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In recent years, the gender agenda has permeated all policy areas and has gained relevance through the constant work of organisations that have succeeded in making issues and challenges visible. This paper examines the interaction between international politics and the gender agenda in Argentina during the presidency of Alberto Fernández (2019-2023). Based on a triangulation of information gathered from interviews, official documents, and news reports, the paper aims to analyse, in the context of recent foreign policy, what kind of decisions are linked to the gender agenda, and at the same time, what international projection the gender policies implemented at the local level have. We propose that the gender agenda has opened up a space in Argentine foreign policy in a short period and that it has done so mainly based on the country’s trajectory in the international sphere linked to human rights and the discussion of inequalities in the world. The creation of the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity has been crucial, projecting the country into global gender debates in an institutionalised way. Although concrete policies are developing in some cases, the agendas in this dual track demonstrate that these profound social demands have come to the state to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, many states have incorporated gender perspectives into their foreign policies, and this has become a relevant topic in International Relations. This paper investigates the extent to which the Movimiento al Socialismo (mas) indigenist foreign policy has laid the groundwork for advancing towards the inclusion of a feminist approach in Bolivia’s international agenda. The case study is grounded in decolonial studies and community feminism. The main argument is that Bolivian foreign policy between 2006 and 2022 clearly influenced by Andean indigenous thought and the Buen Vivir cosmovision—provided the programmatic and discursive bases to envision the construction of an international agenda with a gender perspective that includes women and indigenous historical demands within a decolonial and communitarian vision. At the domestic level, Bolivia has promoted women’s inclusion and their claims, but at the international level, it did not generate programmes with a depatriarchalizing discourse. The article shows that a foreign policy based on Andean indigenous beliefs and demands has created an opportunity to integrate marginalised groups into the Foreign Ministry, but this integration has yet to materialise. This research is qualitative in nature, drawing on information from various sources: key informant interviews, archival work, and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades, the number and variety of policy instruments implemented in the field of science, technology and innovation in Latin America and particularly in Argentina has increased significantly. In this context, although new initiatives to promote the participation of women in the area have been created, they have been poorly incorporated into inventories and diagnoses in the area. This paper analyzes a specific type of policy instrument: prizes for women in science, in this case the L'Oréal-unesco prize in Argentina. The approach focuses on three main aspects from the point of view of both the research and the formulation of policies: the motivations of the winners to participate, the effects they identify after being distinguished and their opinion about the participation of women in science and its relation to the objectives of the award. The study is based on qualitative evidence through the combination of the analysis of official documents of the sponsoring agencies and the conduction of in-depth interviews with the prize winners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to study the relationship that exists between training and the definition of identities (individual and collective) and the development of a democratic citizenship, which is taken as an example of the analysis of sexual and gender identities. The article aims to demonstrate that for a democratization of these identities one must leave behind the dichotomous conception that characterizes them and instead deploy a consideration of them as accessible, fluid realities for all democratic citizenship in which the theoretical contributions provided by transgenderism may be useful to think more inclusively about our lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]