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The changes in Mexican economic policy within neoliberalism implied serious transformations in labor relations and forms of labor organization. Based on this, the aim of this paper is to analyze the implications that practices such as protection contracts and subcontracting had on the organization of workers, and the subsequent labor reforms, still limited, which make possible new schemes of dynamization within unions, through new demands framed within the rights of labor citizenship. Methodologically, a brief description is made of the main changes in the Mexican economy and the labor context since the last decade of the last century and the first two of the present Century. This is linked to the conceptual elements of the centrality of labor and labor citizenship. It concludes by pointing out that labor reforms make possible new scenarios of opportunity for Mexican trade unionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The different death practices (and their origin) that Mexican drug cartels have been using for the last two decades and their reproduction in every day social spheres, as well as their ties to the State that challenge theoretical frameworks and approaches. In this paper we attempt to think necropractices from the immunitarian framework of Roberto Esposito but radicalizing it in order to be able to attribute epistemic responsibilities for the proliferation and reproduction of the knowledge(s) of death that has reached the whole of the social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using interpretative analysis methods, the paper looks at policy and analyzes the meaning, values and judgements implicit in the devices that gave footing to the program's creation and of the analysis of six interviews with public officials in a position to make decisions and that participated in part in the creation or modification of the program. The results show that the prejudices of the culture of poverty are present in the documents that gave rise to the program, in the founding documents of the program and within the narratives of said public officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico, during the 2012-2018 six-year term, the National Crusade against Hunger (CNCH) was implemented, in which social participation played a central role in combating the lack of access to food and promoting social welfare. With the creation of Community Committees and the support from promoter staff, this strategy aimed to strengthen and ensure the active and constant involvement of the population; however, there were a number of factors that had an impact on the difficulties in achieving sustained community participation. The objective of this paper is to show the factors that limited social participation in the implementation of the CNCH in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico, through the voices of the implementing staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a multiple case study developed in three periurban locations in central Mexico, this paper aims to present the theoretical model that was used in the analysis of social reproduction strategies of periurban households. To this purpose, Pierre Bourdieu's theoretical approaches to the reproductive dynamics of the social world, as well as the central categories of field, habitus and capital, are recovered. The proposed model allows explaining the factors involved in the formation of reproductive strategies systems at the locality level, as well as the attachment or deviation of family practices to that system. Beyond its potential for the analysis of social reproduction in the periurban territory, it is considered that this model may be appropriate for the analysis of family strategies in contexts of profound structural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With a sociological perspective and based on data published by the Ministry of Health on the covid-19 pandemic in Mexico, this paper describes the situation of medical services, health infrastructure and the effects of obesity, diabetes and hypertension on the significant number of deaths. The probability of becoming infected and dying is analyzed in association with comorbidities. Results: since the 1980s there has been no significat change in health services, neither in health infrastructure; in that period there was an exponential increase in patients with diabetes, hypertension and obesity; From the total number of covid-19 deaths registered up to the date of analysis, 65.8% suffered from at least one of the three co-morbidities; finally, the probability of dying from covid-19 increases in men over 54 years of age who suffer from some co-morbidity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we present the results of a survey applied to a sample of municipal officials about the 2014 Reform of the Social Infrastructure Fund (fais). The questionnaire was applied during the second quarter of 2015. We found that the majority of city officials considered appropriate the new rules of operation of the fais. Their concerns relate to the possible reduction of resources allocated, and the further complication to access the funds. It is recommended to disseminate the reform to get city officials familiar with it, and implement a user-friendly operation for municipal administrations, that is also consistent with the objectives of transparency and focalization reflected in the reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Water for human consumption has become in one of the most complex and diffincult resources of the market. The objective of this paper is to analyze some of the determinants influencing economic valuation and commercialization of this resource in the Estado de México. This analysis is supported by some elements of economic theory that allows contrast with the contemporary conditions of access and enjoyment. The results show the financial character, increasing the social risk and vulnerability. This paper extends the view of water in economic science. It's a milestone that strengthen the holistic discussion to generate concrete and viable proposals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the situation of social security in Mexico after two decades of the reforms that led to the process of privatization and individualization of pension systems. It makes a balance of the benefits attributed to its implementation, as well of the existing economic and political conditions that move towards the universalization of social welfare in the country. The evidence shows disappointing results: the financial situation of the institutes remains precarious, their coverage is limited, and pensions represent a quarter of the average salary quoted. What worries the most is the insistence on applying the same measures (raise contributions, reduce benefits, and commercialize the operation of the system), offering in exchange universal access to a minimum pension and to an incipient unemployment insurance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the quality of democracy has focused mainly in whole countries, paying