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The proposed paper will attempt to study an intuitively obvious but long neglected role of identity in power transition in international politics. It refines and tests the claim that the level of identity formation in international politics determines the amount of violence (Adler 2001) and extent to which certain actions of states are interpreted as friendly, inimical, or rival in the system (Wendt 1999). Such varying levels of identity between rising and hegemonic states during power transitions determine the level of agreement between them over the nature and the extent of revisionism of the international system under given conditions. Thus, a dyad made up of rising and hegemonic states with high levels of mutually shared positive identity will react to power transition in a pacific manner. In contrast to such fairly high pacific case of power transition, dyads that possess fairly low levels of mutually shared positive identity are more likely to adopt adversarial strategies toward each other in international politics. The proposed paper will include a dataset about types of behavior of rising states from different regions of the world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses original public opinion data of 607 households and 6 political leaders to assess how clientelism, in its many forms, influences dyadic policy representationâ??the degree to which leaders and citizens have shared policy positionsâ??in the area of social welfare policy. Results indicate a positive and significant relationship between the receipt of a clientelist benefit and dyadic policy representation. When citizens report experience with clientelism they are more likely to share the policy positions of their elected leader. This paper discusses the theoretical implications of this finding on the quality of democratic life in Bangalore. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The shift in U.S.-Indian relations around the turn of the twenty-first century provides an ideal opportunity to test competing explanations of global power relations. Through examination of primary and secondary source materials, this paper investigates the timing of and justifications for the rapid changes in the relationship between the United States and India. This evidence is used to test the utility of explanations based on political regime type, extent of economic liberalization, global and local balance of power considerations, and nuclear proliferation concerns in light of changes in U.S.-Indian relations. Although the United States currently has friendly relations with China, this paper finds that the U.S. government is engaging India as a balancer against Chinese power. This suggests that the United States' role as a regional hegemon encourages it to promote a balance of power in Asia, even if the immediate threat of China is arguably minimal, implying that U.S. foreign policy decision-makers feel compelled to intervene in order to remain the sole regional hegemon. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the foreign direct investment patterns across regions in India and China. It examines why certain regions have been successful at attracting FDI more effectively than others by focusing on regional policies and political ideology. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan is an integral part of South Asia in geographic, cultural, linguistic and historic terms but its rulers have emphasized the country's relations with the Middle East since independence in 1947. The desire to simultaneously find national cohesion and a significant role on the world stage has shaped Pakistan's history as that of a state in search of a national identity. The emphasis on ideology led to a foreign policy that rested on Islam and Islamic unity as its principal drivers. Just as Islamic ideology was to be a substitute for nationalism and the basis for a distinct Pakistani personality, Pakistan's foreign policy highlighted closer ties with Muslim Middle Eastern nations at the expense of normal relations with India. This paper is an analysis of this aspect of Pakistan's Foreign Policy since 1947 onwards. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In June 2003, India, Brazil, and South Africa inaugurated the IBSA Alliance, which aimed to become what South African President Thabo Mbeki hailed as a "G-8 of the South." The three nations would try to expand the permanent membership of the UN Security Council, modify the TRIPS laws, and impel the US and EU to eliminate agricultural subsidies. The countries also agreed to cooperate in agricultural research, IT, trade, and defense (among other issues). This paper asks four broad questions: 1. Can the paradigms of international relations (e.g., realism, pluralism, Marxism, etc.) explain the IBSA alliance? 2. Will IBSA be able to accomplish its stated goals? 3. Has the IBSA alliance modified the foreign policies of the participant states? 