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Mega-structures and sport mega-events have been attractions in many mega-cities representing their identity to the rest of the world. Such phenomenon has also taken place in Jakarta by the existence of the newly erected Jakarta International Stadium and the recently held Formula E and both have gained attention and stimulated conversations in Indonesia. So have both been known as a green stadium and a green race. Integrating sustainability to urban development has been a global trend and Jakarta attempts to take advantage of such trend to create branding. This research aimed to describe the rationale of greening the stadium and race by the Jakarta regional government within its city branding policy. This research employed the qualitative method and descriptive analysis in addition to the concept of para-diplomacy and city branding. This research found that both green stadium and race were utilized as symbols or promotional value to promote green development in the city. City branding by the Jakarta regional government was a diplomatic practice bringing a message about the city transformation to be a green and global city. This paper provides a perspective that city branding is para-diplomacy itself or one form of para-diplomacy practices. This paper argues that through city branding, cities should be able to not only widen their specific needs locally but also pave their global role in addressing the global challenges like climate crisis. This paper benefits those who are interested in or are studying today city para-diplomacy and global urban politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper aims to reconstruct the evolution of this dynamic by tracing the interpretations and reinterpretations of the norm done by Brazilian state actors through the process of localization of the norm in the domestic discourse on climate change in Brazil from 2005 to 2010. The theoretical perspective is based on the literature about norms internalization that attempts to specify the conditions under which international norms find salience in particular domestic contexts. Two main interpretations coexist within the Brazilian political arena in the period within the entry into force of the Kyoto Protocol until the signature of the Paris agreement that influenced the climate politics in Brazil in that period. The first stand around the norm was a traditional interpretation of the principle defending a position of historical responsibilities that implies that Brazil did not have to take greenhouse gas reduction measures. The second position is a more progressive interpretation of the norm that argues that Brazil, as an emergent country, can and must adopt emissions reductions. The tie between both positions allows us to understand the alleged ups and downs in climate policy in the time frame studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current scientific evidence shows that human activities are causing interference at different levels in the global climate and availability of natural resources, and many authors already relate water scarcity to the increased risk of violent conflict, particularly in rural societies on the African continent. Climate disruptions caused by climate change are reflected on a regional and local scale, and the greatest impacts are already being felt in the poorest areas of the planet. Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, has been facing environmental problems in its territory that can be associated with climate change, such as rising temperatures, reduced rainfall and advancing desertification. Considering that all these phenomena have been worsening since the early twentieth century in Nigeria and, due to the escalating of violent conflicts since the beginning of the current century, the objective of this paper is to analyse how climate change can interfere in the conflict between herdsmen and farmers, as well as the possible impact of seasonal variation in rainfall on the dynamics of these communal conflicts. The study focused on literature review and the case study took place in four Nigerian states (Plateau, Benue, Taraba and Nasarawa) for the period 2010-2017, focusing on the communal conflict involving the Fulani ethnic group. The approach adopted was the inductive method in which the behaviour of rainfall in the study area was compared with the number of deaths resulting from the conflict, in addition to using geo-processing software to understand the spatial and temporal distribution of casualties. The theoretical framework used was that proposed by Thomas Homer-Dixon (1994) and the information was collected from primary sources, with consultation of qualitative and quantitative data, and from secondary sources through book reviews, publications and papers in scientific journals. While it is not yet possible to establish a direct and linear relationship between climate change and violent conflict, the revised literature indicates that competition for water and other natural resources in certain parts of Nigeria is increasing, and that the violent conflicts between Fulani herdsmen and farmers are increasing due to the dispute over access to water sources and grazing lands. Data analysis shows that in the study area there are 46.4% more deaths in the dry season (November to April) than in the rainy season (May to October). While there are still not enough elements to conclude that climate change is the primary cause of the conflict, the analysis reinforces the need, in certain contexts, particularly in developing countries with populations highly dependent on the primary sector of the economy, for the impacts of climate change to be seriously considered as a risk to human security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the analysis of the multilateral regime of climate change from the perspective of the regimental complex. It examines the role of the BASIC countries in the signing of the new climate agreement in Paris and its relationship with traditional powers like the United States and the European Union. The role of the BASIC countries has been crucial to close a new deal, and in exchange for that power, the group has accepted two conditions: a bottom-up agreement and nationally determined contributions as a vehicle for climate action. Similarly, the diffusion of power in the international system means that although the triangle formed by the BASIC-EU-US has been critical to achieving a new climate agreement, other actors also played an important role in the negotiation process of COP 21. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]