little attention to local governments. In light of this absence, the present paper describes some of the issues and prospects related to the study of the quality of democracy at the subnational level. By looking at the inconveniences posed by the Mexican case, the paper intends to call into question the theoretical, conceptual, methodological and contextual predicaments for the study of the quality of democracy in local governments. The foregoing with the aim of promoting a research agenda that seeks to resolve such problems and build reliable evidence that allows us to obtain better explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes, from a theoretical point of view, the development of an explanation of Mexican youth social vulnerability through some statistical evidence, which showed the weakness of institutions, which have been favorable to the reproduction of gender inequality that is linked at the same time to the context of poverty and social inequality. It is concluded that in Mexico City precarious youth plays in various ways despite the institutionalization of the different social assistance programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper study factors related with the perception of insecurity in residents of priority geographical polygons in Acapulco, by descriptive and correlational statistical analysis. Data was collected through a survey following a representative sampling within each polygon, for testing mean differences. The results revealed that the perception of insecurity is associated with schooling, confidence in the police, criminal incidence, the existence of street gangs, and the polygon of residence. Also was found a weak correlation, but statistically significant, between the perception of insecurity and the proportion of modified activities due to fear of crime, which in turn is associated with sex, age group, criminal incidence, and its polygon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the spatial distribution of corruption index at state level in Mexico between 2001 and 2010. The corruption index shows a non-random pattern and is detected that the cluster of states is located at country center. It's used GDP as determinant of corruption index, the level government intervention and gender issues. The results show that there is a spillover effect for corruption among states in almost all years. There is a positive relation between GDP and corruption. Policy implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the institutional design of the state of Quintana Roo and its political change during 2016 elections. In this context, it is exposed that beyond the causes that led to democratic change in the state, these are not decisive to consolidate the political change due to the original institutional design, which manifests itself in a bureaucratized society and depending on government agents, which faces a dichotomy: on the one hand, it seeks an improvement in the state government decisions, and on the other hand it resists the institutional equilibrium change on which its socio-political structure was designed. The analysis is carried out with the theoretical contributions of New Institutionalise! and Subnational Democracy, supported by open interviews with key actors of local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the characteristics of jobs in the services sector, especially sales or customer service by phone, emerged in the call centers. These jobs show recent changes in labor relations, where the alleged formality and benefits are questioned, because it is only a new form of job insecurity. For research, call centers' workers were interviewed in t he Guadalajara metropolitan area (ZMG), applying semi-structured interviews about their working conditions. The findings show how most of these jobs are not basic, individual contracts are temporary and can be concluded without liability for the employer; unions are nonexistent; the intensity and job control is high; and the rate is imposed by machines and generate job stress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the paper is to make a critical exploration of the literature produced in Mexico between 1970 and 1990 on its political and economic elites. We seek to know the analytic dimensions and the theoretical frameworks employed by the authors. Behind the main object we investigated whether authors had been done any connection between the interaction and exercise of power of the political class and the business class in the literature, with respect to socioeconomic conditions of society. We found that this aspect was not within researchers' interest, although during the predominance of Marxist paradigm in the 70's some analysis were close to the issue. This circumstance made Mexican scholars did not to follow the debate on the elites in the US academy those years. In the 80's, researchers gave prominence to the business class and its organizations from institutional approaches, nonetheless most of the works were not supported in theoretical and methodological frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental perceptions are understood as the way in which every individual appreciates and values their environment and influences in an important way on man's decision making concerning the environment that surrounds them. The present paper is a brief review of the Mexican literature on environmental perceptions; analyzing how they influence the decision making concerning environmental management, with an emphasis on Protected Natural Areas (PNA). The paper ends underlining the importance of writing more papers that contribute information about the environmental perceptions of the local populations and the different social actors in PNA, both in rural and urban contexts, in order to make the implementation of the Mexican environmental policies more efficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

San Juan del Rio is the second municipality of the State of Queretaro, Mexico. It was also the first city ruled by a party different from the PRI. During four trienniums, from 1991 to 2003, the City council was presided over by panistas. That last year, the PRI recovers it. The paper analyzes, to the light of diverse theories of the electoral behavior and the statistical series of the results, the paper of migration, party identification and rational choice, particularly non-voting role in this recovery. The lack of consolidation of a left option like third possibility also stands out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyze how the video surveillance puts the personal data that manage in a space of legal indeterminacy, and how generates process of social and space classification that derive, sometimes, in forms of social exclusion. The perspective that frame the capacity that individuals have to construct autonomy and control spaces against the stratification and domination logics. From this perspective, it's analyzed how the weak or inexistent regulation of video surveillance cameras in Mexico can affect the citizenship practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the events