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This paper is concerned with re-imaginings of 'Europe' following the accession to the European Union (EU) of former 'Eastern European' countries. In particular it explores media representations of post-EU accession migration from Romania to the United Kingdom in the UK and Romanian newspaper press. Todorova's (1997) notion of Balkanism is deployed as a theoretical construct to facilitate the analysis of these representations as first, the continuation of long-standing and deeply embedded imaginings of the 'East' of Europe and, second, as a means of contesting these discourses. The paper explores the way in which the UK press construct Balkanist discourses about Romania and Romanian migrants, and then analyses how the Romanian press has contested such discourses. The paper argues that the idea of the 'East' remains important in constructing notions of 'Europe' within popular media geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the structure of the legal relationship relating to gas supplies and, specifically, to gas transit issues between Russia and the EU. The first section examines the evolution of the contra ctual structure of Soviet/Russian gas supplies to Europe, based on the Groningen (Dutch) concept of long-term gas export con tract (LTGEC). The second section analyses new transit risks, both within and outside the EU, in the gas value chain of Russian gas supplies to Europe (within the area of responsibility of Russian exporters); these transit risks appeared after dissolution of the COMECON and the USSR. The paper then provides a more specific analysis in the third section of the new transit risks outside the EU which reflects the result of steady move from political to market-based pricing within C/S and, in section four new transit risks within the EU which reflect the liberalisation processes within, and enlargement of, the EU energy market. Solutions for transit risks and where they are best provided - within WTO or ECT and its draft Transit Protocol - are examined in section five and section six examines, one by one, the key debated transit issues and draft solutions within Energy Charter framework, including the new Russian initiative (of 21 April 2009) on the new international energy order The conclusions contain a road map to final/se the draft Transit Protocol to allow Russia to ratify the ECT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In accelerating the integration of the European Union (EU) and achieving more equal modal split, short sea shipping (SSS) has become an increasingly important component in European transport planning. Despite the active promotion by the EU, however, questions have been raised on whether SSS can realistically compete with unimodal road transport as it is required to overcome considerable hurdles, notably efficiency and cohesiveness between different parts of the multimodal transportation chain. This paper attempts to address this issue by undertaking an economic feasibility analysis investigating the potential competitiveness of SSS in the Baltic Region. The generalized costs of different SSS options will be simulated and the potential of different options in maximizing SSS competitiveness will be visualized through applying geographical information system. It is anticipated that this paper can provide an invaluable insight to the development of EU's multimodal transport planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, as part of the gradual transformation of the welfare state in large parts of Europe, many countries have witnessed a decline in the provision of social housing. Overall, there has been a trend towards housing becoming more market oriented, competitive and opened up to economic pressures. Supply subsidies to social housing have been replaced or complemented in a number of countries by demand-side subsidies through housing benefits and vouchers. In this context, social housing organisations across the European Union (EU) are facing a paradoxical challenge: while they are expected to fulfil a 'social mission' (i.e. provide access to decent housing to people who cannot afford it in the market), the steep reduction in subsidies and in public investment in housing are putting increasing pressure on these organisations to become more 'market-oriented' or 'business-like' as a way to become self-financing. This paper aims to shed light on these developments on the basis of the findings of a comparative study on the management of social rental housing organisations across the European Union. The study looks at how 'social' and 'commercial' objectives are reflected in strategy formulation, the key challenges faced by organisations, and the specific responses and innovative management approaches being put in place to deal with these challenges. In this paper we present and discuss findings from the study. In the relative absence of theory in this field, the analysis of findings uses a set of management concepts specifically crafted for the study of management models of social rental housing in Europe. The study is the first ever comparative European research of the management systems, values, visions and strategies of organisations that own and manage properties in the social rental sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks at how European institutions, namely the European Union (EU) and the Council of Europe, deal with new religious movements (NRMs). Drawing upon the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and the European Court of Justice, the paper addresses the question of the place of new religions in the 'transparent dialogue' with the European Commission. In order to answer this question, fieldwork has been conducted to find out which NRMs are present in Brussels and are dialogue partners of the Bureau of European Policy Advisers (BEPA). The article points out what is at stake for a new religious movement in participating in the EU debates over the role of religion and its contribution to the construction of Europe. The preliminary findings allow us to claim that some movements frequently considered as 'cults' or 'sects' in the parliamentary reports of several member states (as well as in reports of specialised state agencies of 'cult' control) have been recognised as possible partners in discussions with the EU Commission. Even though the dialogue is supposed to be open and transparent, this paper raises the question of the qualities needed in a religious movement to be represented at the EU level. The paper shows how European institutions have participated in the debate on NRMs and raises questions over the possible influence of EU institutions, direct or indirect, on the policy of member states on religious matters. It also shows how governance in the relations between EU, civil society and religions could constitute a possible model for member states in dealing with the growing pluralistic landscape of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper suggests that European political identity, as a fragile project, is always in need of external significant 'others' in order to buttress a sense of common fate within the sui generis political entity of the European Economic Community/European Union (EU). Adopting a historical and diachronic perspective, the paper argues that for decades the threat of Eastern European communism represented one such external other as a gathering element for Western Europe, but that with the end of the Cold War this 'other' was gradually replaced by the threat of Islam and Islamism (and by extension Turkey's possible entry into the EU). Europe's threat was first