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The crisis of disappearances in Mexico worsened in 2007, when then-President Felipe Calderon launched the war on drugs. Since then, more than 80,000 people have been reported as missing. In this panorama of violence and uncertainty, a bureaucratic apparatus tries to manage the search and mourning of families still awaiting the return of their loved ones. The following pages deal mainly with the way in which the binder -that is, the case file containing the official investigation carried out by the authorities-plays a central role in the search process. Through the voices of thirteen mothers whose daughters and sons have been disappeared, the binder is framed as a person-object, which represents a material embodiment of the victim. Through this perspective, which goes beyond the rational limits imposed by the state, this paper is based on the negative methodology proposed by the anthropologist Yael Navaro. Thus, one of the conclusions shows how through objects the disappeared persons continue to participate in the everyday life of their loved ones, as well as in the claims for justice. Finally, it is important to note that all the names of people and places have been modified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an unconventional look about war implemented by Felipe Calderón against organized crime. The approach used is the cultural sociology, which highlighting the symbolic dimensions of sociopolitical phenomena to observe the constitution of there through cultural elements. In this way, the war against organized crime as a drama that establishes a hero (Calderon), a purpose (to finish insecurity), an enemy (criminals), some means (the military as cleaning supplies), and potential beneficiaries (the citizens). Through this look is to shed light on some important issues about the policy in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to describe the consolidation of the militarization of public security in Mexico, during the first four years of the administration led by President Felipe Calderon (2006-2012). Although this is not a new state response to the challenge of organized crime, during the second-generation transition government, the involvement of the armed forces has reached a peak, spreading to the sphere of the states through the designation of military men as public security secretariats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the difficult task of presidential government in Mexico. The methodological strategy is comparative, theoretical support referred to the new institutionalism and political leadership. The purpose is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the PAN government from 2006 to 2011. The governments of Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderon have shown that the political system gives a weakness in building majorities in Congress. Divided government replaced the hegemonic party system. The dilemma of power sharing or split will be decisive in the final stretch of the administration of President Felipe Calderon. 2011 and half of 2012 will be an indicator of the stay and departure of PAN presidential power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tests some of the main fraud allegations of the 2006 presidential election in Mexico with the evidence from a statistical analysis of precinct-level data. First, I analyze the data flow from the quick count, the preliminary results (PREP) and the official district tally (cómputo distrital). Secondly, I analyze the size and distribution of errors in the polling-station acts and the partial recount. Lastly, I consider atypical precincts and the role of party representatives. My main conclusion is that, since most fraud allegations are not supported by the evidence, the presidential election outcome is statistically reliable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]