underwent by the indigenous community of Mezcala when the Mexican government decided to organize on the Isla de Mezcala one of many celebrations of the Bicentennial of Independence. It is through the narratives of comuneros and young supporters that the institutional networks of power and various governmental actions that allowed the material and symbolic appropriation of the celebrations are unmasked. Likewise, this article proposes to highlight the complexity and connection (global-national-local) of the networks of power and to show the negotiation points opened where different visions of 'development' are confronted that further outline community projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to develop some sociological explanations of violence by the Mexican government combat organized crime call. For this reason, the Mexican state violence is regarded as the introduction of new rules aimed at the non-recognition of the informal practices of organized groups that control, for example, so lucrative drug trafficking. However, the state order is imposed in a context of social vulnerability, defined as a weakness of citizenship, for example, civil and social rights. Especially because the idea of public safety state, based on technological methods of control of the collective integrations in public spaces, undetermined civil rights and at the sometime, it has failed to consider that social policies were state protections that prevent the spread of poverty and misery, considered as another cause of the proliferation of illegal activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper scrutinizes the discourse that prevailed in Mexico and in the world in the last few decades in respect of the so-called micro, small, medium-sized and large companies "sector", insofar as it is one of the most tangible expresions of the new liberalism that has been enthroned as the dominating ideology and doctrine since the early 1980's. The view is held here that said discourse must be trascended and a new veritable industrial policy must be formulated, one that allows for the needs and problems of the industries to be addressed selectively and in a planned manner for the sake of the social and economic priorities of the different communities and regions in the country. It is argued that this policy must be nurtured from the great experience accummulated by the Mexican State during the 20th Century whose peak was reached in the policies implemented in this sense by the Luis Echeverría and the José López Portillo administrations in the 1970's. Essentially, the idea would be for the Mexican State to assume again an active role in managing the national economy, for it to resume its corresponding role planning and promoting economic activities, something the market cannot do on its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds an interpretation of violence in the State of Mexico. Part of recognizing that the continuing conflict/violence/crime is likely to be canceled to the extent that society generates a public moral with conflictuality minimums, and police to engage with society. From the construction of the two components may create conditions for building a democratic and peace society in which the state maintains a monopoly on force. The inputs of this work was the focus groups of police and representatives of civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For much of the twentieth century youth and its inherent problems were not considered under review by social sciences in Mexico, due to lack of relevance of the topic. However, since 1985 with the celebration of International Youth Year, it acquired some prominence within the government agenda and therefore in academia; hence, there were generated the first outlines of the theoretical study youth in Mexico. Therefore, this paper aims to identify the main theories and various research reports on the construction of scientific knowledge about young people in Mexico. In this connection they stress the contributions in terms of organizations, youth cultures and identities, emphasizing the latter some of the main findings about the heterogeneity of youth. It also provides important results regarding the problems that generally affect young people in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico and in other parts of Latin America, a large overlap can be observed between indigenous territories and regions of high biological value. In this paper, we ask if the same overlap can be observed in the state of Jalisco, in western Mexico. To answer this question, we start with a succinct analysis of the two main indigenous regions in rural Jalisco: the Huichol Sierra in the northern part of the state and the Sierra of Manantlán, in the southern part. Then, we extend our analysis to the state in its entirety in order to measure the overlap between indigenous territories that have been "desindianized" and regions of high biological value. This is done by comparing the municipalities that contain agrarian centers designated as "indigenous communities" and the municipalities that areas officially recognized for their ecological importance. A high correlation between these two variables is observed, leading to the question "why". A series of hypotheses is developed and these are contrasted with empirical evidence through a case study of the ejido of Ayotitlán, in the Sierra of Manantlán. Although different forms of environmental degradation can be observed in Ayotitlán, it continues to be one of the best conserved territories in the state of Jalisco, with high levels of biodiversity. This is due, not only to its isolation, but also to the way in which the indigenous inhabitants have interacted with the environment and because of their activism in defense of their territory and natural resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper supports the idea that the ways in that the Spanish Crown developed its relationship with the indigenous Mexican groups during colonial age were apart from of the equality forms promoted by the Mexican liberalism in the XIX Century. This was because the Colony tried to respect the differences between regions (included small locations) in order to validate legal, behavioral and pluricultural frames. Regarding this, there are two aspects to highlight: the intellectual debate around of the two legislations (colonial and liberal) and the arguments according to what was considered the social organization needs of the political model prevailing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article lays emphasis on an issue that has been analyzed very little in Mexico, the different forms that organized volunteering has adopted and the diversity of actions carried out by these groups which are largely made up of women. In an attempt to explain what has happened in connection with this issue, this paper analyzes the different contexts in which the actions of volunteering have been generated and how they have printed on the popular belief an image of feminine charity to which the State contributed in the 20th Century, marginalizing other organized activities