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In this paper we approach the process of construction of the Malvinas as a national cause in the school from the qualitative approach of 170 school textbooks published between 1870 and 1970. We seek to analyze the role that school history had in the configuration of this territorial claim that has been transformed into a national sentiment for Argentines. We note that during the first half of the 20th century, Malvinas was a subject ignored in the elementary education textbooks. It is transformed and presented as a true national cause in school textbooks published after 1950, promoted by Peronism and continued by subsequent governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changes in Argentinean right wing-nationalist political discourse of the sixties can only be explained in relation to the international Cold War-context. Thus, some fundamental concepts of Argentine nationalist political tradition were altered by the ups and downs of the international agenda. Because of this, this paper intends to trace the transformations of the nationalist political program, starting with the discursive mutations of the ideas of "Hispanism" and "Revolution". Hence, this renewed revolutionary program -even when related to inherited ideological elements of previous nationalist generations- was reinterpreted in light of new Cold War-meanings of the concept of Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses, from a historical perspective, the forms of representation of the independence process present in textbooks that circulated in schools in the Colombian Caribbean region during the twentieth century. Some of the most representative texts of history for schools in the region were selected as the source and object of study; through them, are analyzed and identified aspects closely related to independence, such as national identity, the citizenship formation processes, the construction of the nation state and the role of the Caribbean region as founder of the new republican regime in those times. The paper places special emphasis on the analysis of historiographical and pedagogical trends pertaining to the textbooks analyzed and which eventually undoubtedly influenced the type of representation and collective imaginary about the process of independence embodied in these artifacts of ideological and cultural character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the development of an idea: American continental unity as an object of study in Latin American intellectual history of the twentieth century. To achieve this, the article is organized in three stages: the idealist, which starts with José Enrique Rodó; the confrontation between Pan-Americanism and Americanism, which rises from the opposition against imperialism and the revindication of mixed heritages (mestizaje); and the confrontation between policies to implement development and revindicate continental unity driven by the Cuban Revolution. The paper emphasizes that gray area that emerges today, marked by an open questioning of national unity as a paradigm; in other words, the paper sets forth a question regarding the political and intellectual relevance of a topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper studies the emergence of the notion of cosmopolitism in different moments in Hispano-American literature. Identifying its relationship with situations of massive displacements, the paper studies Cosmópolis (1908) by Argentinean writer Ricardo Rojas, as a starting point for comparative study involving other notions of cosmopolitism developed during the twentieth century. Relation between cosmopolitism and globalisation are discussed regarding the works Chilean writer Roberto Bolaño, and Cuban writer Ena Lucía Portela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the central role played by Argentinian modernista writer Enrique Rodriguez Larreta in the vindication of the Castilian cultural heritage in early 20thcentury Argentina. As part of the wave of hispanophile sentiment produced by the Spanish-American War and the debates on identity linked to the celebration of Argentina's Independence Centenary, Larreta aims to create a new Argentinian identity of Castilian filiation based on the Spanish cultural heritage epitomized by Golden Age. This profoundly conservative aesthetic project finds expression in his successful historic novel La gloria de don Ramiro, conceived as an archaist textual simulacrum that reconstructs the historical reality of Phillip II's reign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 20th century, the Basque nationalist movement imitated other movements that took place in other stateless nations around the World, in order to achieve their own cultural and political independence. Because of that, Basque nationalism (either moderate or radical and revolutionary) observed with great interest the process of independence in African nations and their fight to recover their ancestral cultures. On the other hand, the fact that Spain (the greatest enemy of Basque nationalism) had some colonies in Africa contributed to create a feeling of sympathy between Basque nationalism and some cultural and political movements in Africa. In this paper I analyze the relationship between Basque nationalism and the movements for African independence, in both cultural and political contexts. I pay special attention to differences between the PNV and ETA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sabino Arana was the founder of Basque Nationalism and set up the main symbols of the Basque Country. From his death in 1903, Arana himself became an essential symbol of Basque Nationalism, due to the mythification of his figure, carried out by his disciples and followers. This paper analyses the cult to Sabino Arana within Basque Nationalism from 1903 to the present, focusing in particular in its heyday during the Spanish Second Republic and its continuity in exile during Franco's Dictatorship. Arana is a very controversial symbol, exalted by Basque Nationalists and, in contrast, disparaged by non-Basque Nationalists, who have never considered him the real Father of the Basque Nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present researching paper analyses the contributions of three recent books on American neoconservatism, which provide us with a precise and updated framework of the current state of the researching carried out in this field. The authors focus their attention especially on the following points: the relationship between neoconservatism and American foreign policy —and, also, the Iraq War —; its characterization as "movement", "intellectual community" or "reactionary idealism", and its evolution by phases stemming back from the 60s of the past century; the issue of the influence exerted by Leo Strauss on the political neoconservative worldview; its interpretation as a form of American nationalism; and the relative importance of the jewish factor within neoconservatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October, 1934, on the occasion of the International Eucharistic Congress, one million Catholics gathered at Buenos Aires to show their faith and support of the Catholic Church. Those public meetings went on for ten years, as part of a Catholic political mobilization -The Army of Cristo Rey- in times of a strong political radicalization. This paper examines the characteristics of this phenomenon, which combined in a unique way three elements: the hierarchy of the Church, Catholic activists and common Catholic believers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lauburu ("four heads'" in Basque) is a cross with four comma- shaped heads, similar to the swastika. Today it is one of the most important symbols of Basque identity. In this paper, I analyze its origins and history, which is full of contradictions, changes in name and shape, especially until the Spanish Civil War and World War II. The lauburu was created in the 17th century; and in the 19th century it symbolized the unity of four Basque Provinces. The lauburu was later identified with a swastika (symbol of the Basque nation, according Sabino Arana, the founder of the Basque Nationalist Party) almost identical to the Nazi symbol. The Basque nationalist movement used the lauburu until Hitler took power in Germany and permanently adopted the lauburu as it is used today. During the past few hundred years this symbol has been the object of endless interpretations by different political parties and social movements associated with Basque nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]