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For a long time the works of Habermas and Foucault have been considered to be almost dichotomous, harbouring irreconcilable differences. The one working in the Hegelmarxist tradition of the Frankfurt School’s Critical Theorists, whereas the other, being a Poststructuralist endowed with the typical scepticism with regard to modernity, above all cites the notorious Nietzsche as his main influence. The objective of the paper is to challenge this neat dichotomy by placing both, Habermas and Foucault in the tradition of Critical Theory as it is exemplified in the Dialectic of Enlightenment, being the seminal work of Frankfurt School thinkers Horkheimer and Adorno. It will be argued that both, Habermas and Foucault share certain premises with the critical approach of Horkheimer/Adorno. However, more importantly, the critical enterprises of Habermas and Foucault exhibit certain new features that can be interpreted as an attempt – though not a conscious one in Foucault’s case – to overcome the shortcomings of the critical project of Horkheimer/Adorno. While Habermas tries to avoid the flaws of their allegedly self-defeating critique by introducing the concept of communicative rationality that is to serve as the foundation of critique, Foucault chooses another way out of the dilemma of the Dialectic of Enlightenment. In the view presented in this paper, he resorts to a Nietzschean Genealogical approach that rests on a hybrid mixture of fact and fiction making heavy use of rhetorical devices. Most importantly, this approach avoids the problem of a self-defeating critique by radically reducing the knowledge and truth claims it raises, depicting itself as being just one interpretation among others. Thus, it will be argued, Habermas and Foucault modify the critique of Horkheimer/Adorno in differing aspects, the effect of both being ways to circumvent the problem of performative contradiction. Habermas sticks to the tradition of the Dialectic of Enlightenment insofar as he continues to raise strong truth claims while abandoning the all-encompassing, totalising critique of the latter, explicitly exempting certain phenomena from the critique to use them as a foundation for his critical task. Foucault, conversely, sticks to the notion of an all-encompassing critique while reducing the respective knowledge claims, thereby escaping from performative contradiction. Therefore, it will be argued, both Habermas and Foucault can be described as heirs to the early Frankfurt School. Their critical enterprises share some of the latter’s premises while at the same time modifying certain elements to provide differing ways out of the dilemma of the self-defeating critique of the Dialectic of Enlightenment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the persistence of three popular myths regarding law and courts, myths that persist despite the weight of academic evidence to the contrary. In the field of constitutional law, politicians frequently call for neutral justices who will strictly construe the constitution. In civil law, arguments over a litigation crisis are commonly used in exhorting tort reform. And in the field of criminal law, misplaced fear of a rising crime rate contributed to adoption of harsher penalties, despite little evidence of deterrence value. After substantiating the existence of each myth, the academic evidence regardfing each is examined, evidence that undercuts each of these myths. Explanations for the persistence of the myths are then discussed. This section of the paper draws on political psychology (Kuklinski, and Misinformation, 2000 JOP) and rhetorcial studies to examine the manners in which the myths are transmitted and employed, and further to analyze the political functions that these (and all) myths serve for politicians and the public at large. Finally, I conclude that while scholars of law and courts may be disheartened that their evidence is ignored, we should not be terribly surprised: persistent myths abound in culture and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toward A Coherent Global Economic Governance Strategy Globalization is at the center of public debate throughout the world. It reflects the growing interdependence of economies, which goes far beyond the expansion of international trade and capital flows, to the diffusion of technology, culture, even democracy. It has also become entwined with the policy agenda of deregulation and liberalization in which governments have retracted from their legitimate and necessary roles to regulate markets at the national and international levels to ensure that economic development does in fact lead to social progress. The strategy of sustainable development allows these issues to be discussed coherently from a public management perspective. Unfortunately, efforts to make free trade and sustainable development policies more compatible have faced significant obstacles over the years: the two communities have distinct goals, traditions, operating procedures, and languages; the ultimate goods for advocates of sustainable development (equity, environmental protection) have often been the consummate bad for advocates of free trade. A divergence in the value systems between proponents of free trade and sustainable development would occur in the absence of world trade and investment; however, ethical questions have become more difficult and urgent in an international context as economic decisions in one country impinge on environmental, health, and labor conditions in other countries. Ethical questions also arise in allocating the costs of development in an intergenerational context. Who is to bear the cost of employee health and safety? Will market regimes shift more significant costs of environmental protection to future generations? Are such regimes more effective than government regulation? Are they more equitable? The need to collapse efficiency, equity and the related issue of stewardship may be most acute in discussions revolving around the issues of climate change, species decline, population growth, immigration and other problems in which the international and intergenerational distribution of costs and benefits is central. Economics and politics cannot answer purely ethical questions associated with these and the growing number of issues with global implications, but a public management perspective can greatly help in sorting out the issues, identifying more or less efficient and effective trade measures, and tracing through the equity implications of development, trade, environmental and labor policies. The central theme of this study is that the current economic paradigm supporting free trade and multilateralism needs to be viewed in the broader context of trade-economic growth-environment and sustainable development. In the absence of such integration trade