and actions. I propose that this diversity and specificity of the Mexican volunteering movement is embedded in specific cultural forms and they are particularly contrasting with the vision and acting that the Anglo-Saxon society has of these groups. On the light of the concept of volunteering, the different forms of expression that it has had since the 19th Century up to the present are analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses microcredit as a possible instrument for local development, especially when some financial institutions arrive in local towns of limited resources with credit possibilities in soft conditions and when there is a constant training for the use of said resources on individual or collective projects for the production and the services. The paper analyzes the specific program of the Sistema de Financiamiento Rural Alternativo (SIFRA, System for Alternative Rural Financing), which has been implemented in the state of Jalisco for several years, with the support and collaboration of the government's Secretaría de Desarrollo Rural (Department of Rural Development) as well as that of several non-government organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the work Cantos Cívicos (Civic Chants) presented by Miguel Ventura and NILC at the Museo Universitario Arte Contemporáneo (MuAC) at the UNAM. Due to the controversy this play brought about, this paper analyzes the arguments presented in the debate and proposes a philosophical theoretical framework to examine them critically. The result of this reflection is the incorporation of aesthetic and philosophical categories that allows for us to understand the work beyond the creator and his intentions, which makes it possible to confront the topic of Nazism incorporated in Cantos Cívicos with a critical awareness that does not call for censorship immediately and irreflexively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the framework of the Ley de Derechos y Cultura Indigena (The Bill of the Indigenous Rights and Culture) passed in our country in the year 2001, several states initiated a process tending to approving a series of constitutional reforms on the indigenous issue. In this paper, we revise the case of Michoacán, which unfortunately did not end well. We describe the process that contributes to explain its failure. We analyze the different indigenous reform proposals as presented by an ethnic organization as well as by the members of the Michoacán Commission for Indigenous Reform. We include the different versions of the proposal for indigenous reform until it became the Initiative presented finally by the PRD to Congress, and the points that generated greater debate among the legislators. Lastly, we try to have people reflect on certain reforms that are possible from the juridical point of view in spite of the fact that the national legal framework is very restricted, because they have been approved by some state legislatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper works from the hypothesis that the businessman's transgression to the political-electoral sphere was due to the accumulation of capital; taking as a premise that the accumulation of capital does not only occur in the natural sphere of the above mentioned actor, the economic sphere; but also that it must be resolved with the accumulation of capital in the social, cultural spheres as well as in the political one. The theoretical proposal is Political Geography; and in order to make evident the above mentioned process of the businessmen's accumulation of capital - transgression of spheres, the case of the Aguascalientes businessmen is approached from an empirical point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the analysis of the Post Cold-War International Political System and the corresponding Inter-American System, as important frameworks to carry out the research of regional mediating powers, in general, and of two regional mediating powers in particular, cases in point: Brazil and Mexico. Consequently, two pictures of the states' structural positioning are constructed, a general one (in the International Political System) and an individual one (in the Inter-American System), which makes it possible for us to identify the regional mediating powers in the world and in America. This way, Brazil and Mexico are identified as States that exhibit important capabilities and play mediating roles among the world powers and the neighboring States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a study on the relation existing between the concepts of vulnerability and victimization. Victimization is not limited to the situation of a person who has suffered from a crime. "Tacit" victimization --as we have labeled it-- may be suffered by any person due to endogenous and/ or exogenous causes; among the latter, poverty is one of the most harmful. In this sense, tacit victimization which derives from vulnerability must be tackled by means of public policies of social orientation. The State must comply with this purpose, in stead of spending Money on patrol cars and weapons, because the millions of victims that erratic public policies cause surpass the thousands of crime victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the new ways of building and living in the outskirts of the conurbation area of Guadalajara, the "big housing developments", those that according to their size are similar to standard cities, but having no infrastructure as a regular one. In fact, they are only-one-function places: housing; being sharply separated by resting, working and recreational spaces. This characteristic has made possible a new way of sociability in comparison to daily life in the traditional environment or neighbourhoods, residential development and developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May of 2004, the "3rd Summit of Heads of State and Government of Latin America, the Caribbean and the European Union" was held in Guadalajara, Mexico. Simultaneously, civil society organizations met in the same city, where they carried out several activities, among them, a unitary pacific demonstration that resulted in several riots. This paper shows the Mexican government's efforts to criminalise the social altermundista movement; as well as the role played by the Catholic Church, the entrepreneurial upper elite and local media. Despite the electoral legitimacy discourse and the political re-democratization, there are some signs of returning to authoritarianism but also a return to the struggle for defence and the widening of civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, from the power relations and sustainable development perspective, deals with the problem of water supply in Ocotlan, as a result of public policies for regional development implemented in the country during the 50's, last century. Ever since, the city's economic activity changed and there was an urban-industrial growth, and consequently, an increase of the water demand. Nevertheless, the water resource supply was prioritized over the domestic sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]