the communist sickle; it is now Islam's crescent. Such a portrayal is obviously problematic because of its populist and simplistic appeal that has served political purposes. This needs to be questioned. The return of religion through what is currently described as desecularisation is a rather recent issue for Europe and the question of multireligious Europe ought to be taken seriously. The paper argues, in the line of Delanty, that one should adopt a civilisational approach to Europe, thus giving real space to differences within Europe, and reflect on certain biases of secularity and laicite towards the dominant religion in various countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the evidence-based practice movement has been seeing great gains in impact. Standards for research leading to evidence-based practice have been defined. So far, however, in the area of education standards of evidence are not extensively implemented and in most federal European policies an evidence-based reform has not been attained. The present paper advocates investing effort in evidence-based practice. In particular, the paper invites European developmental psychology and its representatives to transfer their knowledge and contribute to evidence-based practice which, in turn, will foster positive child and youth development. Incipiently, the paper discusses the new challenges facing universities and European scientific societies as contexts for scientific disciplines and their perspectives. Then, current directions in developmental psychology are described. The central section of the paper focuses on standards of evidence and the use of research for evidence-based practice and policy. It highlights the challenge facing European developmental psychology concerning active contribution to evidence-based practice. Two empirical examples are presented: (1) illustrating that kindergarten and school are the places where evidence-based practice preventions and interventions should take place; and (2) describing various steps of the transfer of basic research to evidence-based practice. Finally, the contribution that the European Society for Developmental Psychology can make to support the transfer of knowledge to evidence-based practice is outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the characteristics and performance of regional innovation systems in 12 new member states of the European Union. More specifically, it develops a typology that differentiates their various potentials as innovative regions. Based on a principal component analysis, five different groups of regions are identified. The characteristic profile of each group is detailed and exploration of possible paths of innovation-based regional development is presented for each type of region. The paper concludes with an examination of policy implications emerging from the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the development and significance of the European Institute of Technology (EIT) in the period since 2005 when the European Union launched a suite of initiatives for higher education, research and innovation, including the EIT, as part of attempts to re-launch its Lisbon Strategy around a 'growth and jobs' agenda. The EIT is presented as implicated in European Commission attempts to redefine the mandates and governance of higher education institutions as part of a knowledge-based economy route to economic and social development. The production and contestation of the EIT as it was negotiated within EU institutions is shown as having been conditioned by the interactions between Commission attempts to use the EIT to disrupt the governance and financing of higher education and research and national and institutional determination to constrain the EIT within extant governance and financing principles. In conclusion, the paper outlines a research agenda for the study and analysis of the EIT in the period up to 2013 which will make it possible to specify the significance of the EIT for EU integration, the development of the European higher education, research and innovation fields, the fate of EU strategies for capital accumulation and social development and the legitimacy of the EU itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that imperialism continues to exist today. It focuses on the ideational dimension of such power constellation and highlights the role of 'educational diplomacy'. Specifically, it examines norm-settings within international educational politics as a way of identifying shifts within what might be called benevolent imperialism. At the centre of its analysis is the global dimension of the project aimed at establishing a European Area of Higher Education, also called the Bologna process. The paper examines three aspects of the process in more detail: (1) its main legal framework, (2) the European Register of Quality Assurance Agencies, and (3) the setting in which the European ministers have embedded the new international strategy of the Bologna process on the occasion of the follow-up conference in London 2007. The question it addresses is: to what extent is the Bologna process merely a form of Americanisation, or is there a set of European norms emerging that are accepted in other regions, suggesting that the EU is a new, emerging, imperialising power? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to contextualise the papers in this special issue, this paper presents an overview and framework for understanding the importance of East-West migration in Europe associated with the EU enlargement process. The new patterns and forms of migration seen among East European migrants in the West—in terms of circular and temporary free movement, informal labour market incorporation, cultures of migration, transnational networks, and other phenomena documented in the following papers—illustrate the emergence of a new migration system in Europe. Textbook narratives, in terms of standard accounts of immigration, integration and citizenship based on models of post-colonial, guestworker and asylum migration, will need to be rethought. One particularly fertile source for this is the large body of theory and research developed in the study of Mexican-US migration, itself a part of a regional integration process of comparative relevance to the new European context. While the benefits of open migration from the East will likely triumph over populist political hostility, it is a system that may encourage an exploitative dual labour market for Eastern movers working in the West, as well as encouraging a more effective racial or ethnically-based closure to immigrants from South of the Mediterranean and further afield. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international take-up and rapid development of environmental assessment (EA) systems has been driven by the introduction of EA legal requirements and by the advancement of methodological aspects published in the EA literature. However, despite the existence of common legal frameworks and methodological guidelines, the way in which EA is practised and conceived within a multidisciplinary context varies. There are a range of interpretations defining the way in which EA should be used and how EA fits within different disciplines; in Europe, this variation is reflected in the formative and educational programmes offered by universities in EU Member States. This paper identifies existing trends in EA education by providing an overview of the ways in which EA is taught in Europe. A comparative analysis of 64 EA-related Master programmes representing nine EU Member States is conducted. Furthermore, the paper aims to set the basis for a discussion on the different social science and physical science understandings of EA revealed by the research findings. We recommend that interlinkages between these two understandings be improved and suggest that this could occur through the introduction of formal EA education, enhanced collaboration between different types of departments, and holistic approaches to teaching and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first part of this paper describes the small but constant expansion of the cross-state mobile population within the EU in the two decades preceding the 2004 enlargement. This expansion is puzzling in the light of the economic growth and the income convergence of member states over the same period. While the level of geographical mobility within the EU is frequently held to be 'low', data show that it should have been even lower given the rise of prosperity and the decline of income differentials in the EU15. In fact, it is argued that pro-mobility policies and the rise of non-labour migration have countered the diminishing appeal of intra-EU mobility that might be expected on the basis of purely economic conditions. The second part of the paper discusses the rationales and reasons of mobility. A distinction is drawn between observers' and social actors' views of the benefits of free movement. While the former usually put an emphasis on economic rewards, the latter are more likely to stress emotional and identity-linked returns. Survey data on Western European citizens who have resettled in another EU member state are revealing of the multifaceted causes and consequences of geographical mobility. In particular, these data show that identification with Europe and support for EU institutions in the mobile population are strikingly higher than among the general population. While it is true that cross-state mobility can entail economic benefits raising productivity and innovation, its political dividends are possibly even clearer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a narrative of the operation of the European Citizens' Panel that reported in 2007 on the future roles of rural areas. This dialogue was located within a wider and recent engagement by the EU with its citizens following rejection of the EU Constitutional Treaty. The paper draws attention to the contemporary rural development challenges in Europe that were debated by eight regional panels as a prelude to a wider European deliberation. The working method of the European Citizens' Panel is outlined and critical commentary is provided on the interaction between planning through dialogue, EU citizenship renewal, and the shaping of bottom-up development trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sheds light on an unexplored phase and a neglected actor in EU constitutional politics: the preparation of Treaty reform by the Group of Government Representatives. Striving to explain whether and under which conditions constitutional decisions in Europe were de facto taken by officials, the paper proceeds in three steps. First, possible functions of preparation in complex negotiations are conceptualized and two conditions for effective preparation are proposed: a preparatory body's issue and process resources as well as consensual pre-agreement. A second section introduces the role of government representatives in preparing EU reform, checks their collective resources against the criteria developed in section 1 and assesses their preparatory agency as strong. Third, I analyse the effectiveness of preparing for Amsterdam, using the negotiations on free movement and flexibility as plausibility probes. The analysis demonstrates that officials play a key role even in the bastion of high politics that is Treaty reform, where the final European Council is only the 'tip' of a long-term negotiation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper seeks to provide an insider's view into the implementation of goals set by the European Commission for socio-economic research. By analysing project coordinators' responses to questionnaires (n=88), several aspects of the emergence of a European social science research community are examined. Focus is placed on three 'European Added Values', defined within two subsequent calls for research proposals and funding opportunities: framework programmes 4 and 5 (1994-1998, and 1998-2002 accordingly). These 'Added Values' will set the expected features of European-funded research projects, and will include: (1) transnationality - the involvement of researchers from a variety of EU states; (2) applied research - the potential implementation of outcomes in socioeconomic policy; and (3) interdisciplinarity - the integration and collaboration of different disciplinary perspectives. These 'ideals' were tested against reports as to the reality of the research practices, and found to have a significant compatibility, as well as several discrepancies, with the objectives set out by the EU research committee. This paper allows for an understanding of the dynamics of European research consortia, and the factors involved in the success or failure in attaining the overarching goals of the EU Commission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the roots of territorial cohesion thinking in the 'European model of society'. There is much to do about this model. Some regard it as a liability for European competitiveness. The Barroso Commission wants to safeguard the model by, albeit temporarily, giving priority to growth. There are those - not only in Europe, but also on the other side of the Atlantic - arguing that the European model forms a solid basis for a highly competitive economy. In these debates, 'European model' stands for moderating the pursuit of economic growth with concerns for social welfare and equity, sustainability and good governance. Before elaborating, the paper summarises the discussion about territorial cohesion and the struggle over current EU policy. Then the paper backtracks to the ideas of Jacques Delors responsible for injecting the European model into the integration discourse. What follows is an account of four reports in the wake of the hapless Lisbon Strategy, all invoking the European model. The paper concludes with reflections on territorial cohesion policy and the European model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Formally, the European Union (EU) should not, and does not, formulate housing policy, this being a function lodged with the individual member states. Against the background of the Lisbon objectives and the Kok report, however, the present paper argues that the EU has actually appeared to promote a housing strategy for the member states based on increasing home ownership rates. Drawing on a range of evidence, the paper examines what might be referred to as a stealth housing policy. It does so from the points of view of both whether the housing system objectives are likely to be achieved and, if they are, what they might mean for some aspects of the EU's wider economic and social objectives. Finally, the paper considers whether a more explicit EU interest in housing policy would be desirable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the workshop regarding the relations between Europe and North Africa held at the University of Liverpool in London, England on May 22, 2006. According to the author, the first session of the workshop focused on four papers related tro the policy of the European Union (EU) towards the Mediterranean. Authors of papers discussed during the workshop include Brieg Powel of the University of Exeter and Alex Balch of the University of Liverpool.