is unlikely to be sustainable. Moreover, the greater awareness of the tradeoffs in this regard, the greater will be the potential for a sustainable world trade system. The paper proceeds as follows: First, a discussion of the role of trade liberalization in promoting current global development patterns is presented. This is followed by a discussion of the general approach of trade law to environmental and labor issues, noting the most important shortcomings in this regime. Based on the above, what are the implications of this for the public sector? The paper suggests that the erosion of effective public regulation or “governance” results in high social costs that pose the most serious threat from globalization. Moreover, the erosion of public authority reflects the shortcomings of the present paradigm of international economic governance (i.e. a growing “governance-gap”). Finally, an alternative model for reconciling trade, labor, environmental, and other developmental concerns is presented which is more sensitive to unique economic, social, political, and administrative conditions in developing regions. Its deployment suggests that supranational organizations, not free trade agreements, are the most viable structures for reconciling global trade, development and environmental needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper substitutes variables for countries in analyzing attitudes toward democracy in six Asian nations: Korea, China (Mainland), Japan, Taiwan, Philippines, and Thailand. The working hypothesis of the paper is that national differences in attitudes and opinions reflect underlying socioeconomic variations across nations, rather than inherent cultures within the nations. According to this hypothesis, urban-rural configurations of the populations should dominate opinion orientations, rather than idiosyncratic characteristics of these nations. The fundamental rural-urban cleavage will explain attitudes toward traditionalism-modernism which, correspondingly, will contribute to an explanation of attitudes toward democracy. The data for the study come from probability samples across the selected nations in a multi-nayion study using the same questionnaire in 2001. The analysis shows that rural-urban cleavages, seldom used in cross-national comparisons, are significant explanatory factors within nations. This study examines whether these within-nation associations are also significant for explaining attitudes and opinions in a cross-national analysis. The essential issue is: Is within-nation variance greater than variance among nations on the issues of interest? The inclusion of both developed and developing Asian nations permits examination of whether levels of development contribute to national profiles of public attitudes toward elements of democracy such as preference for democracy over authoritarian forms of government, satisfaction with democracy, desire for democracy, and other indicators of democratic support and consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains why some opposition groups can inspire millions to stand in the cold for days while others generate little popular attention? This issue is not sufficiently understood by scholars of social movements and opposition processes, who tend to focus more on underlying and longer term conditions that promote or inhibit action and less on the moment when protests by small numbers of activists expand into mass popular demonstrations. Understanding this moment may help us see why "electoral revolutions" occurred in some former communist countries but not others. My claim in this paper is that cultural context, particularly the limits and opportunities provided by social understandings of nationalism and remembered history, greatly affects whether activists can convince large numbers of people to act together. I defend this claim by analyzing original interviews with youth activists in Georgia, Ukraine, and Russia. My paper shows that the structure of opportunity that activists face includes dominant cultural values and popular expectations that may constrain the story activists hope to tell. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explore the potentially profound political implications of new research into the neuroarchitecture of the brain, especially the role of the mirror neuron system (MNS) which yields compelling evidence that humans are hard-wired for empathy. The same affective brain circuits are automatically mobilized upon feeling one's one pain and observing the pain of others. However, if morality is rooted in biology, in the raw material or building blocks for the evolution of its expression, how do we explain the disjunction between.x000d.its presence and a massive societal empathy deficit? Why hasn't this moral intuition produced a more ameliorating effect? I seek to examine the role of political culture, especially the cultural narrative of hyper-individualism as it interacts with this biological predisposition toward pro-social behavior. The paper draws upon recent work in biology, neuroscience, primatology, cultural studies, political science, psychology and sociology. In an attempt to avoid the dangers of neuroscientific reductionism, I'm comfortable with what William Connolly describes as "...politics through which cultural life mixes into the composition of body/brain process. And vice versa." ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural aspects of globalization have emerged as key issues for East Asia. This paper seeks to understand the local and global implications of cultural flow in the region with a focus on the roles played by national cultural and media policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the conflicting hypotheses of ethnic hatreds and elite persuasion as causes of ethnic nationalist conflict. These theories essentially differ on the acceptance of culture as a factor in the ethnic nationalist conflict that arises with democratization. The ethnic hatreds theory, that nationalist conflict is caused by ancient culture-based hatreds, has tended to be discredited among scholars who argue that culture is not an adequate explanatory feature in examining conflict. It places its sole emphasis on culture, thus making it insufficient in explaining the causes of nationalist conflict. The elite persuasion theory proposes that leaders orchestrate nationalist conflict for political purposes. In Jack Snyder’s formulation (in his work From Voting to Violence: Democratization and Nationalist Conflict), as a state democratizes, elites, those in control of government or society, begin to lose power. In an attempt to regain power, they control the press and make nationalist appeals. As people divide into ethnic nationalist groups, this either intentionally or unintentionally causes conflict. However, this theory focuses on WHY elites persuade, rather