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This research paper seeks to examine the importance of the 2008 Olympic Games in regards to China's foreign policy options and subsequent future behavior, with particular emphasis placed on the Taiwan issue. The primary question addressed by this paper is whether or not China will use the 2008 Olympic Games as a means of demonstrating a responsible power identity. This paper asserts three hypotheses. First, China could forgo any gains to be made by hosting the Olympic Games and take defensive-oriented action against Taiwan as a means of protecting important national interests. Second, China could use the games as a propaganda tool and take offensive-action against Taiwan as a means of pursuing an expansionist agenda. Lastly, China could choose to take no action and use the Games to demonstrate a responsible power identity. These hypotheses are tested through three historical case studies: the Soviet Union's 1979 invasion of Afghanistan and the 1980 Moscow Games; the 1936 Berlin Games and the aggressive German expansion that began shortly thereafter; and the 1964 Tokyo Games and the 1988 Seoul Games in that both Japan and South Korea used the Games to build identities. This paper finds that although the third hypothesis is most preferable, certain factors might push China towards selecting an option closer to hypothesis one. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on communication networks suggest that network heterogeneity plays an important role in destabilizing voter preferences and demobilizing voters. In 2002, Paul A. Beck proposed his theory of partisan defection, suggesting that being embedded within in a heterogeneous network increases the likelihood of voting for a candidate from the opposite party. In 2006, Diana C. Mutz pointed out that individuals living in such networks are less likely to be active in participation. This paper tests two hypotheses derived from these theories using survey data collected in Taiwan's 2006 mayoral election in Taipei and Kaohsiung City (TEDS2006C). The findings suggest that the theory of partisan defection is partially supported by the Taipei data, but not by the Kaohsiung data. In addition, the generalization of Mutz's theory is limited as no statistically significant relationship was found between living in heterogeneous networks and unwillingness to turning out to vote, although the signs are consistent with the expectation of the theory. This paper attributes such results to contextual differences between the U.S. and Taiwan and the limitations of the data sets. It further suggests a research agenda in which to explore the effects of communication networks on voting behaviors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to a long held belief in post-authoritarian Taiwan in the omnipotence of democracy to ensure the island's autonomy in the face of China, this paper argues that toward the end of the second Chen Shui-bian administration the 'marginal utility' of Taipei's use of democracy in garnering international sympathy has been drastically decreasing; recent examples include its failure to persuade major members of the 'liberal democratic community', the United States in particular, to support or at least acquiesce in its proposed referendum on joining the United Nations under the name of Taiwan held alongside the presidential election in March 2008. The underlying reason, however, is not found in the blame game between Taipei and Washington as to whether the United States is bowing to Chinese pressure at the expense of Taiwan's democratic deepening, or Taiwanese ruling elites' tactic of mobilising mass support is unnecessarily provocative which could end up drawing the US into an unwanted conflict with China. Rather, this paper suggests that the quarrel is indicative of the emergence of a new standard of civilisation based on the degree of democratic-ness in world politics. While mainstream security discourse in Taiwan has been deeply embedded in the binary structure of a democratic, peace-loving Taiwan versus an authoritarian, war-like China, in urging Taiwanese leaders to 'responsibly' strike a balance between promoting their political values and protecting their people's vital interests, senior US officials too unwittingly reproduce the rhetoric of democracy as civilisation. Unable to comprehend the operation of this civilised/barbarian trope in which Taiwan as a 'maturing' democracy (meaning potentially trouble-making) has been located between the West and the rest for the purpose of strategic appropriation, Taipei mistakenly believes that it has occupied the moral high ground vis-a-vis the great powers to 'go it alone' as seen in the UN referendum. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose for this research paper is to investigate the reasons behind the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) initiation of democratization in Taiwan in using the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) of Mexico as comparison. The KMT should be consider as one of the rare hegemonic ruling party in the world to survive democratic transitions intact, even though the nature and structures of the party have been changed tremendously through democratization. The PRI possess the same qualities. However, the reasons for initiating liberalization of the two parties were somewhat different. Ultimately, four explanatory factors (two internal, two external) emerged as the main contributors to the democratization process in Taiwan. They are: first, the development of Taiwanese identity different from that of the Chinese; second, the political demands and activism of a growing middle class due to the economic success; third, the changes in United States foreign policy towards the encouragement of democratization; and fourth and most importantly, the competition with China for support and the recognition from the international community and the need for the Taiwanese government to enhance its appeal to international supporters, particularly the United States. In addition, while the four factors mentioned above all contributed to the KMT-led democratization in Taiwan, the influence of the United State’s foreign policy in the Fast East and its support of democratic states should be considered the most significant factor contributing to the democratization in Taiwan. In sum, the hypothesis proposed by this research paper is that the accumulation and interaction of all four factors made democratization in Taiwan and the end of the KMT one-party dominance inevitable, with the external pressure from the U.S. essentially playing the most significant role in impelling the KMT elites’ decision to liberalize, adopt electoral reform and stop the persecution of the opposition. The theoretical approaches of the paper are as the following: this paper will adopt the definition of “democracy” provided by Linz and Stepan (1978) to serve as guidelines for whether there is democracy in both Taiwan and Mexico. The definition from Linz states