mitigate climate change. The paper analyzes the key narratives in this discursive struggle. Whereas their articulation and institutionalization in the climate negotiation process is in focus, wider implications for environmental governance are also explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Coalitions and alliances are fundamental and universal aspects of international relations and politics. Coalitions can be defined as cooperative efforts for the attainment of short-range, issue-specific objectives. During the negotiation of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, a coalition of small island states was formed to enhance the bargaining power and influence of these small, often marginalized, countries that are disproportionately affected by climate change. While the group, known as the Alliance of Small Island Developing States (AOSIS) (despite the name, no treaty ever established the "alliance" and therefore it does remain a coalition) is considered to be effective within the context of the climate change negotiations, when the tables were turned and small island states became the focus of a series of conferences, the divisions between the coalition's members proved to weaken the effectiveness of the coalition. This paper marks the first step of a larger project that will examine the inner workings of AOSIS and, specifically, the role of its regional groups in formulating the AOSIS position on different issues discussed during the period of 1994-2005. Within this larger context, this paper will first examine the notion of power in multilateral negotiations and the use of coalitions to maximize the power of small states in these negotiations. The paper will then look at the environmental challenges faced by Pacific SIDS and how they have used regional organizations and AOSIS as ways to maximize their influence in the UN system. Finally, this paper will examine the Barbados Conference and the challenges that AOSIS and the Pacific SIDS had in maintaining group solidarity and lessons learned from this experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is growing interest in comparative studies of EU and US federalism and its implications for environmental policy. US and EU approaches to atmospheric pollution issues, such as acid rain and climate change have been the subject of various studies and have pointed to the different approaches of the US and the EU towards common air pollution problems. This paper will examine policy making styles towards air pollution problems in federalist systems. Of particular interest is how an expanding EU may influence the policy approaches of the EU towards air pollution problems and will consider whether an enlarged EU will lead to greater convergence between EU and US approaches to air pollution issues or will instead, reinforce the divergent approaches of these federal systems towards problems such as acid rain and climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysis of US foreign policy in environmental issue-areas suggests that the United States pushes for international environmental regulation when such a push is supported both by environmental activists and by domestic industry. Domestic industry actors generally support the internationalization of regulations that they already face at home. The climate change case is different. Industry in the United States does not face domestic regulation, but it is nonetheless coming around to the idea of formal regulations on carbon emissions. Climate change, in other words, appears to turn this process upside down: domestic adoption of expected international environmental regulations is driven by an environmentalist-industry coalition acting on the local and national level. This paper examines the process of U.S. national (or sub-national) regulations to deal with global climate change, and evaluates the role that industry actors play in determining the existence and shape of such policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]