than HOW they persuade. Its proponents argue that culture is not a factor and conflict is instead provoked by leaders. Because the elite persuasion theory discredits culture as a cause, it also is an inadequate theory. This study thus synthesizes the two theories and incorporates culture as a cause by introducing the idea of elite manipulation to explain the causes of nationalist conflict. Using the case of Serbia from 1988 to 1999, this study will focus on HOW elites persuade, specifically concentrating on elite manipulation of ethnic nationalism through an examination of political speeches, government documents, and media sources. Culture is a tool elites use to gain power. It will be shown that elites do in fact make appeals to a common history and culture at certain key points. In this case study, this was at the point when leaders were gaining power. Key speeches increased power by mobilizing mass support. Once elites gained power, explicit appeals to a shared history decreased, and they maintained power through control of the media. Nonetheless, culture continued to play a role. What past studies emphasizing elite persuasion have failed to consider is that not only are elites appealing to one ethnic group, but they are also suppressing competing ethnic groups to gain and maintain power. Competing groups were culturally suppressed in Serbia as elites attempted to influence every aspect of life from language to education. Therefore, in place of the elite persuasion theory, which sidelines culture and focuses on populist appeals to one ethno-nationalist group, this study suggests that a more complete theory includes the aspect of culture. Ethnic nationalist conflict is not only caused by elite persuasion but by elite MANIPULATION, including both cultural appeals and cultural suppression. This concept best explains the case of Serbia from 1988 to 1999 by synthesizing the competing theories explaining the ethnic nationalist conflict that occurs as a result of democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At first glance, academic assessment is simply another request for more paper. But it goes well beyond the design of a plan or blueprint. Instead, assessment involves the much more difficult task of creating a new culture. Borrowing from both the experience of the Department of Political Science at Northeastern Illinois University and from the political science literatures on cooperation and policy implementation, I describe the beginning of an assessment culture. I describe the steps taken to build trust and make the task some more tractable, the way commitment grew within the department, and the plan that was devised. I also review some current problem in the implementation of this plan, showing the vulnerability of an assessment culture in its early stages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that subordination of ?body? in a Cartesian duality has drawn American culture and western political thought into problematic underlying contradictions whereby violent occurrences, such as rape, are treated as mental phenomena, despite the overwhelming role and presence of ?body? in these events. I utilize Freud, Susan Bordo, and John Searle in seeking out potential ways to integrate the unknown, the physical ?body?, into critical theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates cultural diffusion in organizations via the computer simulation of an agent-based model. Axelrod (1997) originally explored the diffusion of culture through societies using a simple model with geographically-linked agents to show that local cultural convergence can coexist with global polarization. This model extends these findings by exploring hierarchical links found in organizations. Its central finding is that more horizontally-oriented, egalitarian organizations become more homogeneous and are more likely to converge to the organization head’s culture than are their vertically-oriented counterparts. These findings may therefore be interpreted as support for Putnam’s (1993) assertion that horizontal ties are more effective in fostering civic community than are vertical ties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists have studied the causes of democracy for decades, and despite these scholars? valiant efforts, there is still little known about what causes the transition to democracy or stability in newly established democracies. One possible reason for this lack of knowledge is the failure of many political scientists to use, or even consider, political culture in systematic studies of democratization. Although almost all political scientists admit political culture plays a role in the democratization process, there has been virtually no empirical work done on the relationship between political culture and the transition to democracy. The following paper seeks to fill this void in the literature by empirically testing the relationship between Mary Douglas? theory of culture and consolidation of democracy. Using Douglas? theory, one can predict that a country undergoing consolidation of democracy should have an increase in the number of individualist and hierarchical cultures and a decrease in the number of egalitarian and fatalist cultures. These predictions are tested using with an OLS regression model, where democracy is regressed on political culture. From the data gathered from a sample of twenty-three countries, there seems to be strong support of the predictions made by the theory, but as pointed out, there are some problems to be solved through future research in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports he results of updating my classification of U. S. regional subcultures using data drawn from the 2000 census and the 2000 Glenmary religious survey. It is part of a more comprehensive project to understand: (1) how the social and political identities of Americans are shaped by their racial-ethnic and religous identities, (2) how regional subcultures develop in the United States and continue to evolve; and (3) how political culture and subculture structure American society and politics. The results suggest that internal migration and immigration have significantly altered the regional subcultures that I identified in my earlier study, using 1980 data, and that cultural differences may offer a better explanation of social breakdown, racial inequality, political partisanship, and governmental activity at the local level than differences in economic development and social diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines unconventional political behavior in the Islamic world. Using data from the most recent wave of the World Values Survey, I test several hypotheses regarding the primary sources of protest behavior in the Islamic world to determine whether, as some have suggested, Islam is responsible for a clash of values with the Islamic world and the West. For comparative purposes, Europe has been included in the analysis to attempt to discern any possible cultural differences. Using ordinary least squares regression, I find that Europeans are more likely to engage in protest activity than Muslims. Further, I determine that cohort differences are responsible for predicting unconventional political behavior in the Islamic world. Last, I demonstrate that Islam is not a major predictor on protest activity in the Islamic world, and the primary clash is with gender, not Islamic values. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The seminal work of Herbert Kaufman claims that homogenous organizational cultures are crucial for goal achievement throughout organizations with a central-peripheral structure and a task-handling process which cannot be fully regulated through formal rules. In that vein, this article examines if fragmented organizational cultures can account for illegitimate variations in outcome in these types of organizations. The analysis draws on data from a unique questionnaire study; of the whole population of public employees handling sick-leave benefits in the Swedish Social Insurance Agency (SSIA). Sweden represents an interesting case as its welfare system has a decentralized structure and its general and generous coverage needs high revenues and therefore relies on legitimacy from larger sets of the population. The article shows that fragmented organizational culture does account for a considerable amount of regional variations in outcome. The main result is that employees with non-socialist political views contribute to lower levels of sick-leave benefits granted. The paper argues that public administration is politicized in ways not shown before, a pattern that is in violation of Constitutional rules in most countries. Further, the analysis shows an effect of two ethical orientations of employees on outcome; rule-orientation contributes to lower levels of sick-leave benefits granted and so does also care-orientation given a certain level of self-reported self-discipline among citizens. Finally, the analysis shows that higher levels of social capital among citizens correlate with higher benefits levels. This latter result suggests that social insurance administration might be an area where there is a limit for how much increasing levels of social capital improve results. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper suggests that previous literature has focused too narrowly on the institutional limitations to democratic responsiveness, to the neglect of the cultural-identity concerns raised in democratic theory. I provide and test a framework for conceptualizing identity, and noting its determinants, which takes into account a variety of factors previously addressed in the literature on EU support. Eurobarometer survey data is utilized in a multi-level model, allowing for the simultaneous consideration of both individual-level and state-level theories of identity formation. Identity development is found to be primarily influenced by diffuse elements of policy support and latent socialization mechanisms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the problem of cultural accommodation in light of the in-group domination objection. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the formation of Catholics during the 19th century as a group separated in culture and institutions from the rest of American society, highlighting the role of popular culture and literature in that process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for organizational innovation to promote civic engagement is responsive to concerns by social scientists that our civic culture is flagging. This paper recognizes the potential of older adults to reinvigorate civic participation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining Ukraine's administrative divisions (oblasts), this paper attempts to explain corruption variation using political, economic and cultural dimensions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic groups differ from each other culturally to varying degrees. The paper shows that the extent of these differences is related to higher levels of civil conflict by influencing the ability of groups to mobilize support for an ongoing conflict. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a chapter out of a dissertation on the origins of neoconservative political thought, this paper argues that the first generation of neoconservatives were concerned not so much about a crisis of modernity, but a crisis of culture. Though Leo Strauss was an influential figure to the neo-conservatives, it is not so much the distinction of facts and values that interest them, but propriety in blending facts with cultural values. This, they get from Trilling. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines university students? political (and cultural) knowledge and discusses the implications student political knowledge has in the teaching of political science [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the concept of individualism as a core component of the American dream. The idea of the American dream is premised on the collective acceptance that "you can be anything you wanna be." The American dream, therefore, is available for every individual regardless of the individual's identity. To bestow its benefits, the dream does not select any chosen in group or abandoned out-group. It is equally available for all individuals. This characteristic of the American dream enables it to become a symbol of hope for a range of people--individual identities such as race, class, gender, sexuality, age, health, even nationality seemingly do not influence one's ability to achieve the American dream. Individualism represents various different ideas. Individualism can be ethical, methodological, rugged, political, religious, economic or even abstract.

This study examines the political culture of contemporary Slovakia, focusing particularly on the patterns of mass attitudes, beliefs, values, and behavior regarding political matters in the first decade of Slovakia's independence (1993- 2003). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