that the criteria of democracy are: “ [The] legal freedom to formulate and advocate political alternatives with the concomitant rights to free association, free speech, and other basic freedoms of person; free and nonviolent competition among leaders with periodic validation of their claim to rule; inclusion of all effective political offices in the democratic process; and provision for the participation of all members of the political community. Practically, this means the freedom to create political parties and to conduct free and honest elections at regular intervals without excluding any effective political office from direct or indirect electoral accountability” (Linz, 5). The paper will also posit that Lipset’s take on modernization theory (1959) holds valid in the case of Taiwan. The economic success in the 1970s and 1980s created a large, well-organized middle class that in turn demanded more political freedom, equality and liberalization. In addition, the paper also addresses Linz and Diamond’s (1989) claim that the genesis and maintenance of democracy is ‘greatly facilitated by values and behavioral dispositions, particularly at the elite level, of compromise, flexibility, tolerance, conciliation, moderation and restraint” (Linz, 12). The methodology use by the paper will be comparative analysis on both the KMT and the PRI’s initiation to liberalize. The paper will also provide historical analysis on the nature of the KMT and its 50-year dominance on Taiwan. Lastly, the paper analyzes voter turn-outs and the results of the 2000 presidential election, which validated the consolidation of democracy in both Taiwan and Mexico. Maybe it is because of the geographic distance; Taiwan and Mexico are not often compared and studied together. Even though there are great differences between the KMT and PRI authoritarian regime, the end result of democratization and the eventual ousting of both parties from power were the same. The paper hopes to shed light on the reasons behind an elite-led liberalization by comparing two difference cases with the same end results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades of the twentieth century, interactions among Taiwan, Hong Kong, and mainland China have undergone extensive change, moving from intensified confrontation to closer economic exchange. After Taipei legalized travel to the mainland in November 1987, new economic opportunities were opened up to both sides of the Strait. This change aroused plenty of discussions, with the main discussion centered around the possibility of an economically integrated Greater China . The great volume of trade across the strait and the huge amount of investments on the mainland by Taiwanese entrepreneurs have created a dense economic relationship that is potentially beneficial to further integration. In view of this, many scholars and political elites in the region have expressed their optimistism on the formation of Greater China through many of their discourses. The usages of terms such as “Greater China,” “Chinese Economic Area,” “Common Chinese Market,” or “South China Economic Sphere” all reflect these scholars’ eager expectation. However, the concerns for each side’s security, sovereignty, and domestic politics hinder such development, and the expected spillover from economic corporation into a higher level of integration has not yet appeared. In this paper, I would try to answer why the economic integration is unlikely in Greater China. And I would like to argue that the current economic interaction and given cultural similarity cannot lead to economic integration in the absence of political understanding. On the surface, comparative advantages come from complementary economic development on both sides of the Strait , geographic proximity (reducing transportation costs) and cultural affinity (reducing transaction costs in investment and technology transfer). However, fundamental sovereignty and identity differences remain. In the first part of this paper, I would like to apply Keohane and Nye’s framework, interdependence, to argue that the growing trade and investment volume flowing across the Strait does not imply interdependence. Since interdependence is a necessary antecedent to economic integration, integration is unlikely without any interdependence. Even if the ongoing trend can lead us to cross the threshold of interdependence, the political concerns are still able to undermine further institutionalization. In the second part of this paper, I would like to focus on the concept of cultural affinity which is supposed to be a plus for integration. However, given current political considerations, what we have are perceived hostility and alienated identification, and these factors reverse the plus to a minus for integration. In the third part, I would like to emphasize contested sovereignty, identity, and security tensions which can be seen as the prerequisites for the progress of economic integration. According to Joanne Gowa, security matters, however, enlightened by David Laitin’s study on leadership, I argue that the government/leader’s political concerns towards sovereignty and identity can play the most important role in hindering the progress of negotiation, furthermore, the future process of integration. I would like to conclude that since the political issue, especially sovereignty and identity issues, is not settled yet, it is too optimistic to expect the spillover effect that brings the current thriving economic interaction into a more institutionalized economic integration in the Greater China region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan has become one of the major weapons importers in the past ten years and is likely to continue to be so for the foreseeable future. Constrained by an inadequate military technology base and increasing threats from China?s rapid arms upgrading, Taiwan?s primary approach to maintaining its defensive capability has become the acquisition of weapon systems from abroad, especially from the United States. However, recent open policy debates on arms procurement have exposed Taiwan?s longstanding problems in relation to the legitimacy of procurement policy making, which in turn has delayed weapon acquisition process. This paper closely examines Taiwan?s policy process in relation to the purchase of Kidd-class destroyers from the US Navy, which provoked unprecedented and heated domestic debates and disputes between the US and Taiwanese governments. Drawing on the notions of science and technology studies, this article analyzes the evolution and nature of the technology controversy in the case of the acquisition of the Kidd destroyers and in the context of Taiwan?s democratizing policy process. It argues that the technological rhetoric taken up by policy actors for policy advocacy is often not as rational and accurate as it appears. In fact, military professional judgments and technological rhetoric in the policy process tend to be manipulated and fluid. It is therefore found that Taiwan?s current arms