Biomass has become a popular alternative to satisfy expanding energy demand and as a substitute for fossil fuels and phased-out nuclear energy in Europe. The European Union White Paper stipulates that the utilization of biomass shall increase to 1566 TWh by 2010. However it is often overlooked that the forest resources are already, to a large extent, used by the forest industries. When promoting biomass for energy generation the consequences for the forest industries also need to be considered. Sweden is an excellent case study, as there are vast quantities of forest resources, nuclear power is starting to be phased out, there are restrictions on expanding hydropower and the political desire exists to “set an example” with respect to carbon dioxide emissions. This paper attempts to estimate and analyse the supply of two types of forest resource, namely, roundwood and harvesting residues derived from final harvesting and commercial thinnings. Two separate supply curves are estimated: one for roundwood and one for harvesting residues. The cost structure is based on an economic-engineering approach where the separate cost components are constructed from the lowest cost element into aggregates for labour, capital, materials and overhead costs for each forest resource. The results indicate an unutilized economic supply of 12 TWh of harvesting residues in Sweden. However, after these 12 TWh have been recovered it becomes more profitable to use roundwood for energy purposes than to continue extracting further amounts of harvesting residues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital divide is a concept generally defined as an inequality in access and use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) between individuals, households, businesses, geographic areas and countries, and reflects a number of differences between and within countries (OECD, 2001, p. 5). The aim of this paper is to analyse the main characteristics of the digital divide in Europe's rural enterprises. Using logit analysis, we examine the factors influencing the uptake of ICTs of 996 innovative firms from 10 European rural regions. Although significant portions of the divide can be attributed to north-south differences, national or even regional characteristics should be taken into consideration to arrive at a more meaningful and complete typology of the phenomenon. However, it appears that spatial attributes provide a more or less static view of the phenomenon. Sectoral, firm size, as well as network intensity, to mention only a few, considerations, could allow us a greater understanding, not only of causes, but also of processes leading to the alleviation, and quite often the permeating of the divide. Nevertheless, it appears that among the factors that influence the uptake of ICTs, the characteristics of human capital are the most significant ones. The paper is based on a research project (Labrianidis et al., 2002), financed by the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The open method of co-ordination (OMC) has received much attention in the recent EU literature. The predominant view claims that the OMC is not only a new but also an effective policy-making instrument. This paper raises doubts about both claims by offering a comparison of soft law policy co-ordination in three international organizations. More specifically, this paper compares the European Employment Strategy to the Broad Economic Policy Guidelines of the EU, the OECD Economic Surveys, and the IMF Article IV Consultations. Based on expert interviews, it seeks to demonstrate that these procedures are forms of multilateral surveillance that do not differ in kind. Such a comparative analysis of the OMC refutes claims to its novelty. Having compared the four procedures, a more general model of multilateral surveillance consisting of six elements is generated that facilitates further comparisons. This paper concludes that governments select voluntarist procedures mainly to secure their own competencies rather than to realize common goals. Effective problem-solving is therefore not necessarily the dominant objective of soft law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines some of the constitutional aspects of the ‘Future of Europe’ reform process in the light of interactions between German and ‘European’ federalism. Many aspects of the traditions of German federalism and German post-war constitutionalism have been influential, if not to say formative, for the evolution of the EU. These aspects are set out as a frame for the paper, before more detailed analysis of the constitutional process and a particular focus on the division of competences. The constitutional outcome reveals clear German ‘fingerprints’, though that finding needs to be balanced by a recognition of the constitutional debate as multi-perspectival, involving all member states both separately and collectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I apply the definition of populism that I laid out in P. Taggart, Populism (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000) and argue that recent developments in Europe provide a fertile ground for the emergence of populism. Europe is taken to in its widest sense to include the European Union as well as the 'wider Europe'. The argument of the paper is that populism will emerge (and has already appeared) in many different forms and will appear as a series of fractured instances. Combined with the self-limiting effects of populism this means that populism will not amount to a wider 'European' force but its appearance does highlight dilemmas of representative politics in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between care and mobility. It does so within the specific context of intra-EU migration and the development of European citizenship. Citizenship of the Union bestows valuable social rights on mobile community nationals. Entitlement under the provisions is not, however, universal but conditional and privileges those in paid work. The paper considers the implications of this emphasis on paid work in two related respects:firstly, the impact on those people who move as part of the `male breadwinning family' but are not engaged in paid work (the partners and families of workers); and secondly those community citizens whose migration decisions are shaped by the need to provide unpaid care to family members. Drawing on empirical research with migrant families, the paper concludes that the concept of work in Community law places those people who are not engaged in paid work (and family carers in particular) in a highly vulnerable and dependent position. Furthermore, the assumption of fixed and predictable dependency relationships within migrant families that underpins