4. Is the creation of IBSA emblematic of a new global architecture? I argue that none of the IR paradigms alone can explain IBSA; IBSA may achieve success in its clearly stated goals but will be unsuccessful in its other goals; the alliance has slightly modified the countries' foreign policies; the creation of IBSA does indeed represent a change in the world political-economic system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to show the effect of caste on the Chief Justice's bench assignments over five decades with a random sample of cases on the Indian Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do some religious parties become ideologically moderate and others tend toward extremism? The question is important for at least two reasons. First, religious parties are influential in many middle- and low-income as well as in advanced industrial democracies. For example, Christian Democratic parties may have recently declined in influence but nevertheless remain key political actors in many European countries as well as in more distant Chile. In Islamic Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (JDP) triumphed in the 2002 elections and is currently the ruling party. In predominantly Hindu India, the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) leads the ruling coalition government. In Catholic Chile, the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) was the largest party in the country until recently, and is currently a junior partner in the ruling center-left coalition. Second, the dual tendencies of moderation/extremism among religious parties are important to understand because, on the one hand, while moderate religious parties may contribute to democratic stability, on the other hand, their turn toward extremism has the potential to undermine democracy. Despite their continuing influence in many countries, the study of religious parties has attracted relatively less attention than class-based parties. Much of the research on religious parties is limited to case studies of Christian Democratic, Islamic or Hindu parties. Comparative studies are largely limited to comparisons between different Christian Democratic or Islamic parties. This paper, in contrast, is comparative in scope and examines three different religious parties--Catholic, Islamic, and Hindu--in three relatively stable democracies. All three parties in question--the PDC, the JDP, and the BJP--have experienced and exhibit varying degrees of moderation/extremism. The following hypotheses are tested to account for moderation/extremism among religious parties: 1) Institutional context; 2) electoral politics; 3) party factions and party unity; 4) party rules and leadership; and 5) political learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Epp's 'Rights Revolution' theory provides a compelling appraisal of the rise of rights protection in national policy making. He argues that the expansion of rights litigation in the agendas of high courts in four countries -the U.S., England, Canada and India-, results chiefly from the existence of a support structure in society to bring the cases to court, to finance the costs of litigation, and to encourage popular support for an expansion of rights. In this paper we seek to expand Epp's analysis by filling the gap produced by his methodological shortcomings and introducing Australia, Philippines and Mexico into the analysis. The preliminary results discussed in this paper show that one's conclusions about the existence and extent of a rights revolution in these countries can be sensitive to slight data and methodological issues. Further consideration of England and India reflects a picture of rights protection that differs from Epp's in significant respects. Moreover, a look at Australia, The Philippines and Mexico cast doubt on the leverage provided by the rights-support structure hypothesis. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the reasons for the participation of indigenous groups in the class based Maoist insurgencies? What are its consequences? Have ethnic participation fuelled the growth of the communist insurgencies after the end of Cold War? This paper explores the questions by looking at three well known Maoist insurgencies in Nepal, Peru, and India that began during democracies with significant participation of the indigenous groups. Peru's insurgency terminated despite reaching a significant height, the Nepali insurgents joined the government, and India's insurgency did not grow as much as in Peru and India but has persisted since the 1960s. The paper analyzes the attitudes and policies of the state and insurgents toward the indigenous groups and the affect of indigenous participation, or the lack of it, on the varied trajectories of the insurgencies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do patterns of political leadership affect the trajectories of ethnic separatist movements? The main bodies of theoretical literature (primordialism, instrumentalism, socio-psychological approaches, rational-choice theory, and "social movement" theory) all demonstrate remarkable uniformity in how they analyze the effects of political leadership on the course of ethnic movements. These theoretical approaches focus almost exclusively on the emotional or material relationship between leaders and their ethnic followers. They fail to give sufficient attention to the effects of "patterns of political leadership" (defined as the political inter-relationships between state and ethnic elites, between ethnic elites, and between state elites) on the evolution of ethnic movements. This paper takes an incipient step to fill this void. I use the macrohistorical approach and a "most-similar-systems" research design to compare and contrast the effects of "patterns of political leadership" on the trajectories of several ethnic movements in India. This includes the ethnic insurgencies in Punjab, Kashmir, and Assam in the Northeast. The larger goal of this paper is to formulate the basis for an incipient theory or model of how "patterns of political leadership" affect the trajectory of separatist insurgencies in general. Thus, this paper has both substantive and theoretical implications. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the origins of the anomalous development of substantive due process in the Indian Supreme Court in the area of personal liberty and preventive detention cases, given that the framers of the Indian Constitution deliberately chose to omit a due process clause to preclude substantive due process jurisrpudence. It proceeds to examine the important role of judicial "borrowing" in this process, in which justices relied on foreign precedent and legal scholarship, as well as international legal norms, to help overcome constitutional constraints. The paper analyzes personal liberty and preventive detention cases in order to gain a better understanding of the processes by which judges employ borrowing to advance "universalist" (versus particularist) legal norms, and then seeks to generalize from the Indian case by proposing a theoretical approach for understanding how judicial borrowing can be understood as a dynamic process that changes over time in new developing constitutional systems. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decrease in interstate warfare since WWII demonstrates that sovereignty norms have acquired a durable, institutional embeddedness insofar as they constrain state behavior. Yet states circumvent these norms through proxy warfare to project power across their borders and achieve a favorable outcome related to domestic security, regional hegemony, or ideological territorial claims. Non-violation of sovereignty occurs because states understand both the material and normative costs of behaving otherwise. Alternatively, varying configurations of sovereignty create a permissive environment for different types of proxy warfare. We examine three contrasting cases. Sudan and Chad's involvement in each other's affairs is restricted by the sovereignty norms on which both countries rely and is driven by regime security imperatives. Pakistan's proxy war in Kashmir is rooted in contested sovereignty claims constrained by India's empirical control of an unsettled territorial boundary. Syria and Iran's support of Hezbollah is driven by ideological opposition to Israel and instrumental interests in establishing regional hegemony, seizing on the juridical ambiguity and empirical interstitiality of Lebanese territory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcolonial political discourse is an expression of the discrepant relationship between indigenous cultural experience and a political lexicon whose intelligibility derives from the historico-cultural experience of the West. This discrepancy goes to the heart of concerns raised by liberal political philosophy about the cultural preconditions necessary for liberal political values but calls for an exploration of the relationship between language, culture and politics. To investigate the issue, I will present a study of a nineteenth-century Gujarati novel that deals with the transition of a community to the new political order that Independence in India purported to install. Sarasvatichandra is self-professedly an instruction manual, written in the form of a social novel to educate the citizens-to-be. In the end, the novel fails in its project of translation and its language completely breaks down, with the last of its four volumes being merely a series of fragments written in three different languages. This failed project opens up questions of representation and cultural translation and allows us to reflect on what the categories of modern politics could mean in a postcolonial context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information about the socioeconomic backgrounds of terrorists is important both because of its potential use in policy formation and because it has the potential to test major theoretical accounts of terrorism, which stress factors such as selection, opportunity cost and relative grievance. In general, empirical studies of terrorists have concluded that they are wealthier and better educated than the general population. However, terrorism is a form of political activism, and a consistent result in the political behavior literature is that political involvement is strongly correlated with both education and wealth. The really interesting comparison is not between terrorists and the population at large but between terrorists and political activists with the same ideological orientation and level of commitment. I will make this comparison using data on the Bengali Terrorists (1906-1939.) Using police files in the West Bengal State Archives (Calcutta), I assembled detailed demographic data on both terrorists and nonviolent political activists. Preliminary results suggest that while terrorists are wealthier than the general population, they are poorer than nonviolent offenders, suggesting that opportunity cost plays a large role in terrorist recruitment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do developing country governments implement policies to use information technologies in service delivery at a particular time? I explore this question in the Indian states and find that political characteristics, and in particular levels of corruption, are key drivers of policy initiation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I examine approaches to subjectivity, agency, and politics in current anthropology, and propose an ethnographic basis for theorizing political subjectivity as a relation between sovereignty and citizenship, with examples from a study of middle-class political action for better electricity provision in Delhi, India. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the beginning stages of the twenty-first century, China, Russia and India are all transforming their economies and, to some extent, their political systems to play an active political role in this globalized world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the preoccupation of postcolonial studies with decolonization one of the prominent signs of its continued colonization? This paper is a commentary that aims at explicating some of the contradictions within postcolonial studies and argues that the preoccupation of postcolonial scholars with decolonization is one of the most prominent sings of their continued colonization. It situates five major areas where colonial traits within "post"colonial studies could be traced: its spatial location lying outside the boundary of postcolonial nation-states; its civilising mission and reformist zeal is often similar to the British colonial mission; its dominance and hegemony over the rest of postcolonial societies; its language of discourse remains colonial; and finally, the relationship of postcolonial scholars with their country remains colonial. How can one undo the coloniality embedded in postcolonial discourse? Can one really escape from such an inherent trajectory? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Indian-American citizens' groups in the United States, and the efforts of an increasingly professionalized and well-funded "India lobby" on Capitol Hill, were critical in rallying congressional support around a significant and controversial bilateral nuclear trade and cooperation agreement between India and the United States in 2006. This episode may represent the consolidation of the "India lobby" and portend its emergence as of the most important ethnic communities seeking influence over US foreign policy in the 21st Century. Existing scholarly literature on ethnic lobbies and American foreign policy typically focuses on communities such as Jewish and Cuban Americans (the "Israel lobby," in particular has been the subject of recent contentious academic and policy debates ), and argues that wealth, geographic concentration, and group cohesion are important factors explaining ethnic lobby influence in the US foreign policy process. Indian-Americans as a community broadly fit the first two criteria, but until very recently were highly segmented into particular professional and Indian language/regional associations, and received scant attention in the ethnic lobby literature. Recently, though, the community has become more unified and politically mobilized, with potentially important implications for US policy in South Asia, the broader Asian region, and the world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine contentious public action such as protest and strike by associations representing four occupational groups at various socio-economic levels in Varanasi, India. Over one hundred interviews and a systematic examination of news reports covering the last ten years reveal that middle- to upper-class associations (traders and lawyers) tend to use agitation and strikes far more often than the lower-class associations (boatmen and weavers), despite having better access to administration officials and influential politicians. These findings are upon first glance somewhat counter-intuitive, and indeed challenge the arguments of some prominent scholars of Indian politics and social movements. Why in a functioning democracy do groups with easier access to the state resort to costly agitations, strikes, and other forms of public protest? We engage with resource mobilization theory and the political opportunities literature to provide one explanation: Where administrative representative institutions are slow to respond to demands made according to prescribed procedures, but quick to respond to pressure created by strikes, sit-ins, processions, etc., public protest is an attractive option for those who can afford it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do political quotas for women alter their ability to win elections after quotas are withdrawn? If so, how? I answer these questions using a unique policy intervention in India whereby randomly chosen seats in local governments are set aside for women for one election at a time. I quantitatively evaluate the impact of reservations on women's chances of winning elections in Mumbai, India and find that the chances of a woman winning office in t conditional on the seat being reserved for women in t-1 are more than five times the chances of a woman winning office in t if the constituency was not reserved for women in t-1. Weaker evidence suggests that much of this boost in the chances of women winning elections might persist for ten or more years. I also explore some mechanisms by which reservations might affect women's ability to win elections. I find that reservations boost women's ability to win elections partly by allowing female incumbents---unlike their male counterparts---to build an incumbency advantage. I also find some evidence to suggest that reservations work by increasing the number of women that run for office and by allowing parties to "learn" that female candidates can win elections. I find evidence against the possibility that reservations allow non-discriminatory voters to coordinate on considering female candidates for office, and find evidence that reservations cause some voters to mobilize against voting for women, although this does not cancel out the beneficial impact of quotas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]