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This paper examines the emblematic case of the use of the discourse of democracy as a key component of identity formation strategies on the Venezuelan right. The Venezuelan opposition's identity narrative is analysed as part of its competition for hegemony following the emergence of the Chavist political project, based on interviews conducted in 2016 with Venezuelans from this part of the political spectrum. The Venezuelan case reveals that the discourse of democracy not only facilitates the coalition and mobilisation of individuals without necessarily articulating ideological references of left or right, it also helps prevent changes to the existing social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the relationship between the characteristics assumed by the public administration and changes in the democratic model from 1958 until the second millennium in Venezuela. Methodologically, four stages are distinguished from the characteristics assumed by democracy. 1. Democracy of the big parties and the model of import substitution, political representation and administrative centralization (1961); 2. Formally participatory and administratively decentralized democracy 1990), 3; people's and populist democracy with military base and administrative recentralization (1999); 4). Competitive authoritarianism. It is concluded that there is a significantly political relationship between the model of democracy and the models of public administration assumed in the model of the Venezuelan democratic regime, there are authoritarian changes from the periphery to the center as the institutional model went into crisis until its political breakin in 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an overview on the situation of centralized political power in Venezuela and on the necessary political action from civil society in order to recover an ideologically defined democratic society. A documentary research method was used in this study. Because of limitations of space and time, the analysis is based on a review of the relevant literature, including those considered appropriate to base the analysis. The findings are related with permanent efforts of civil society addressed to maintain the democracy, the elaboration and permanent change in the exercise of sovereignty, the existence of a marked tendency to centralize and the need for critical loyalty with the democratic system. Finally, it was specified the use of an antagonistic and exclusionary discourse from the current regime, a fact which is characteristic of their behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an analysis of the dynamics of political action and change in electoral processes in Venezuela, from 1998 to 2010, using a multidisciplinary approach based on elements from political theory, comparative analysis of electoral processes and historical sociology, in an attempt to understand institutional transformation processes in the Venezuelan political system since the Chavez victory. It concludes by providing a historical perspective regarding the consequences of these elections on democratic life in Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, is raised from the approaches of political theory and discourse analysis, the construction of political discourse on constitutional reform proposed by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in January 2007, and that meant a generation of political debate on the implications and impact which Venezuelan society could have. Identified the political protagonists and antagonists involved, their plots and expository speeches that explains his position to accept or reject the proposed reform. It concludes by stating that the result was the product of a culture shock on the perceptions of political change in Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of democratic political systems in Latin America is takes effect in recent decades, which has led to propose the reform of the state in its interaction with society, oriented towards human development and the deepening of democracy. This paper establish that education is a cornerstone of social development and democracy also analyze the role of mass media in this process, finally, some thoughts on the Venezuelan process. It employs a documentaryempirical methods, descriptive and concludes with the articulation between the concepts of education, media and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present partial results of a qualitative research on social representations -including citizenship- in Venezuelan primary textbooks, from the methodological perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis, in which language is considered as action operating as a transmitter of ideological patterns. One of the conclusions is that citizenship is represented as being universal and democratic. But the political parties, natural institutions of a democracy, are the object of questioning and thus they do not constitute a legitimate option of participation, discursively speaking, although the communitarian organization is considered as a valid one. Moreover, certain passivity is found in the citizen about historical characters and political leaders, since they are presented as epic and superhuman figures. This kind of construction places common citizens in an inferior position, thus incapable of carrying out transcendental actions in our society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary democracies are complex configurations which include, among other Institutional variants, systems of government. In the decade of the nineties, and with special reference to latinamerican democracies, the nature of the relationship between the type of governmental system and the consolidation as to stability and governability of democracies has been discussed. This paper analyzes the arguments used In these debates In reference to latinamerican presidentialism. The positions of Linz, Valenzuela and other researchers as to the negative impact of presidentialism in political practices and processes in latinamerican democracies are considered. The positions of Mainwaring and Shugart with reference to other Institutional variations that affect the efficacy of presidential democracies, are also examined. Finally, the contextual and historic focus of the researchers associated with Nohlen and the University of Heidelberg are considered. The conclusion establishes the principal areas of convergence and divergence between these three positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]