the law (and to some degree migration theory) fails to take account of the fluid and complex nature of dependency and caring relationships over the life-course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interaction between bargaining and monetary policy involves three relationships: the interaction of the bargainers with (a) each other; (b) the monetary regime; and (c) their rank and file. Research has centred on (a) and (b) and neglected (c). However, in practice, interaction (c) gains in importance, since bargaining is a multi-level process in the eurozone. Analytically, this interaction should not be neglected, since the monetary regime can target the bargainers more effectively than their rank and file. This paper conceptualizes the interaction between bargaining and monetary policy in a way which includes all three relationships. Based on a comparison of fifteen European countries, it is shown that the responsiveness of alternative bargaining institutions to the monetary regime depends on their capacity for making the rank and file comply, and that these institutions also differ in which monetary parameter they are sensitive to. The implications of these findings for EMU are discussed in the paper's final section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the nature of support in housing as a solution to homelessness and the way in which it has developed across Europe. The paper begins by considering the nature of support in relation to housing and suggests a typology to provide a framework for discussing the relationship between the accommodation and care perspectives involved in supporting a person to live independently in the community. There follows a consideration of the nature of support in housing which examines the different approaches to the provision of support and housing in Europe. This section examines the development and form of provision of support in housing in different welfare systems. This understanding is then employed to identify the nature of the contribution of supported housing to the solution to homelessness. The role is examined in greater detail by examination of the use of supported housing for people with a mental illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper identifies and seeks to resolve the paradox that British social policy appears to have diverged from its EU partners in the period since membership and to have converged with that of the USA. Existing historical institutionalist approaches stress common regime characteristics of Britain and the USA in explanation of British difference from other member states. The present paper challenges such accounts and argues that the explanation lies in the transformation (and demise) of the post-Imperial/Commonwealth system of political economy in which the British economy (and related social policy) was embedded. This transformation has also produced internal problems within the British state giving rise to its reorganization with devolved Assemblies in Scotland and Wales. The final part of the paper addresses how this latter development has created a 'fault-line' in the British social policy debate with the possibility of reversing the trend toward Americanization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is frequently assumed to be responsible for creating the economic environment in which a much greater degree of European Union (EU) economic integration is deemed necessary. In contrast, this paper argues that globalization, in conjunction with neo-liberal growth, has led to autonomization as well as integration. The term autonomization designates both that economic governance is increasingly delegated to autonomous regions, and that neo-liberal economic policies tend to fragment and divide in their pursuit of growth. The paper investigates the tension between the role in which globalization has cast the region, and the region as a central player in the EU's cohesion strategy. Cohesion policy-measures to combat underdevelopment and backwardness-plays a key role in integration and growth strategies. It is argued that cohesion has become detached from its redistributive origins and incorporated in a discourse of competitiveness and growth. The region has emerged as both the site upon which the global acts upon the EU, and the level at which the EU has determined that the processes of globalization can best be accommodated. It is suggested that the tension between cohesion and autonomization introduced by globalization is a central dynamic at work in the contemporary EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Water Framework Directive (WFD) represents one of the most advanced pieces of water policy developed during the last decades. Since its introduction in 2000, several technical and political issues arose regarding this Directive and its implementation, and have to be managed by European Member States at the national level, but in strict collaboration with local authorities and stakeholders. Whilst several studies have analysed the WFD from a technical point of view, a few are available that assess and compare the quality of public participation processes in river basin management at the European level. The present paper shows the outcomes of an own-developed questionnaire sent to European water and environmental authorities during 2015, which highlights the variable situation in terms of stakeholders' involvement and methods adopted to interact with them, and also points out the scarce results that the consultation has obtained in terms of innovative measures to fulfil the requirements of the WFD. In light of the present situation, a better consideration of public consultation and associated methodologies is necessary for future management cycles, as well as a better coordination between Member States sharing river basins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely observed that planning education in Europe is affected increasingly by various forces of Europeanisation and internationalization. While these trends are not regarded uncritically, very often commentators treat them as inexorable, or it is assumed that individual universities have considerable agency in how they respond. However, closer attention to the literature on Europeanisation shows that nation-states significantly mediate these processes. This is the focus of this paper, which draws on a case study of the creation of an integrated multi-country Masters programme in spatial planning. The analysis shows that national institutions still exert significant force, at least on the structure of the degree programmes that can be created, which universities seeking to Europeanize have to negotiate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Theoretical debate