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A 1967 convention report of the Federated Women's Institutes of Canada (FWIC) revealed that this national rural women's organization was experiencing very slow progress in its attempts to establish itself in the Northwest and Yukon Territories. Based on material from Library and Archives Canada, including correspondence from Native women themselves, this paper helps to explain why this longstanding women's organization failed in the Far North. The Women's Institutes were working with imperialist assumptions about the homogeneity of women's experiences that failed to take into account the realities of life in the North, for both Native and non-Native women alike. Beginning with Diefenbaker's 'Northern Vision' and the heightened nationalism expressed in anticipation of Canada's centennial in 1967, this paper traces the WI's twenty-year attempt to establish its presence in what was referred to as 'the last frontier of the Institutes' - the Yukon and Northwest Territories. In 1988 FWIC leaders concluded that they `did not have adequate funding or personnel to make an impact on the northern regions of our country.' This paper explores the reasons for that failure, arguing that the leaders' imperialist notions about race, region, and gender provide a more adequate explanation for the difficulties than claiming it was simply a lack of funds or personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper defines two key core concepts in the field of public policy: co-production and co-construction. It first examines the role of the third sector in the co-construction of two public policy initiatives, the Voluntary Sector Initiative and the Social Economy Initiative, developed under the responsibility of the federal state. Then it turns to the participation of the third sector in co-constructing public policy under the responsibility of the Quebec provincial state in six policy areas: policy to recognize autonomous community organizations, policy to recognize the social economy, daycare policy, home care policy, social housing policy and Quebec legislation to combat poverty. The policy initiatives of both the federal state and Quebec state are compared and analysed from a co-construction perspective [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the key issues regarding the Centre for the Study of Living Standards (CSLS) policies on increasing the economic well-being of Canadians that was presented through four papers. The first paper examines the impact of universities on the living standards in Canada. Labor and well-being are discussed in the second paper. The third paper tackles on the new social policy, based on the importance of human capital. The last paper focuses on adult benefits.

Despite the promise of the 1970s, critical criminology's influence in Canada has diminished in recent years. This paper examines this decline and charts one possible avenue for renewal. It argues that critical criminology has been limited by its emphasis on the state, and state-centred constructions of criminality, and by its failure to come to terms with how social injustices are reproduced through private institutions and modes of expertise constituted on the margins of the state and in the shadow of the law. Based on this critique, it is proposed that a dialogue with governmentality studies may help to overcome these limits, a dialogue that is examined in two substantive contexts: the governance of immigration and the policing of financial disorder. Revealed are not only forms of governance and oppression enacted on law's margins, but also possibilities for the realization of the progressive politics that lies at the heart of the critical criminological enterprise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James A. Teit (1864–1922) is known mainly for his anthropological work among the Aboriginal peoples of south‐central British Columbia. Few are aware that he was also involved in an early Native political movement. From 1908 until 1922 Teit assisted a large community of predominantly monolingual Native leaders to negotiate in the Euro‐Canadian political domain. Evidence of this collaboration exists In the documents—letters, petitions, declarations, and position papers—that survive from this period. These documents stand today not only as a record of Teit's—and his Native contemporaries'—political commitment but also as ethnographic texts worthy of study in their own right. Unlike the traditional ethnography of the period which focuses mainly on an idealized pre‐contact past, these documents draw attention to a highly charged political present. This article highlights the contents of the documents, as well as Teit's role in their production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]