procurement decision, which is almost initiated and dominated by the military services and their own assessments, has failed to gain appropriate legitimacy. In the initial stage of the acquisition of Kidd destroyers, the military proposal approved by the US left no alternative for domestic policy deliberation. The pressure of the acquisition schedule and legislative scrutiny easily drove the military to set the accomplishment of arms deal as a goal without carefully contemplating the accountability of internal assessments and policy alternatives. The present paper suggests that legislative deliberation should be applied to the early phrase of Taiwan?s procurement policy-making, so that alternative solutions and measures can be discussed and analyzed. The research also points to the need for the US, as a major supplier of arms to Taiwan, to pay more attention to and have more patience with Taiwan?s domestic response to weapons offers so as to maintain American long-term interests in the region. Given the growing number of civilian policy actors in the area of Taiwan?s defence policy, an acquisition process cannot be streamlined unless its policy legitimacy is secured. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests three democratic peace theory hypotheses for East Asian political cooperation and a fourth commercial exchange hypothesis. H1 suggests that like regimes will have excellent bilateral relations, H2 suggests that unlike regimes will have poor bilateral relations, and H3 draws on Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder to say that democracies will have poor bilateral relations with nondemocracies. Finally, H4 suggests that there is a positive correlation between two regimes' economic ties and their bilateral relations. A robust test of the respective hypotheses (using a pool of nineteen bi-national East Asian dyads that includes China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan) provides the most durable support for H4. Economic linkages are defined via a mathematical formula that incorporates the volume of cross-national trade and the base 10 logarithm of each regime’s GDP. Political contestation is defined via a score that incorporates Polity IV data and a measure of Internet openness from the OpenNet Initiative. This test finds H4 is the most convincing explanation for the variation in bilateral relations among the dyads; in addition, the relationship is considerably more robust when the China-Taiwan dyad is excluded. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cube Law is a benchmark for the relationship between seats and votes for elections under the first-past-the-post system. Mathematically, there are two assumptions underlying the Cube Law: that the distribution of vote share at the district level is normal and that the standard deviation of the distribution is of a certain magnitude. While the first assumption is not unusual, the second begs an explanation why the standard deviation would be large enough to sustain the Cube Law. In this regard, scholars generally point to contagion or clustering in voting behavior.In this paper we argue that spatial autocorrelation can help explain the extent to which the relationship between seats and votes conform to the Cube Law. We demonstrate mathematically that an increase in the spatial autocorrelation in vote share indeed leads to an increase in its standard deviation. Empirically, we propose to investigate recent legislative elections in Taiwan and see how the spatial autocorrelation and standard deviation of vote share are related to each other and how they affect the relationship between seats and votes. We believe this project will enhance our understanding of the Cube Law. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Partisan voters who change their vote choices on the Election Day account for a small portion of the electorate but play a decisive role in a close election. This study examines Paul A. Beck’s (2002) social support theory of partisan defectionâ€"a voter who perceives support for a candidate of the opposite party from his/her communication network is likely to defectâ€"with data collected in Taiwan after the 2004 presidential election, the election marked by its two-camp competition, the first time in Taiwan's s history that campaign went like a two-party system. Besides empirical test of the theory, this paper presents that pan-green supporters are more volatile than pan-blue camp supporters, as well as the major factors associated with this pattern. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 22, 2008, Taiwan elected a new President hence not only its domestic politics but also its relations with China have entered into a new phase. Taiwan's new President Ma Ying-jeou suggested and proposed a series of political standing points and views which are quite different with those of former President Chen Shui-bian. Compared with Chen, Ma expresses more open views on many issues, particularly on his cross-strait policy. For instance, he re-started the cross-strait negotiations which had been stopped for several years under the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and Chen Shui-bian's rule. Taiwan therefore signed many historical agreements with China. Ma Ying-jeou suggests having more controllable and stable cross-strait relations under the insistence of Taiwan's sovereignty. However, although the cross-strait relations seem to progress towards a more positive direction, there are still some points that need to be clarified and investigated. The most outstanding point is China's attitudes to Taiwan; that is to say, China apparently separates political issues from economic ones. Therefore, this paper attempts to investigate cross-strait relations by means of examining their contacts and exchanges on trade, governmental, social and security issues. That is, the author wants to examine whether Ma's policies have changed the cross-strait relations and the prospects of cross-strait relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By a case of Taiwan’s environmental politics, this paper seeks to understand how existing social ties can be manipulated by industrial producers so as to neutralize the local opposition to pollution. Guanxi, as a form of social ties in Chinese societies, stresses relational propriety and mutual reciprocity. Hence, the absence of guanxi between industry and local communities invites anti-pollution protests, which explains the wave of mass insurgency in the late-1980s. Afterwards, business installs a series of community reward programs to establish guanxi with local elites. Now elites play the role of redistributors and broker, rather than protest leaders, and consequently, the popular discontent over pollution is contained. I argue that rewards are not merely bribery, but a resource to create morally indebtedness on the part of local elites who become dependent on industry to satisfy their constituencies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adopting a triadic relationship model of ethnonational politcs, this paper makes the following argument. First, the presence of external kin groups matters in terms of how salient different ethnic minority group identities are. Second, in the China case, I argue that we should understand different ethnic groups in China and their political mobilization or non-mobilization from the angel of their relationship with the external kin. For groups that have external kin relationship in other neighboring countries, it is much easier for them, than other groups that do not have such external relationship, to resist the assimilative power from the majority Han Chinese and the Chinese state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the 2006 Anti-Corruption Movement as an illustration, this paper investigates the (im)possibility of resistance to the formation of Taiwanese national identity as a form of domination. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper extends the body of literature on the "clarity of responsibility" and the "incumbent alternatives for dissent" by investigating the effects of economic conditions on individual vote choice in Korea and Taiwan, nations where voters have experienced one-party dominant systems. Particularly I examine the significance of both lifetime economic experience and short-term economic conditions in Korean and Taiwanese elections. I maintain that in a society where one-party dominates individual political preferences are shaped not by short-term economic conditions but rather by individual economic experience with a dominant party. I also argue that lifetime economic experience determines individual vote choice when the succession of leadership within a dominant party is clear. Finally, once voters experience both the dominant and opposition parties in power, they vote based on their evaluations of short-term economic conditions. To test my arguments, I analyze recent presidential elections in Korea and Taiwan to study the effects of lifetime economic experience and short-term economic conditions on individual vote choice. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers two strategic explanations for policy -ambiguity' in Taiwanese premier Chen Shui-bien's rhetoric using measurements from a large scale chinese language content analysis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will take a look at the individual country efforts at e-government from Singapore’s e-GAP (Government Action Plan) I and II to Korea and Taiwan’s e-Korea and e-Taiwan policies, showing the impact on development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Linking domestic & international politics, this paper offers a model of "Four-Level Nested Games" approach to Taiwan problems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper investigates how changes in perceived threat levels, democratization, and alliance politics have brought about falling military expenditures in Taiwan since the early 1990s, even as the military threat from mainland China has intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper wants to study how the PRC perceive the Taiwan Problem and explain how it made and implemented Taiwan policy incrementally from three perspectives(individual actors,domestic structures, and contextual constraints). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how variation in state capacity for controlling.x000d.political information facilitates regime popularity or regime change..x000d.Contemporary China and Taiwan are treated as cases for testing a new theory.x000d.about political information and regime survival. After examining media control.x000d.mechanisms, media content from 20,000 articles in mass circulation daily newspapers from 1978-2003, and political change over time, this paper argues that improvements in Chinese information control and propaganda increased popular support for the ruling Chinese Communist Party. By comparison, the Nationalist regime in Taiwan proved unable to control media content and yielded space for the emergence of political competitors, who used mass media to advocate political reform and garner support for democratic regime change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taiwan's national identity is unique, diverse, important, and an urgent task for the people in Taiwan. In this paper, national identity is treated as a latent variable and used self-identity and attitudes toward China to measure this vague concept. Besides, rational choice theory is used for people in Taiwan to "choose" their shallow national identity. Also, this paper is testing the relationship between economic confidence and consolidated democracy to national identity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how party organization might enhance the durability of a single-paper regime overtime. Drawing from Angelo Panebianco's organizational theory, it argues that extent of party institutionalization influences the internal cohesion and stability of a party. Based on an in-depth study of the Kuomintang Party (KMT)'s party organization and recruitment patterns in Taiwan, this paper explains how an authoritarian-hegemonic regime under Chiang Ching-Kuo (1975-1986) transformed into a predominant party regime under Lee Teng-hui (1986-2000) and eventually gave way to competitive, liberal democratic regime in 2000. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military threat was intensively used by China during Taiwan's presidential elections but is widely argued as counterproductive because it didn't prevent pro-independence candidates from winning the elections. To explain the logic of China's military threat and outcomes of the elections, this paper develops a formal framework in which China and the incumbent party has better information about the state of the world than voters and non-incumbent party. China's threat is interpreted as a way to transfer information to voters. Although she doesn't prevent the pro-independence party from being elected, China successfully prevents the winning party from declaring formal Taiwanese independence. In this way, China is always better off by issuing threats. In general, this paper not only attempts to improve our understanding of Taiwan Straight confrontation but also tries to shed new insight on the study of military threat in International Relations. It also offers a concrete game theoretic model to illustrate Putnam's two-level game metaphor. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Next year’s (2007) Congressional election in Taiwan will employ the new “single district, two votes system”. The implementation of the new system requires reapportionment of electoral districts through out the country. The reapportioners of the Central Election Commission and the various local election commissions in Taiwan are now totally immersed in mapping out reapportionment plans. This is the first time that the Taiwan government has engaged in such a nationwide, full-scale electoral demarcating undertaking. To borrow experiences from advanced democratic countries, this paper perused over literature concerning apportionment and reapportionment in Parliamentary and Congressional districting practices in Great Britain and the United States. From these two case studies, we derived districting criteria as they were used in demarcating electoral districts in England and America. These districting criteria were, in turn, converted into “benchmarking” criteria for designing Congressional districts in Taiwan. We use Q-methodology in our study to treat these “criteria” as “Q-statements” or “Q-items”. These “Q-statements” or “Q-items” were “sorted out” by a panel of eight policy stakeholders or specialists according to the items’ relevance and salience for formulating reapportionment formula in Taiwan. The panel’s evaluation of the “Q-statements” enables us to conduct an empirical analysis. The analysis comes up with a package of practical proposals for implementing reapportionment schemes in Taiwan. The proposals include setting up yardsticks for reapportionment such as the principles of equity of population and contiguity of districts; the integrity of districting area and administrative jurisdiction; and the linkage between redistricting and geographical boundaries. In the concluding part, this paper also proffers three policy recommendations: 1.When several dispersed old districts are regrouped into a new single district, partisan negotiation must be conducted to reach consensus in order to avoid reapportionment dispute. 2.Workshops must be held for reapportionment practitioners to heighten their perceptions of possible gerrymandering in executing redistricting projects. 3.All levels of election commissions must invite citizens to participate in “deliberative polling sessions” to listen to “grass-roots” voice to make the implementation of the redistricting plans more feasible. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the conventional view seeing Taiwanese national identity and Chinese national identity as mutually exclusive; further this paper offers explanations to the compatible coexistence of the two national identities. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic ambiguity (SA) is the policy that the US does not explicitly state whether it will come to Taiwan's defense in the event of an attack by the PRC, hence deterring both sides from reckless moves. The argument claims that structural realism is insufficient to account for why the Truman administration chose SA over other policy options. Identity serves as a cognitive script for leaders to interpret threats, construct national security intersts, and select policies. SA is chosen and consistently implemented because it resonates with the Wilsonian internationalist identity. Identity can perform a signaling function to other states. Given Washington's pivotal role in maintaining peace between Taipei and Beijing, Wilsonianism reveals US's firm resolve to defend Taiwan's democracy while engaging in free trade with China, revealing that it aims for a peaceful resolution and that neither side should feel suspicious about US's intention. The case studies examine the 1949-50 Truman administration's Taiwan Strait policy. Process-tracing and Mill's methods of agreement and difference will be used to illustrate the effect of Wilsonianism on Truman, Acheson, Dulles, and Rusk, and their preferences for SA over other policy approaches. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public management and quality in the public sector have a number of unique conditions in comparison with the private sector. They presume basic preconditions, common to socio-political and administrative culture: legitimacy, the rule of law and ethical behaviour based on common values and principles such as openness, accountability, participation, diversity, equity, social justice, solidarity, collaboration and partnerships. Public policy is implemented in and by government agencies; this is the very place where the concept of good governance gets promoted first. The case study describes how qualitative performance evaluation is linked to dissemination of good governance, comparing more generally Asia with Europe in its pursuit of achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Government agencies in Taiwan and Estonia differ from historic viewpoint but share the path of democratization, offering original research for comparative analysis. The study defines and contextualizes good governance by using a Common Assessment Framework (CAF) and evaluates its application in administrative agencies in respective small states. The findings suggest that effective promotion of good governance in transition societies depends mostly on political will and management commitment, especially in the area of focus on people. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party authoritarianism draws a great deal of attention among the students of party politics regarding its impact on democratic regimes. However, what constitutes such authoritarian party structure is usually taken for granted. Although the political culture and institutional structures, as macro-level factors, may shape party authoritarianism, we also see significant variance in party authoritarianism in a given political system. Why? This study proposes that understanding this variance requires paying more attention to micro-level factors. By conducting a comparative case study of four major political parties in Turkey, this work identifies four types of party authoritarianism: clandestine, benign, coercive, challenged. Using the principal-agent approach to party governance, this study argues that the incentive structures between the central party elite (the principal) and the local party leaders (the agent) shed some light onto the variance in authoritarianism across and within the political parties. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) participate in the policy process has been a continuing focus in the civic engagement and comparative literature. Whether in nondemocratic or democratic political systems, the recurrent concern is to understand the mechanisms and strategies that NGOs use to gain access to the policy and decision making process.The conventional understanding of nondemocratic political systems is that NGOs are weak and are unable to affect change in the policy process. Similarly, in policy areas where the government plays a dominant role, NGOs become marginal players, unable to gain access to the inner circle of policymaking. In this case study, findings show that NGOs in Taipei use different mechanisms and strategies to gain legitimacy with the government. Specifically, trust is a mechanism that organizations manipulate in order to gain legitimacy with the government. Legitimate organizations, that is, organizations that can break through to the inner circles of policymaking, are those that can successfully develop trust with the government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite numerous studies having discussed whether and how electoral institutions affect voters voting behaviors, the conclusions diverse. To tackle this question, the 2004 electoral reform in Taiwan provides a natural experiment. By applying structural equation modeling techniques to panel data from the 2004-2008 Taiwan’s Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) survey, I investigate whether and how the change in electoral institutions affect voters’ decisions. The statistical analysis supports conventional wisdoms and demonstrates that in contrast with single non-transferable vote (SNTV) and proportional representation (PR) systems, single member district (SMD) systems make voters identifying with minor parties become more likely to desert their favorite parties and to strategically vote for major parties. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decision-making is the study of identifying and choosing alternatives based on the values and preferences of the decision maker. Decision making is also the process of sufficiently reducing uncertainty and doubt about alternatives to allow a reasonable choice to be made from among them. The research methods in this study include naturalistic (unobtrusive) and recording observation and case study.On August 23, 2004, the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan passed landmark constitutional amendment proposals to cut the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extend terms to four years from three, adopt a "single-district, two-vote" system, ensure women half of the seats for legislators from the nationwide constituency, give people referendum rights, and abolish the National Assembly. They signify the district legislators shall be elected as the number of districts; nationwide constituency and overseas legislators shall be elected according to the list of nomination of the parties that has garnered more than 5% of the votes, Female legislators shall account for no less than one half of the elected members of each party. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan has increased its vote share in the past three legislative elections. Nevertheless, the 2004 and 2008 elections were widely viewed as major defeats for the party. Through an analysis of the DPP's performance in recent Legislative Yuan elections, this article considers the effects of electoral rules on election outcomes and the perception of those outcomes. In Taiwan, under both the previous Single Non-transferable Vote (SNTV) and the current Mixed Member Majoritarian (MMM) systems, the mechanical effect of how electoral rules translate votes into seats and the psychological impact this has on voter and party behavior have often dramatically influenced party electoral performance by causing vote and seat shares to diverge. This divergence also affects the perception of party electoral performance by causing outcomes not to meet expectations. In addition, this article analyzes the effects of recent changes to the electoral system in Taiwan and whether these changes structurally disadvantage the DPP. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines young people's political and civic engagement in an established democracy (New Zealand) and in a new democracy (Taiwan) using extant theories to provide a glimpse of the political behaviour of young Taiwanese and New Zealanders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research on relations between civic culture and socioeconomic development started with Weber, which focuses on the relation between ethics and economical development. Putnam (1993) reported that the geographic distribution of civic culture has remained roughly the same for 100 years and that civic culture can explain its relationship with socioeconomic development at the turn of the century. Many researches followed this issue and extend to different region (Rice & Sumberg 1997; Schneider, Plumper and Bauman 2000; Rice & Arnett 2001). This research extends this analysis to Taiwan, and use regression analysis to examine the relations between civic culture and socioeconomic development in Taiwan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political attitudes held by the people of Taiwan can be explained by the unemployment rate and people visiting from both sides in this study. Only unilateral national identity can be explained by socioeconomic and cultural factors in this study. The theme of this research is to use quantitative regression analysis to interpret the causes of Taiwan people's political attitudes toward China since 1994. The main five variables used step by step in this research are emotional (national identity), political (political party identification), economical (economic growth rates), social (unemployment rates), and cultural (the amounts of people visiting from both sides) characteristics. The research is designed by three models: the first model tests the socioeconomic and cultural variables' relations with political attitudes, the second model tests the socioeconomic and cultural variables' relations with national identity, and the third model tests the above five main variables and its relations with political attitudes or national identities. The main contribution of this research uses socioeconomic and cultural indicators to observe changing attitudes in Taiwan over the past ten years. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic voting plays a central role when one theories about the direct links between economic conditions and the political decisions of voters. In the research of developed democratic countries, such as in Western Europe and the United States, economic voting is used to predict the voting behavior of citizens. Unfortunately, scholars tend to pay less attention to newly emerging democratic countries, e.g. Latin America, Eastern Europe and East Asia. The research generally avoids using democratization as an explanation for the emergence of economic voting. Among these countries, the relatively consolidated and stable democratization in Eastern Asia provides an essential case for examining the emergence of economic voting. There is insufficient research about economic voting in this field, so some scholars conclude that there is no economic voting in East Asia. Therefore, I assume democratization will lead to economic voting, especially in Japan, Korea and Taiwan; because all these countries went through a similar democratization process—shift of power followed by economic transformation. Overall, this research will contribute to going generalization about democratic theory and economic voting and how they compare with other Third-Wave democracies. According to the above hypotheses, I will use a cross-national method in my research. Moreover, the observed cases will focus on the important national election outcomes in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan before and after the transfer of power in these countries. In addition, I will especially observe the short-term voting behavior changes, and demonstrate whether significant economic events reinforce economic