about the effects of politicisation on the democratic legitimacy of the European Union has tended to focus on the potential of conflict between European political parties or member state governments. At the same time, empirical sociological studies demonstrate that controversy about Europe continues to unfold primarily within national public spheres. There is as yet no genuine Europe-wide party system or public debate. This reveals a gap between the normative theoretical assessment of EU politicisation and empirical sociological analysis of this phenomenon. To reconcile this discrepancy, this paper develops three actually-existing trajectories of politicisation: the remote conflict, the international conflict and the domestic conflict. Each trajectory carries unique challenges and opportunities to the democratic legitimacy of the Union. It is argued that the domestic conflict trajectory is most promising from a normative democratic perspective. Paradoxically, this does not necessarily imply a renationalisation of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As international relations actors in the post-Second World War world, international organisations have played a significant role in the standardisation of global policy concepts during the 20th century, and humanitarian assistance has been no exception. While the study of the role of international organisations in shaping a dominant model of humanitarian aid has recently gathered pace, few historians have focused on different, less successful models and interpretations developed by other international organisations. Recently declassified Commonwealth Secretariat records show that discussions within the Secretariat and among member states regarding the potential objectives and scope of Commonwealth humanitarian assistance programmes took place as early as the 1960s, and continued throughout the following decades. This article provides an overview of the origin and evolution of the Commonwealth’s approach to humanitarian assistance since the 1960s. Its objective is to document this hitherto little known aspect of Commonwealth assistance policies, and, based on an initial literature and archival survey, to contribute to the identification of further research questions and gaps in this aspect of Commonwealth history. Although they are very different in nature and scope, the Commonwealth and the European Union share at least one common feature in so far as humanitarian assistance is concerned, namely their difficulty in reaching a consensual definition of it. By exploring the links and discrepancies between, as well as within, each organisation’s approach to humanitarian assistance, and by examining the initiatives of some of their member states, this paper seeks to highlight the plasticity of the definition of humanitarian assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers gender mainstreaming of the EU Rural Development Programme. The EU promotes the gender mainstreaming of rural development policies because retaining women in rural areas is seen as crucial to the long-term viability of rural areas. A review of literature and scan of policy documents demonstrates that few rural development plans address gender issues, and generally only by including some separate projects for women. Little is done to address the systemic features of gender inequality and to realise inclusive developments that address the needs of all social groups. The de-politicisation of rural gender issues results in policy makers ticking the obligatory gender box without envisioning any real change in the agenda or process of rural development policy making. I argue that a more fruitful way to go forward is to re-politicise gender in rural development and to tease out at the local level how changing gender relations and rural development coincide. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The debate on migration-related border controls has greatly expanded during the past decade. Special attention has been given to processes of contestation and of rights-claims enacted by migrants, drawing greatly on Isin’s work on acts of citizenship and Rancière’s articulation of the ‘uncounted’ and the political. Within this broad debate little attention has been devoted to the acts of common people in contesting current border management and especially in refusing the policing and the bordering of theirownterritory. By focusing on the Lampedusa borderland, this paper will explore and interrogate the verbal protests made by the people of Lampedusa in response to the drowning of some 366 African migrants on 3 October 2013. The protests were mostly against current border patrolling and its politics of (non-)life, which prioritise border protection against (migrants’) life protection. The call to protectingallhuman life, equally worthy of being protected, transformed these protests into political acts. Using and extending the work of Rancière, I explore the extent to which the people of Lampedusa have highlighted a ‘wrong’ and enacted ‘dissensus’ by contesting the (natural) securitised order of EU border management. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Nearly all societies have now committed themselves to sustainable development by integrating some form of environmental quality, social equity, and economic welfare into their day-to-day activities. As such, there remains a strong political desire for the comprehensive assessment of conditions that evaluate the current status, measure progress, and help set future development goals. Indicators have been nominated as universal tools for progressing sustainable development across scales; however, there remains no consensus regarding the best approach to their design or use. While several studies have investigated the associations between indicators of sustainable development, few have directly addressed the question of how multiple measures can be used simultaneously to assess sustainability regionally. Building upon previous studies, this paper presents a quantitative and spatial assessment of 25 multi-metric indices across 36 European nations. The goals of this research were (1) to increase understanding of indicator complexity and (2) provide an applied example of their simultaneous use for regional assessment. Global Moran’sI-test and Pearson’s correlation coefficient (r) analysis were used to test spatial autocorrelation and multicollinearity, respectively. From the 25 composite indices, an overall rank was also provided for each country. Lastly, Ward’s cluster analysis was used to create country bundles of similarity. Our findings revealed that environmental performance index, global information networking institute coefficient, and happy planet index were numerically and spatially