FOR INCLUSION IN PANEL #30922, Religion, Culture, and Theory: Christianity and American Politics, Past and Present I will focus on the paucity of scholarship on the role of religion and spirituality in examining Latino political attitudes, practices, and culture. In turn, I will suggest the salience of Latino spirituality for the type of communitarianism being pursued by figures such as Robert Bellah (HABITS OF THE HEART) and Robert Putnam (BOWLING ALONE). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does identity politics correspond to an interest group model? Does identity work the same for actors empowered through social roles and those disempowered because of racial, gender, or cultural difference? Through research on AIDS activism in France and the U.S., I “bring interests back in” to explain how the politics of cultural difference is part and parcel of the politics of citizenship. Unlike empowered actors and interests, those marginalized from power face cultures of exclusion that enforce their social and political inequality. Before making claims, they must establish their rights as citizens. They do so through movement narratives that situate interests through the characters they describe. Activists tell about their experiences as protagonists, against the antagonists who enforce their marginalization, drawing on the national mythology to give these stories moral force. This means that interests result from specific forms of marginalization, but they are also animated by the way protagonists define themselves as ethical citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses how the use of Islam as a political discourse by the nationalist elites and the civil-military bureaucrats created an environment that aided the Islamists in advancing their political programs in the post-colonial state, Bangladesh. The failure of the nationalist elites to establish their hegemony over civil society, especially over the subaltern classes and groups based on secular identities and culture, secured ?dominance without hegemony? in this Muslim populated country. This prompted the nationalist elites to restart the process of Islamization, which they thought would help them to overcome their ?hegemonic crisis? in civil society. A consequence of relying on Islamic discourse rather than indigenous culture was that this ultimately helped the Islamic parties to advance their politics in this ?peripheral? state. The article analyzes the failure of the nationalist elites to organize the Bangladesh movement as a unified project, and at a later time, the relying on Islam by the ruling, as well as non ruling political elites for overcoming their hegemonic crisis, created a space for the Islamists, which at present, pose challenges not only to the state and civil society, but also to the subaltern culture and tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study employs a simple null model for the evolution of public opinion and political culture. The model represents a political application and extension of Motoo Kimura?s (1983) neutral theory of evolution. It simulates the emergence of consensus and dissent, political mood swings, and evolutionary trends from simple to complex political structures. The model makes a minimum of assumptions and investigates diffusion and growth patterns that would be expected if pure chance were responsible for interpersonal persuasion. Since the model is based on pure chance, it could be applied as a null-model to test empirical theories that make more restrictive assumptions. The model is general enough to apply to a variety of phenomena that are relevant to political science. In this study it is applied mainly to the diffusion of political ideas, but it can also be applied as a null model for diffusion of other aspects of political culture from the emergence of values, to the emergence of states, or the growth of bureaucratic organizations. The simulations show that if a finite number of opinions compete against one another randomly only one single opinion will ultimately survive (emergence of consensus). This is true even if these opinions have no distinguishing qualitative characteristics or selective advantages. Fragmentation of societies into local neighborhoods can slow down the process of consensus formation, but it cannot bring it to a halt. Argument quality accelerates the process of consensus formation as does elite influence. If elite members are more likely than members of the general public to persuade others, the process of consensus formation is accelerated, but the content of the ultimate consensus is not dictated by the elites. Dissent emerges when new ideas are introduced by chance and eventually any majority view will be replaced by a new majority view. If these simulated political ideas can be placed on a bipolar continuum (e.g., from left to right, or liberal to conservative), public opinion oscillates perpetually between the two poles in political ?mood swings? or ?fashion waves?. Finally, even if complex ideas are cognitively more taxing than simple ones, random persuasion will create ever more complex ideas. If these ideas concern the structure of bureaucratic or political institutions, these institutions will grow ever more complex, even if organizational complexity is fiscally costly to sustain. The functional form of the increase in complexity is nonlinear and exhibits characteristics that lend themselves to the development of statistical estimators for complexity data of any kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research shows that the level of economic and cultural threat is influential to public opinion toward immigration. Although the hypothesis looks plausible, there is no empirical research for testing it at the national level. By using 1994 General Social Survey data and selected demographic data from 1990 census, I examine relevant hypothesis and suggest more elaborated effects of economic and psychological factors on immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism and Women Terrorists - Dr. Margaret Gonzalez-Perez Abstract This analysis identifies two different categories of terrorist organizations and the roles of women within each. Terrorist groups with international agendas typically oppose U.S. imperialism, capitalism, or Western culture in general. Nationalist terrorist organizations usually take action against perceived forces of oppression within their own nation. These different agendas have a direct impact on the role of women within them. Internationally-oriented terrorist groups assign traditional, limited gender roles to their female members, while nationalist terrorist organizations challenge domestic prohibitions, including those imposed on women, and encourage full and active participation of female members at all levels of terrorist activity. This heightened level of participation could very well alter the longevity and chances of success for such a group, as exemplified by the comparative case study that follows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political acculturation remains a topic of substantial interest to both scholars and policy-makers. In this article, we draw on data from the Democracy through U.S. and Mexican Lenses Project and the Latino National Political Survey to analyze the relative ?stickiness? of political attitudes among Mexican-origin people in the United States. We find that some differences in political attitudes and behavior are small or evanescent, but other differences persist even when demographic factors are taken into account. In general, political acculturation seems to be more thorough on elements of democratic process whose results are more tangible and whose operation is more easily understood. By contrast, large differences between the Mexican-origin population and non-Mexican Americans persist for more subtle or intensive elements of the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study presents longitudinal evidence of a positive relationship between change in the percentage of women in parliaments and change in the perception of women's ability to rule. I embed the question of the relationship between gains in women's parliamentary presence and positive change in the perception of women's ability to rule in the debate over the use of electoral quotas for women. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is little doubt that the globalization of business affects the prospect for state growth and development. Transnational corporations (TNC) have become a principal agent of the internationalization of foreign direct investment, goods and services, ideas, technology. While anti-globalists warn that these transnational entities are diminishing the capability of the state to retain its decision-making power and authority, I argue that the state, as the prevailing actor in the international system, has not completely succumbed to the new pressures presented to it by transnational commercial actors. A look into the state-supplied conditions necessary for TNCs to achieve long-term sustainable success in its host country suggests that the success of the TNC depends on its ability to adapt and respect the culture(s) existing within in the host country. The national structures and norms according to which the foreign subsidiary must conform are institutionalized by the culture of the state, and reinforce the primacy of state power. A comparative case study of the DaimlerChrysler merger and the Renault-Nissan Alliance provides preliminary evidence that there exists a correlation between the level of cultural capital created by the post-merger firm, as an indication of the entity's adaptation to local national culture, and the performance of the entity following the merge. The results support the claim that national culture influences foreign subsidiaries, and that states retain a certain degree of power and authority in the face of the globalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial political discourse is an expression of the discrepant relationship between indigenous cultural experience and a political lexicon whose intelligibility derives from the historico-cultural experience of the West. This discrepancy goes to the heart of concerns raised by liberal political philosophy about the cultural preconditions necessary for liberal political values but calls for an exploration of the relationship between language, culture and politics. To investigate the issue, I will present a study of a nineteenth-century Gujarati novel that deals with the transition of a community to the new political order that Independence in India purported to install. Sarasvatichandra is self-professedly an instruction manual, written in the form of a social novel to educate the citizens-to-be. In the end, the novel fails in its project of translation and its language completely breaks down, with the last of its four volumes being merely a series of fragments written in three different languages. This failed project opens up questions of representation and cultural translation and allows us to reflect on what the categories of modern politics could mean in a postcolonial context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that Pope John Paul II and Jurgen Habermas, a methodological atheist, display substantial agreement regarding the relationship between faith and reason on the one hand and the relationship between cultural solidarity and democratic solidarity on the other. I begin with a brief review of Habermas's prepared remarks at the Catholic Academy of Bavaria in January of 2004. Having identified seven thematic principles regarding philosophy and politics in Habermas's statement, I show how John Paul grants a substantial albeit qualified agreement to Habermas's understanding of reason, faith, and liberal democracy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using comparative state data we find that a new eleven-dimensional vector measure of state culture is a much better predictor of state performance than any reduced measure including Sharkansky's unidimensional measure of Elazar's typology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research on relations between civic culture and socioeconomic development started with Weber, which focuses on the relation between ethics and economical development. Putnam (1993) reported that the geographic distribution of civic culture has remained roughly the same for 100 years and that civic culture can explain its relationship with socioeconomic development at the turn of the century. Many researches followed this issue and extend to different region (Rice & Sumberg 1997; Schneider, Plumper and Bauman 2000; Rice & Arnett 2001). This research extends this analysis to Taiwan, and use regression analysis to examine the relations between civic culture and socioeconomic development in Taiwan. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International terrorism and cultural globalization may be linked, whereby higher levels of cultural globalization produce more international terrorism in countries with more traditional societies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I explore the relationship between civic engagement and democratic practice. I suggest that the traditional model of civic engagement does not capture the distinctive engagement of many young people today and is limited in three crucial ways: an inflexible model of organizational commitment, an antiquated understanding of contemporary group membership, and the assumption that nearly all forms of engagement are equal in the sense of efficacy that they convey to participants. A new model inspired by participatory culture is necessary. A contemporary model of civic engagement, Engagement 2.0, suggests that the NDM represents a new space for political changeâ??a space that has been overlooked by many political scientists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I aim to refine a critical theory of racism and racialized social identities focusing on the interplay of race, class, and culture, and the need for a mix of deconstruction, redistribution, and recognition. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discussed the nature of Chinese publishing industry situated in-between dual forces of market and state. Recently, numerous scholars characterized the triangular relationship among cultural production, market economy and the Chinese state as ‘duality of market drive and state control,’ ‘tug-of-war between state and market,’ ‘commercialization without independence,’ ‘bird-caged press freedom’ or ‘Art in-between plan and market. This paper agrees with those scholars that the situation of the Chinese publishing industry can be best understood as the clash between newly emerging market force and the political inertia of socialist cultural management. Nevertheless, I argue that it is impossible to understand the market dynamics of discursive production in the Chinese book industry without recognizing the existence of intermediary agencies, the book dealers, who blur the boundary between state and market. With intention to maintain the monopoly of the discursive production, the leaders refused to the entrance of private entrepreneurs into the book production site by leaving the state ownership of publishing houses intact. In other words, they consciously separated the non-commodity phase and commodity phase of a book while retaining the control of the former phase. Once the leaders started to see ‘culture’ as a key standard of national power, however, they sensed that the strength of cultural commodities had to be enhanced along with the development of industrial output. Hence, by liberalizing and privatizing publishing industry other than publishing houses, such as printing houses, bookstores and wholesalers, the Chinese decision makers created the cultural market that could progress amid harsh competition. Nevertheless, the vision of the Chinese policy maker, production of discourses by the state and distribution of the discursive commodities by market, has never been realized. As the existence of shu shang (book dealer) symbolizes, the penetration of private entrepreneur in the book production process resulted in the subjugation of the state-owned publisher to the rising market force. Through the practices of trading book numbers, the book dealers almost entirely blurred the organizational boundary between market and state in the publishing industry. On the other hand, the state’s firm stance on limiting the number of publisher, ironically, made the elimination of the practices of trading book numbers almost impossible, since thousands of governmental and educational units have no way to make their own publications without banzuo chuban (cooperative publishing). At a glance, trading book number is basically transferring political and financial risks from the state owned publishers to private entrepreneurs who are willing to take those risks. To compensate the risks they are taking, the book dealers should be highly skillful in reading both market demands and the political atmosphere. The private entrepreneurs keenly assessed the authorities’ political tolerance and the mass curiosity on the political affairs so that they could succeed in both politics and market. The rising power of book dealers in the Chinese book market is, therefore, the blurring the line between the realms of politics and the realms of market in favor of the later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fear of violent death and its siblings- Leviathan as the foundation for a typology of fear And hereupon it was my mother dear Did bring forth twins at once, both me and fear. -Thomas Hobbes Contemporary political analyses of post-9/11 U.S. political culture rarely fail to invoke fear. This proliferation of fear-based claims requires further examination. Sometimes fear functions as an explanation of political submissiveness and confusion. Sometimes it figures as an identity-making claim. Michael Moore’s recent film, “Bowling for Columbine,” for example, implies that a culture of fear fundamentally sets America apart from its neighbors. Conversely, fear of America is addressed by Ziauddin Sardar and Merryl Wyn Davie in their book entitled Why do people hate America? By developing a typology, my paper offers strategies for making sense of how fear is deployed in political argumentation. I turn first to Hobbes, the preeminent political theorist of fear, in order to find a definition of fear, its genesis, and its specifically political effects. The standard account of Leviathan identifies fear of violent death as the passion that is the spring of political order. I argue that this reading neglects critical differences in the nature and effect of fear in the pre-political and post-contract worlds described by Hobbes. I find not one but three different kinds of fear in Leviathan. I will use these three ideal-typical accounts as the basis of a larger typology of fear. I am motivated by the following questions: What produces different kinds of fear? What is the status of fear in political argumentation? Do we imagine fear as a causal force? This paper would work well with other thematic approaches to political theory on related concerns (such as anxiety, patriotism, or trauma), studies of political psychology and culture, and readings of canonical political thought [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri in Empire, critiqued political analyses or resistance movements that emphasized the “localizations of struggles” in a globalized era (analyses that either stressed the construction of “‘place-based’ movements or politics in which the boundaries of place (conceived either as identity or as territory) are posed against the undifferentiated and homogenous space of global networks” or stress the defense and/or construction of local barriers as a form of resistance to “capital’s accelerating flows”). They instead urge us to examine the “production of locality” – “the social machines that create and recreate the identities and differences that are understood as the “local.” This paper embraces this desire to examine the “production of locality” by examining the manner in which several liberal thinkers in Empires past and present have approached and constructed the cultural “other.” The importance of this project has become clearer to me with the publication of several recent works on the relationship between Liberalism and “empire”. Uday Singh Metha’s recent work, for example, argues that British liberal thinkers, when confronted with “unfamiliar cultures” rationalized imperial expansion because they could only view those cultures as “provisional” ; they were deemed in need of reform from the perspective of a liberal view of social progress. This leads him to conclude that Edmund Burke’s opposition to empire provides us with a better alternative to the liberal tradition as it provides us with a way to acknowledge that cultures ought not to be evaluated in accordance with teleological, liberal conceptions of progress. I am concerned about the conclusions of this study because it does not draw, in my mind, clear distinctions between the different schools of liberal thought and their different