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This paper brings together recently developed perspectives m science studies and the historical sociology of state formation. It focuses on how scientific and government practices together construct the relationalities, identities, natures, and material environments of the bodies that constitute the modern state. The paper argues that the modem state is an effect of these practices, a techno- scientific political formation in which political government and scientific practice are woven together in a heterogeneous yet definitive network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses upon ethical conduct and liberal mentalities of government in the context of the historical sociology of administrative expertise in nineteenth century Britain. After a brief consideration of theories of moral regulation, the paper pursues, by way of a discussion of the government of India and of the famous Northcote-Trevelyan Report on the Civil Service, the issue of the establishment of an appropriate bureaucratic persona in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on the approach by Maurice Halbwachs who argued that collective memory is based on contemporary interests and concerns, this article shows how Thanksgiving has changed over time in accordance with the ideas of the day. Aspects of the analysis support Barry Schwartz’s theory that commemoration reflects the historical past. Similar to the pilgrims’ celebration, many people commemorate Thanksgiving by, for example, feasting and praying. But in contrast to Schwartz’s thought, this paper also shows that there are other elements of traditions that have minimal connection with the original event. Forms of commemoration like the Macy’s Day Parade challenge the idea that commemoration and celebration contain some connection to the initial occasion. In general, the findings lend support to historical research and theories that implement social constructionist approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the international context in which American social science was institutionalized in the generation after the Civil War, following the foundation of the American Social Science Association in 1865. The ASSA was modelled on an influential British forum, founded eight years previously, the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science. A comparison of these two organisations from the 1860s to the 1880s allows consideration of British intellectual and political influences on the first American social scientists. It also helps in the identification of the social and political attitudes of the well-born, cosmopolitan, and high-minded American reformers attracted to social science at this time. The theme of American exceptionalism has recently been emphasized when considering the motives and intentions of early social science in the United States. It is argued here that the replication in America of models of the new discipline which were first developed in Britain, is indicative also of a self-conscious internationalism among the American social-scientific community of this period. In addition to an institutional comparison, the article examines the careers and ideas of several representative figures in this process of Anglo-American liberal transference, among them the physician Dr. Edward Jarvis, the feminist Caroline Healey Dall, the jurist David Dudley Field, and the famed British interpreter of American experience, James Bryce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Why be quantitative?' Harold D. Lasswell asked that question several decades ago. His answer was: to take advantage of the rigor and precision that comes with quantification. Since then, quantification has spread across social science disciplines, putting qualitative approaches on the defensive. This paper examines the practices of quantitative sociologists m their study of historical processes. Much ritualism is found in those practices; much rhetoric m quantification. Alas, Lasswell's good intentions seem to have gone lost m a ritual called 'hypothesis testing.' The author reflects critically upon his own practices and on the forms of quantification and the strategies of explanations that he has adopted, [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is a supplement to the paper "the nobility and the wars of the roses 1459-61" that was previously published.

Charles Booth's seventeen volume Life and Labour of the People of London has been called the first social survey, it demonstrated the techniques of organised social research, and proved an impetus to the Social Survey Movement. In spite of its key position in the emergence of empirical sociology, little attention has been paid to the organisation of Booth's research team winch was to provide a template for the subsequent development of organised social research, nor to the identities of the twenty people who made up the research team, Remarkably for the time, one-quarter of the researchers were women, including the young Beatrice Webb and Clara Collet. This paper looks closely at the personalities and the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropological and ethnohistorical accounts of the Northwest Coast and Southeast Alaska have underemphasized the early and thorough industrialization of the area. This paper describes the transformation of Native fan. lies and community forms by small scale salmon-canning firms m the late 19th and early 20th century, beginning with the building of the first salmon cannery in Klawock, Alaska, in 1878. Attention to the unmaking of past forms of obligation and expectation leads to an understanding of the volatility of specifically local histories in Native villages. Totem poles and tricycle races are both locations of ambiguous cultural production that are tied to these histories in overlapping and complex ways, and as such, they serve as metaphors for the larger processes at work in these towns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper answers the question, 'what is the state?' as posed in Abrams (1988) and Denis (1989), by examining Sayer's (1987) realist reconception of 'relations of production' and their 'ideal superstructures'. It suggests that Sayer's alternative to 'traditional' marxism warrants a reappraisal of the relationship between Marx and Foucault. It concludes that 'civil society' and 'the state' are Janus-faces of production relations, generated by Foucault's 'disciplinary practices'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents guidelines for authors who wish to contribute articles to the coming issues of "The Journal of Historical Sociology." Four copies of the manuscript should be sent to the responsible editor. All contributions should be accompanied by an abstract of no more than 100 words, and a brief biographical note including institutional affiliation. These should each be typed on separate sheets. Unsolicited manuscripts cannot be returned. Submissions are first read by responsible editors, and may be rejected without further review. Those wished to consider further will then be sent to external referees. The journal aims to give authors a decision within fours months, though people cannot guarantee always to do so. That decision may be a conditional or unconditional acceptance, a rejection, or an invitation to revise and resubmit. Once a paper has been accepted for publication, one must provide a final text that strictly conforms to the guidelines. Papers that do not meet these guidelines will be returned to authors for correction.

The article presents guidelines for writers who contribute their papers to "Journal of Historical Sociology." The Journal of Historical Sociology (JHS) was founded in 1988 on the conviction that historical and social studies have a common subject-matter. A typical JHS article will contain little by way of extended literature review which will say something substantial and new about its empirical subject-matter, that will be aware of the theoretical implications of the topic without turning into an abstruse discussion of pure theory, and that will be of interest to readers beyond a specialist geographical or disciplinary audience. Other important specifications include paper submission, length, production, copyright etc. Four copies of the manuscript should be sent to the responsible editors. Since the work is done within an annual page-budget, there is an enforced restrictions on length, i.e., the articles should normally be no longer than 10,000 words. Submissions are first read by responsible editors, and may be rejected without further review. Once a paper has been accepted for publication, a final text should be provided. The writer will be sent a copy-edited manuscript of his paper in advance of publication. This is the last chance to request changes without incurring possible costs.

This article provides guidelines for the authors who contributes to the "The Journal of Historical Sociology (JHS)." A typical JHS article will contain little by way of extended literature review , will say something substantial and new about its empirical subject-matter, will be aware of the theoretical implications of its topic without turning into an abstruse discussion of pure theory, and will be of interest to readers beyond a specialist geographical or disciplinary audience. About paper submission, four copies of the manuscript should be sent to the responsible editors . All contributions should be accompanied by an abstract of no more than 100 words, and a brief biographical note including institutional affiliation. These should each be typed on separate sheets. Unsolicited manuscripts cannot be returned. Articles should normally be no longer than 10,000 words or 35 double-spaced standard north American letter-size page; review essays or "Issues and Agendas" pieces no more than 6,000 words. Longer submissions will be considered on their merits, but their chances of acceptance are much less. Submissions are first read by responsible editors, and may be rejected without further review.