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When I began my psychiatric residency training in Boston in the late 1950s, sociologists and other social scientists were active members of many major academic departments of psychiatry. Collaboration between psychiatrists and sociologists and anthropologists was widespread and had considerable influence on theory and clinical practice. NIMH had established its Laboratory of Socio-Environmental Studies under the leadership of John Clausen. Sociologists and anthropologists were active in policy-making and research activities at NIMH and at many foundations. The influential works of Stanton and Schwartz (1954), Hollingshead and Redlich (1958), and Greenblatt, Levinson, and Williams (1957) reflect this period of collaboration. Over the subsequent three decades, the relationship between sociology and psychiatry changed considerably. Now relatively few academic departments of psychiatry have social scientists on their full-time faculty. Interaction between psychiatrists and social scientists, in many instances, has become adversarial. This adversarial quality, I believe, is reflected in the paper by Mirowsky and Ross. Their paper illustrates a genre of social science criticism of psychiatry which challenges the scientific validity of the concept of mental illness and raises important issues in measurement. Mirowsky and Ross, however, go beyond the scientific issues; they offer a social criticism of recent changes in psychiatry which they perceive to be the "legacy of nineteenth-century epidemiology and microbiology." Mirowsky and Ross are correct in their perception that significant shifts have occurred within psychiatry over the past decade. Yet their historical reconstruction of those changes and their understanding of the scientific basis for current research and clinical practice are seriously limited; they reflect their ideological commitment more than an appreciation of the increased sophistication of recent theoretical discourse and empirical research in psychiatry. In my commentary I will attempt to correct this imbalance by reconstructing the recent history and by explicating the rationale behind the current approach to psychiatric diagnostic categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a new way of conceptualizing the career of the mentally ill. Most persons who experience an episode of a serious mental disturbance lead a normal life, while a few persons lead lifetimes that revolve around their mental disorders. The processes leading to either result can only be understood by integrating the traditional labeling and psychiatric perspectives with lay understandings of the concepts of "mental illness" and "nervous breakdowns." A selection of key concepts from these perspectives leads to a better understanding of the different paths persons take as they move through the pre-patient, inpatient, and post-patient phases of the "career of the mentally ill." This perspective makes understandable a number of counterintuitive relationships. For example, it explains why most hospitalized mental patients (1) have a negative stereotype of the "mentally ill," (2) do not perceive themselves as "mentally ill, yet (3) perceive themselves as benefiting from treatment, and (4) do not progress into a career of secondary deviance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sociology of mental health focuses on the epidemiology, etiology, correlates, and consequences of mental health (i.e., psychiatric disorder and symptoms, psychological distress, and subjective well-being) in an attempt to describe and explain how social structure influences an individual's psychological health. Critical race theory describes and explains iterative ways in which race is socially constructed across micro- and macro-levels, and how it determines life chances implicating the mundane and extraordinary in the continuance of racial stratification (i.e., racism). This paper invoked critical race theory to inform the sociology of mental health's approach to studying race and mental health by conceptualizing five hypothetical mental health problems that could exist because of racial stratification. These problems were: (1) nihilistic tendencies, (2) anti-self issues, (3) suppressed anger expression, (4) delusional denial tendencies, and (5) extreme racial paranoia. Mental health problems such as these and undocumented others can only be recognized given awareness of the social and personal implications of racial stratification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues a number of points about measurement in the sociology of mental health: (1) measurement is critical, (2) measures should represent and assess elements of human experience, taking measure of life as people feel it, sense it, and understand it, and (3) social scientists should create a human science, producing information for the people it studies so that they can better understand and control their own lives. We argue that a human science is best achieved with the use of indexes, not diagnoses, to measure mental health. We present a brief history of diagnostic instruments and detail how a diagnosis is made. We show how use of diagnoses to measure mental health discounts much human suffering. They dichotomize the true range of feelings and emotions into crude either/or distinctions that do not reflect the reality of people's lives, and they often exclude suffering such as that due to loss or illness that does not meet medical model preconceptions about mental disorder. Using diagnoses to measure mental health presents a reified image of hidden disease knowable and manageable only by trained professionals--beyond the capacity of the suffering individuals to understand and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The stress process paradigm is one of the most widely held perspectives in the sociology of mental health. While this model has been applied to a large number of research problems, relatively little work has examined whether the paradigm can assist in understanding the link between socially induced stressors and their consequences for the mental health of immigrants. In this paper, we employ a stress process formulation to examine the interplay among stressors, psychological and social resources, and psychological distress among a large sample of Korean immigrants living in Toronto, Canada. Data from a longitudinal study of over 600 respondents indicate that the stress process paradigm provides a useful perspective for understanding how chronic stressors associated with the immigration experience manifest themselves in psychological distress. Our results suggest that social and psychological resources have important deterrent effects on the experience of stressors and their subsequent distressful consequences. Ethnic social support and mastery are especially important factors in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comment to the study by Robert J. Johnson and Frederic D. Wolinsky regarding their evaluation of the "Journal of Health and Social Behavior" relevant to the observations connected with the period from 1977 to 1987. Is is claimed that the decline of the the periodical's stature based on attempts to broaden its scope of journal coverage, reduction in subscription and changes in editorial policy. There is an implication that two committee reports caused a decline in citation which serves as the author's measure in stature. The frequency of citation of particular articles depends on many things including the content, quality of reported work, the author's reputation, the number of investigators and the visibility and reputation of a journal. It is argued that the change in the journal's image has lessened its visibility in the stress area and reduced the impact of some papers.