voting. The dependent variable is the difference in percentage of votes for the incumbent party and for the challenging party. I want to observe if bad economic conditions will punish incumbents and reward challengers. The independent variables in the research include economic evaluation, social cleavage and partisanship. Multivariable regression will be used in the research to estimate the effect of independent variables on the percentage of the vote. In addition, we use some demographic data as control, such as education, gender and age and so on. I have chosen the data of voting percentage results from the statistical electoral data in Japan, South Korea and Taiwan as my dependent variables. As for the independent variables, I employed the database of the East Asia Barometer for this research. It includes updated data for my cases and contains both complete economic evaluations and partisanship questions in the questionnaire. I will use the results of the survey for analysis in this research. The ultimate goal is to acquire an understanding of the relationship between democratization and economic voting, and then determine whether East Asian democratization leads to economic voting. It will become the foundation to research the emergence of economic voting in all newly emerging democratic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the creation and functioning of indigenous science and technology (S&T) development programs in Taiwan and the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China) as comparative cases illustrating the varied and changing role of the state in fostering high technological industrialization. Taiwan and China’s experiences illustrate the changing relative roles of the state and private sectors of the two nations. .x000d.By both policy and economic standards, despite clear drawbacks in both planning and execution, Taiwan’s approach has been the more successful of the two, but China has laid a strong (albeit uneven) foundation for future R&D work. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about bureaucratic response regarding to the An-Shun Plant case. The company was a state owned enterprise when pollution happened. And the company was privatized in 1994. The chemical pollution became infamous and was publicly announced by the EPA, Environment Protection Agency, of Taiwan in 2001. It was because the affected cancer rate of the community residents was higher than the other communities. The health of community citizens was affected physically and psychologically because of the existence of the toxic pollution. Three communities’ citizens, including Shan-Gon, Lu-Er, and Shih-Chao, were affected by the pollution. The chemical pollution had been existed in the communities over 60 years according to the history of An-Shun Plant. The community citizens’ dioxin rate in their blood was tested to be higher than citizens from other areas in Taiwan around 2001. 40 million US dollars’ budget, about 1.3 billion NT dollars, for 5 consecutive years was passed in 2005 as compensation for the chemical pollution in the communities. The role of government bureaucrats became important since they were responsible for environmental policy making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the results of a survey of Taiwanese judges in all district courts in Taiwan to examine the implementation of the reconciliation policy during divorce mediation and trial. The reconciliation policy mandates that judges push for reconciliation of a marriage rather than divorce. The focus of the survey is how Taiwanese judges’ views on divorce affect their implementation of the reconciliation policy. Because the divorce law in Taiwan has long been considered a law that helps women to escape a troubled marriage, a strict implementation of the reconciliation policy is presumed to disadvantage women more than men. .x000d.I present and analyze comparative empirical data from attitudinal surveys of both judges and the Taiwanese public. From the findings of the empirical data, I conclude that the reconciliation policy reflects ideas about marriage and divorce which are deeply rooted in the Taiwanese society. I found that there is a significant correlation between Taiwanese judges’ views on divorce and their implementation of the reconciliation policy. As compared to other groups of the Taiwanese public, Taiwanese judges tend to be the least in favor of the reconciliation policy, and the most liberal towards divorce. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the long-term transformation of technology policy networks in Korea and Taiwan. It hypothesizes that technology policies are the outcomes of complex intertemporal exchanges among political actors. The political institutions of a country constitute the framework within which political transactions are accomplished and shape incentives facing political actors in policymaking process. I apply a transaction cost politics approach to understand the ways in which political institutions affect the transactions that political actors are able to undertake and the quality of policies. The main argument is that tripartite consultative networks involving government, business, and the scientific community have been the core mechanisms of two countries’ choice of coherent and flexible technology policies and their effective implementation from the 1960s to the 1970s. However, the change of political institutions and their interaction affected their networks differently since the mid-1980s. The transformation of Korean political institutions gradually dismantled policy networks through weakening state autonomy and capacity; while Taiwan’s political transformation was accompanied by elaborate high-tech policy networks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science and technology policies attempting to correct for market failure in R&D efforts are now one of the most important areas of political economy. This paper focuses specifically on government-funded public-private R&D collaboration in Korea and Taiwan, making it clear that the existing East Asian developmental state discourse is no longer sufficient. Indeed, Korea and Taiwan are growing as a function of an innovation-based developmental state, confirmed with macro-level data analysis (OECD and USPTO) and comparative case study analysis. These two countries are not entirely similar, however. Comparative micro-level analysis using the unique KORTAI R&D dataset shows divergence between Korea and Taiwan in terms of industrial targeting of public research funds. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the eve of the ROC's national celebration day, a news report about PRC's official occupied the headline in Taiwan. The news says Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou will meet top China negotiator Chen Yunlin to discuss direct passenger and cargo flights in late October. According to Taiwan's topic negotiator on China policy, this meeting will be the largest breakthrough in the cross-Strait relations since 1949. The story behind this news are a Republic which began as a one-pary dominated authoritarin government in 1911 to a fledgling democracy which tries to reshape its relations with Mainland China in order to bring more business opportunities for its citizens through cross-Strait trade than the former administration did. This paper intends to trace this development of citizen's rights in the formation of the Republic, and its political and economic reforms in the later periods. The concepts of authority, territory and rights will be used as analytical tools to dissect different shape and form of political governance, subjectivities, and normative discourse in configuring the people's rights to the Republic and its implications on the citizens' rights claims to the PRC. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is electoral government spending distinct between pre- and post-democratization periods? A large literature suggests that allocations are structurally different: generally, total spending and civilian distributions increase following democratization while the military’s share of the budget decreases. Further, these trends are pronounced in election years. However, a smaller set of studies point out that governments in less-democratic countries also respond strategically to constituency demands. Curiously, few studies compare pre- and post-democratization spending. This paper fills the gap with data from South Korea and Taiwan. Three findings are useful: First, it establishes strategic constituency responsiveness prior to democratization. Second, it reveals the strategic use of electoral spending following democratization to develop one branch of the government â€" the executiveâ€" that penalizes legislative parties. Third, the result of such strategic spending is an increase in the number of parties in the legislature. This result suggests that party fragmentation may enhance rather than jeopardize democratic performance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will discuss what kind of strategies the reform-minded judges have used to carry out judicial independence reform. One of the major strategies of the reform movement centered on “the rule of law.” .x000d.The reform strategy had several advantages. First, it legitimatized and justified the reform movements. Second, any reform movement must use the language and framework which targeted groups can understand if people are to be mobilized. Unlike most other social movements which often mobilize the public, the targeted group was a special one in Taiwan’s judicial independence reform: judges. Law is the common and professional language of judges. It could facilitate activists’ attempts to persuade judge fellows to join or support the reform movement. Third, it also depoliticized the reform movement. The strategy of the rule of law somehow conceals the political implications of these reform movements. It not only weakens the political and the judicial elite’s vigilance but also helps other judges accept the appeals of these reform movements. Fourth, choosing the rule of law as a mobilization strategy resolved the dilemma that the reform-minded judges faced. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent year, there have been significant developments in the peace and stability in cross-Strait relations, which is critical to the international relations in East Asia. In addition, the interaction among mainland China, US, and Taiwan is increasing as they are becoming more active in regional multilateral institutions. This situation raises the puzzle that whether institutions, economic interdependence can facilitate peace and stability among China, Taiwan and the United States. If the answer is yes, what are these causal mechanisms? Liberal theories of international relations emphasize the role of international institutions on fostering cooperation by reducing obstacles. such as uncertainty and transaction costs.. that stand in the way of mutually beneficial agreements between states. In addition, they also hold that interdependence decreases the incentives for conflict and war because states become reluctant to disrupt or jeopardize the welfare benefits of open economic exchange. This paper unifies these theoretical insights to explore the role of economic interdependence, institutions on the stability and cooperation between mainland China, Taiwan, and the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the statistics of Ministry of Justice, it’s about 60% crime rare related with drug crime in Taiwan. These situations show us the drug abuse has been more and more serious issue in Taiwan. At the same time, post codes have viewed the identity of drug abuser as “criminal”, however, new codes view identity of drug abuser as “patient”. What’s the background to put this situation changed? Besides, in the past experiences all the drug control policy was made by central government, and not made by local government. There will face the issue how the policy was executed by the local government. Therefore, since July 2006, there was twenty-five city/county governments have established “Drug Abuse Control Center” in Taiwan. To the discussion of relative scholars, the policy network concept has been defined and used in different ways. How the different between the western countries and Taiwan if we use the concept of policy network in Taiwan’s Drug Abuse Control Center. This paper will be dicussed the issue between Drug abuse network and political environment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests the argument that SNTV is subproportional. This test is superior to previous tests because the data are from a country not previously examined and include multiple parties and a change in government. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a simple game model to derive several hypotheses about when a roll call vote is requested. We test the hypotheses with data on roll call and teller votes in the Taiwanese Legislative Yuan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the relationships between religion and state in Mainland China and Taiwan after 1949, trying to explore their experiences in the past, and to tell the possible development tendency in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I reviewed three nation wide surveys to probe Taiwan people's public opinion on self-defense and on the long-stalled U.S. arms procurement bill. Survey results show that Taiwan people have a high willingness to defend the island and to purchase U.S. arms. Results of a multinomial logit show that the consciousness of self-defense, perception of threat from China, political inclination toward the pan-Green alliance, and Taiwanese ethnicity are significantly associated with the option of an arms buildup. The author also finds that those who are more concerned about deteriorating economic prospects or those who support the pan-Blue alliance are more likely to support arms purchases together with talks. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]