random. Cluster analysis revealed a four-bundle solution, while Norway, Switzerland, and Sweden ranked highest. This approach shows promise for systematically describing, visualizing, and monitoring sustainable development at the continental scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of statelessness is most often studied as an issue of international and human-rights law. In contrast, this paper examines narratives of citizenship choice among initially stateless Russian-speaking residents of Estonia in order to explore the practical meanings of (non)citizenship in a context where the available options include both national citizenship and statelessness. While legal aspects of citizenship do explain many of the perceived benefits and disadvantages of various citizenship options, we find that deliberations about citizenship choice also reflect extra-legal normative and affective dimensions of civic belonging. The resulting multidimensional model of citizenship helps account for courses of action that would appear anomalous if citizenship choice were merely an instrumental matter of weighing the costs and benefits of different options. It also points to a growing disjuncture among citizenship as a source of legal rights and obligations, as a normative framework, and as a site of attachment and identification. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In December 2011, the European Council proposed a Fiscal Pact for member states which would impose a binding limit on their structural deficits (SDs), as part of the wider set of measures intended to resolve the Eurozone's sovereign debt crisis. The proposal, adopted by 25 states in the course of 2012–2013, requires that this limit be imposed on each annual budget, with strict rules governing any breaches, subject to sanctions imposed by the Eurozone authorities. The paper examines the economic and political foundations of the measure. It is argued that the SD is meaningless as a policy target, since it is impossible to measure objectively, while politically it reinforces the depoliticisation of economic policy, under which technical experts replace elected governments in managing the national economy. The purpose of the Fiscal Pact is primarily to reassure business and financial élites that there will be no return to the state interventionism and excessive public spending that supposedly characterised the Keynesian era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using an analytical framework based on current implementation theory, this research examines the transposition of the EU Waste Framework Directive into UK law and local government development control procedures. The study which forms the basis of this paper was commissioned by the UK Government to evaluate the effectiveness of the construction Waste Management Plans introduced as a legal requirement in 2008. It was found that its implementation had largely failed and that these new laws had been ineffective. Subsequently, in March 2012 the UK Government announced its intention to withdraw these Regulations. In the context of current deregulatory pressures, but with the continuing need to minimise construction waste, this research concludes that more attention should be paid by central government to their current ‘top-down’ implementation procedures in order to better roll-out new environmental legislation in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elections to the European Parliament have been unable to capture the public’s interest— turnout remains far lower than most national elections and many who do vote appear more concerned with sending messages of approval to national political parties than electing representatives at the EU level. This paper seeks to explain why the public does not take these elections seriously. A common explanation is that the public simply does not care about EU politics. In addition to this ‘issue-based’ argument, this article considers where a lack of trust in the European Parliament itself may lead many individuals to abstain from EP elections. Using pre and post-election survey data, results suggest that perceptions of the EP indeed have a significant effect on the decision to vote in EP elections. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The recent developments of the economic theory suggest that due attention to territorial context increases efficiency and improves delivery of the policies. This in turn calls for better linkages between spatial and socio-economic efforts. The paper analyses the concept of policy territorialization and proposes policy tools for that purpose. The relevant theoretical models are used, mainly evolutionary economics and new economic geography. The key outcome is a set of territorial keys supposed to enhance territorial approach in developmental policies. Also some plausible ways of making use of those keys are proposed and then tested using Polish territory as a case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to promote “cohesion, competitiveness and cooperation” across Europe, the EU has established a common regional policy to support underdeveloped territories. This EU regional policy required to set up a very complex mechanism to implement such a huge effort to coordinate many interventions across highly differentiated territories. However, those territories are provided with very different institutional settings, and then the mechanism to coordinate all of them becomes particularly complex. The aim of this paper is to discuss the EU multi-level governance for structural funds (SFs), revising the origin, rationale and evolution of this policy in order to identify the limits of the institutional mechanism for the implementation of this policy. These limits will show their effects on the unstable distribution of SFs across the EU regions on a long-term perspective. Results show that the intervention of the EU is neither constant nor stable across regions, independently from their development paths. This instability should provide further arguments on the discussion about the SF policy and governance in order to take into considerations also institutional limits of the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eurozone crisis has involved sharp output declines and has generated much discussion about the appropriate design of macroeconomic policy both in terms of dealing with the contemporary situation and minimising the risks of future crises. Much of the debate surrounding the crisis has focused on fiscal policy. All but two member states of the European Union have signed a draft treaty, the ‘fiscal compact’, that seeks to eliminate structural fiscal deficits. This paper examines the relationship between fiscal balances and output shortfalls amongst the eurozone countries allowing for other factors. In the light of the findings it critically assesses the fiscal compact. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Human tissues and cells, and tissue engineered (TE) therapies, have been the object of attempts at regulatory regime-building in Europe since the late 1990s. As a sector-in-the-making, or technological zone, TE has been beset by multiple uncertainties. The 2007 Regulation on Advanced Therapy Medicinal Products, expands the legal scope of EU pharmaceutical jurisdiction to cover tissue engineering as “unconventional medicine”. This paper outlines the regulatory pathway taken by TE, explaining how the eventual pharmaceutical designation hides contentious, continuing stakeholder debates about the substantive definition of TE, its modes of production, tissue bank–hospital–industry relationships, the position of the medical device sector, and the appropriate type and institutional form of regulatory controls. In spite of the aim of providing “legal certainty”, the new regime has strategically built-in scope for future “technical” developments, and recent institutional innovations made by the key EU regulatory body respond to the continuing stakeholder tensions. The conclusion is that the EU Regulation provides some “regulatory ordering” of the TE zone while providing an open-ended flexibility, and inter-sectoral industry tensions continue given the shape of the recent EU legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines some of the novel ways in which the European Union carries out its ‘border-work’– border-work that stretches far beyond the external borders of the current Union. It highlights, in particular, the role of EUrope's neighbours in new strategies of securitisation, drawing attention to some of the actors, sites and mechanisms that make the Union's border-work possible. The emphasis in the paper is on the Mediterranean, long the premier laboratory for creative solutions to the policing of EU borders. The discussion focuses predominantly on a difficult neighbour turned ‘friend’ – Libya – and its role in the EUropean archipelago of border-work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, laws regulating the use and protection of the environment occupy a position of prominence that previous generations could not have foreseen. In Europe, this is attributable in very large measure to the European Union. Indeed, it is one of the EU success stories. On paper, the world seems to be getting wiser as it grows older. However, global warming and unorthodox weather patterns provide a stark reminder of the shortcomings in environmental regulation on the international plane, where vested economic interests continue to wield heavy influence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

European football market finances appear to be in very good health and impervious to the current Euro-wide financial crises. Yet beneath the apparent financial buoyancy a different story emerges, one of fan exploitation, spiraling debt and the threat of bankruptcy hanging over many clubs. In this introduction to the special issue we chart what is effectively a political economy of debt underpinning the European football market and threatening to bring professional football in Europe into disrepute. Against this backdrop the paper considers the impact financial exuberance and systemic debt has had on fans’ identification with clubs. It is argued that whilst football fans have borne the social and economic costs of weak governance and lack of financial regulation, which have become the hallmark of European football, they have also shown themselves to be highly resistant to the commercialisation of football and innovative in their responses to this commercialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses aspects of the developments in the financial regulation in Europe. It explains aspects of the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on Short Selling and Certain Aspects of Credit Default Swaps (CDS) which aims to unify and harmonize a myriad of short sale rules across the European Union's (EUs) 27-nation bloc. It notes the first consultation paper on draft regulatory and implementing technical standards issued by the European Sales and Marketing Association (ESMA) in relation to the regulation. It also cites the significant differences between the draft Bill published in June 2011 and the Financial Services Bill to Parliament introduced on January 26, 2012 which reflects a significant milestone in the financial regulatory reform in Europe.

The article discusses the regulatory developments in the banking sector in the European Union (EU). It mentions the decision of EU Commissioner Michel Barnier to appoint members of the High-Level Expert Group on structural aspects of the banking sector and a consultation launched by the EU Commission the general orientation of European company law. It cites the decision of EU Commission to prohibit the proposed merger between Deutsche Börse AG and NYSE Euronext Inc. and a study published by the EU Parliament which tackles the situation of the venture capital industry in the EU. It also notes the discussion paper published by the European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) which explains the key concepts of the Alternative Investment Fund Managers (AIFM) Directive.

Expansion of territories targeted by travellers and growth of attendance rates make tourism sector of significant interest for the implementation of policies on environmental protection at the European Union (EU) level. The need to protect local natural heritage, to integrate tourism industry development policies with the ones pertaining to other sectors that characterize a given territory and to enhance the overall environmental performance are some of the priorities that may appear conflicting at times. This paper discusses a method of analysis and planning aiming to promote potential directives of local governance. This method, representing the outcome of a process coordinated and shared across territories, is oriented towards the sustainable development of the area and refers to the implementation of integrated policies, The Interreg Eco Tourism (INTER.ECO.TUR) project, co-financed by the European Commission under the EU's INTERREG IIIC, provided the research with a useful case study to analyse the dynamics of sustainable tourism development within the European Mediterranean area. The debate of its results offers evidences on the possibility to develop such a governance process effectively, providing insight into an assessment methodology enriched by a clear-cut analysis of its applied experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]