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Existing research has documented various determinants of mental health related to individuals' social connections, but less is known about the role of the structural features of interpersonal networks. This is especially true in the case of bridging , which refers to ties to people who are otherwise disconnected from each other. By intersecting theories of social networks and gerontology, this study employs within- and between-person analysis with data from the National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project (NSHAP) to examine the association between social network bridging and depression in later life. The study finds that bridging, particularly between kin and non-kin members in the network, is associated with increased depressive symptoms in later life. This association is contingent on social support and strain respondents experienced, and it exhibits variations within individuals over time, especially among older adults in the youngest age cohort (57–64 years old included in NSHAP in 2005). In closing, the paper discusses the extent to which heterogeneous network structures may be one mechanism that shapes mental health trajectories in the context of later life-course experiences. • The paper discusses how bridging disparate network members produces strain that elevates depression risks in later life. • Older adults' bridging potential in personal networks is classified into three distinct types. • The association between bridging and elevated depressive symptoms is unique to bridging unconnected kin and non-kin. • The effect of bridging is more so for the youngest age cohort than older cohorts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using cross-sectional data from a representative sample of the French population (the 2008 Disability Health survey), this paper examines whether the SF-6D, a widely used preference-based measure of health-related quality of life in economic evaluations, fully captures the variation in subjective well-being (SWB) due to chronic illnesses. We conduct a mediation analysis to disentangle the direct and indirect, through the SF-6D, effects of various chronic conditions on SWB (happiness). Our results show that the SF-6D reflects changes in happiness due to most illnesses except mental illness. Changes in SWB mediated by the SF-6D account for 74% of the total effect. The variation unexplained by the SF-6D is significant and increases substantially in the presence of multimorbidity when a chronic illness is combined with anxiety or depression. Overall, our results suggest that the SF-6D incompletely captures the subjective experience of chronically ill patients, especially those with comorbid conditions. • 74% of the effect of chronic illness on happiness is captured by the SF-6D. • The SF-6D does not fully capture the effect of mental illness on happiness. • The effect not captured by the SF-6D increases significantly with multimorbidity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gentrification, growing income inequality, urban development, and the affordable housing crisis necessitate understanding the impact of the concern of displacement on health — prior to or even in the absence of a displacement event. In this paper, I use the term "exclusionary displacement pressure" to unify the literature on exclusionary displacement and displacement pressure, highlighting the disproportionate and inequitable impacts of displacement pressure among communities of color. Through following 35 residents over 2.5-years (2019–2022) in one predominantly low-income Hispanic/Latinx immigrant neighborhood in Denver, Colorado, I examine how exclusionary displacement pressure shapes their health and wellbeing over time. Through paying attention to how participants' lived experience is shaped by structural vulnerability (e.g. lack of documentation status, inadequate work, limited access to safety net systems), I identify how exclusionary displacement pressure is constantly internalized and responded to as a unique embodied health experience, wearing on individuals over time and reproducing population health inequities. The framework of embodied health experiences captures the wide range of health-related impacts, from diagnosable health conditions to idioms of distress, using participant's own language of suffering to express how they were feeling , battling , and enduring the pressure. Theorizing on structural vulnerability within specific subpopulations with intersecting identities, such as low-income immigrant Hispanic/Latinx communities, provides a bottom-up refinement to existing theories of embodied health. Understanding the place-health experiences of individuals in changing neighborhoods over time is also critically important to define time points at which context-specific supports and interventions are appropriate. • Gentrification impacts health through exclusionary displacement pressure. • Embodied health experiences highlight residents' structural vulnerability. • Stabilizing interventions are needed in advance of physical displacement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Socioeconomic status (SES) is a robust correlate of mental health, and emerging research indicates that life course trajectories of SES (i.e., social mobility) may be more predictive for health outcomes than point-in-time SES assessments. This paper presents five primary meta-analyses to determine how mental health differs between social mobility groups. We conducted a systematic review of PsycINFO, Web of Science, and PubMed for studies of social mobility and mental health. We used random-effects multilevel meta-analyses to compare mental health problems between individuals who experienced upward mobility, downward mobility, stable high SES, and stable low SES. We included data from 21 studies and 157,763 unique participants yielding 105 effect sizes. Upwardly mobile participants experienced more mental health problems than stable high SES participants (d = 0.11), fewer mental health problems than stable low SES participants (d = −0.24), and fewer mental health problems than downwardly mobile participants (d = −0.17). Downwardly mobile individuals experienced more mental health problems than stable high SES participants (d = 0.26) and fewer mental health problems than stable low SES participants (d = −0.10). Subgroup analyses revealed that the magnitude of effects did not differ by continent of study, type of generational mobility (intergenerational vs. intragenerational), or SES indicator. Meta-regressions with continuous moderators (age, gender, race, study quality) were also non-significant. Taken together, these results indicate that both upwardly and downwardly mobile individuals experience more mental health problems than those who are persistently advantaged, and they both experience fewer mental health problems than those who are persistently disadvantaged. Our findings suggest that while current SES has a stronger association with adult mental health than childhood SES, it is important to also consider the impact of early life and prior generation SES to account for lingering effects of early disadvantage. • Social mobility has small but significant effects on subsequent mental health. • The socially mobile have more mental health problems than the always-advantaged. • The socially mobile have fewer mental health problems than the always-disadvantaged. • Current social class influences mental health more than early life social class. • Early life social class still has some lingering consequences for mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]