perspectives on alterity. Hobhouse, a “new liberal” in the 19th century, for example, was often critical of individualist notions of subjectivity and recognized the importance of cultural traditions in the moral development of individuals. Although he developed schema to classify cultures and believed in social progress, he repeatedly rejected Darwinian notions of social progress and opposed colonization. The first part of the study on liberals in Empires past, will focus on Hobhouse’s vision of “Humanitarianism” and how it sought to do “justice to alterity” by not retreating from difference, and by not abandoning a universalist vision of human equality. I argue that an examination of Hobhouse’s unique approach may enable us to explore ways to revision the liberal tradition (concepts of human subjectivity, equality and liberty) in order to propose a new way to rationalize the inclusion of, and care for, difference that need not rely on Burkean (organic) notions of culture and tradition. In the second part of the paper, I build on the examination of Hobhouse to critique and illuminate the difficulties of contemporary liberal approaches to alterity and difference exemplified by John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples and Susan Moller Okin’s “Is Multiculturalism Bad for Women ?” Space permitting, I will also examine and critique several two philosophical arguments that have defended the “retreat into locality” 1) Rousseauist appeals to patriotism; and the suggestion that patriotic states are “well-behaved” ones in the international order, and 2) Michael Walzer’s critique against humanitarian intervention in order to preserve (Burkean “organic communities”). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the role political culture plays in the development river basin compacts in the Southeast. This paper considers Elazar's work as a way of explaining the Southern water disputes. Because the compacts were dissolved, there is currently no formal agreement over water sharing with the three states. This work will seek to explain the reasons for failure and explore ways of improving understanding between the states in hopes of reaching an agreement on water allocation. While literature exists in the study of river basin interstate compacts in the western states, a gap in the literature concerning water policy in the Southeastern United States is filled by this study. This study explores the cultural similarities and differences between the West and the Southeast. Issues of federalism are explored not only with the states but with agencies from the federal government and their role in the compact negotiation process. The tone of the relationship between the federal agencies and the states is set by its culture. The data were collected by conducting 21 in-depth interviews. The interview subjects included individuals intimately involved with the negotiation process. The conclusion of this study indicates the differences in political culture between the South and the West cause the compact process to be simpler in Western states than in Southern states. The primary difference is the proper role of the federal government in the negotiation process of ground water allocation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to shed some theoretical and practical political light on the debate about welfare reform in Anglo-American culture. First, it surveys the central ideas and thinkers connected with the contemporary debate in political theory concerning selfhood and identity, which predates 'Third Way' politics and issues of work identity. This section is comprised of a study of John Rawls, and communitarians Michael J. Sandel and Charles Taylor. Second, it analyzes how these ideas have been interpreted from a sociological and more practical political standpoint. This section reviews the theories of Anthony Giddens and his ideas of 'Third Way' politics because he does a good job of capturing the dynamic relationship between identity, community, and society. Third, it analyzes the welfare-to work discourse in the United States and the United Kingdom, with a specific focus on the issue of work identity as an antecedent or foundation for civic identity within society. Finally, it interprets how the contemporary theoretical debate about selfhood and public discourse concerning welfare and work are similar movements. This paper does not seek to establish a causal linkage between communitarian ideas and public policy. On the contrary, this paper anthropologically illuminates and interprets two parallel tendencies taking place in the Anglo-American culture. As I see it, communitarian thinking in intellectual circles argues that individual identity is accomplished via a process that involves the community, society, and external attachments such as jobs, relationships, goals and ambitions. In short, the most important part of knowing oneself is knowing one's role and status among his/her fellowmen in a community and society. Though many of these ideas have been treated similarly by sociology and psychology, a review of the liberal and communitarian debate in the contemporary era is important because it places issues of individual and social identity in a political context that treats these issues as a piece of the restoration of civic virtue and the moral foundations of society. Similarly, public policy entrepreneurs see identity, community, society and the restoration of civic virtues to be linked. The linkage mechanism, moreover, is seen to be a process that starts with establishing a work identity that can in turn plug an individual into local and societal social capital networks, keep the individual in long-term employment, and ultimately include him/her in civic society. Therefore, this paper is about understanding the similar treatment of personal and social identity issues by left governments, particularly the 'Third Way' welfare reform policies, and the communitarian thinking that arises out of the debate with Rawls' defense of the old welfare state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how engaging the Hegelian notion of ?recognition? in contemporary theories of civil society can illuminate the potentialities and difficulties of translating what we in the West know as ?civil society? to other cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks into Sichuan culture,national culture, and the relationship between them, and analyzes their cultural implications on political decision-making processes and outcomes in the Chinese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper views the struggling Hungarian healthcare system through a culturalist lens. It explores the impacts of cultural legacies of Communism on current reform efforts and calls for an emergence of civil society to create lasting change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]