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The socialist German Democratic Republic (GDR) in the east part of former divided Germany, which existed between 1949 and 1990, saw the emancipation of women as a national objective. In this paper we examine the gender ideologies of young people in the GDR in relation to state socialist ideas of gender equality. First, we outline the GDR's socialist state policy in favour of maternal full-time employment, even with young children, between the 1950s and the 1980s. We then present the results of our analysis of gender ideologies using survey data collected by the GDR's Central Institute of Youth Research in 1984. By applying latent class analysis, we identify two patterns of egalitarianism in the analytic sample, which we term 'all-inclusive-egalitarians' and 'not-in-my-backyard-egalitarians' ('nimby-egalitarians'). The former supported gender equality in both the public and familial spheres. The nimby-egalitarians, by contrast, had ambivalent attitudes, as they supported gender equality in the public sphere and at the same time held more traditional attitudes towards the private sphere. Our study demonstrates that after almost 40 years of propagating gender equality, state socialism in the GDR had some success in shaping societal gender ideologies. However, we reveal ambivalences which researchers have previously often overseen, especially in contrast to the Western part of Germany. The top-down shaped GDR patterns of egalitarianism also bear similarities to the stalled gender revolution in contemporary Western democratic societies. Beyond the results, the paper proves the richness and principle usability of hitherto rarely used data sets preserved from the GDR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the year of 2015, about 800.000 refugees arrived in Germany, a number which equals around one percent of the total population. This migration process was labelled the refugee crisis and was accompanied by a contested debate. On the one hand, there was a widespread willingness to voluntarily help arriving refugees, on the other hand, the number of xenophobic attacks against refugees drastically increased. Our paper will focus on a specific form of xenophobic violence with a strong symbolic meaning: We analyze how arson attacks against collective accommodation facilities spread. Using a comprehensive web chronicle, we collected temporal and spatial data about arson attacks perpetrated on accommodations or facilities for refugees in Germany between 2015 and 2017. We counted 251 attacks, assigned each incident location to its county, merged county characteristics such as population size, proportion of foreigners, right-wing party support, and—going beyond previous research—added geographically coded media data from two digital archives. Besides newspaper contents of a popular nation-wide tabloid, we use a data base that covers local fake news on refugees. Based on these data, we constructed a balanced panel data set with the counties as geographical units and periods of 14 days as the time dimension. Results indicate that social contagion drives the diffusion process of arson attacks. Spatial proximity of previous attacks increased the propensity of attacks in the neighboring counties. Attacks were more likely to occur in counties with larger populations and fewer foreigners. While local newspaper coverage did not impact the diffusion of xenophobic attacks, fake news were relevant–but only in East Germany. We also considered two particularly salient threatening events that received nation-wide media attention, namely Merkel's "border opening" on the 5th of September 2015 and the sexual assaults occurring during New Year's 2015/16 in Cologne. Both were followed by temporary increases in violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reunification of the socialist German Democratic Republic and the capitalist Federal Republic of Germany presents a unique setting for studying the impact of socio-economic and political change on migration. This paper provides a comprehensive review of the interdisciplinary literature on migration between East and West Germany since reunification, conducted in disciplines such as economics, demography, sociology, and human geography. We synthesise the literature with regard to data-related challenges as well as individual and contextual determinants of migration. We clarify some misinterpretations and discrepancies in previous studies, identify research gaps, and suggest directions for future research. Our review demonstrates that East-West migration mainly occurred in line with what could have been expected based on migration theory with regard to migrants' sex, age, education, labour market position, and social networks. West-East migration, in contrast, was strongly affected by return migrants who often stated non-occupational motives for moving. On the contextual level, differences in wages are better able to explain East-West migration over time than differences in unemployment rates. West-East migration, however, cannot be explained well with such macroeconomic models. This paper contributes a point of reference for future research on this topic, as well as on internal migration and socio-economic disparities in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1970s, the existing historical building stock gained more value. Monument protection was gradually introduced in the urban planning process as were its methods and instruments. Approaches for an urban development based on the existing building stock were made in both former german countries, GDR (German Democratic Republic) and FGR (Federal Republic of Germany), even if the extent was different. Especially with the regeneration of the historical old towns in the GDR beginning in late 1989, early 1990, the preservation of urban architectural heritage formally became an integrated part of urban development strategies in united Germany. The adaption and development of instruments to protect and develop historical city centres is part of the research project 'Stadtwende', funded by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research. Surveys based on the results of qualitative expert interviews and archive research show that the 'turn' (Wende) in 1989 had an impact on the development of a planning practice that took the existing building stock into account. With regard to recent trends the paper shows the historical genesis of the preservation of urban heritage in urban planning and asks to what extent it could support a resource-saving urban development today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing inequality of private income and wealth requires the redistribution of financial resources. Thus, several financial support schemes allocate budget across countries or regions. This work shows how to estimate private wealth at low regional levels by means of a modified Fay–Herriot approach that deals with (a) unit and item non-response, especially with used multiple imputation, (b) the skewness of the wealth distribution, and (c) inconsistencies of the regional estimates with the national direct estimate. One compelling example for financial redistribution is the promoted catching-up process of East Germany after the German reunification. This work shows that 25 years after the reunification differences are more diverse than just between the East and the West by estimating private wealth at two regional levels in Germany. The analysis is based on the Household Finance and Consumption Survey (HFCS) that the European Central Bank launched for all euro area countries in 2010. Although the application in this paper focuses particularly on Germany, the approach proposed is applicable to the other countries participating in the HFCS as well as to other surveys that make use of multiple imputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There seems to be some evidence that Germany is turning from being a 'domestic' to a 'public' gender regime. The extension of public childcare, increasing female labour market participation rates and the introduction of gender quotas, among other changes, point to this development. However, a detailed analysis reveals an ambivalent and even contradictory trajectory. This development can only be understood by applying an intersectional perspective and looking at families with different socioeconomic backgrounds, class, and gender. By focusing on family households in which women are the main earners, this paper illustrates changes and stability in different domains and contributes to the understanding of the German gender regime's trajectory. On the basis of a qualitative study conducted in West and East Germany, the article shows that many women who are the main breadwinners in their families are in this position not because of modernised gender relations and by their own choice, but 'involuntarily', because of their partners' weak labour market position and increasing pressure within the German welfare state to earn their own living and contribute to covering the needs of the household through gainful employment. Many female-breadwinner families do not live reversed, modernised gender roles, but face an above-average risk for poverty and have little room for manoeuvre. Political and economic factors, as well as norms (in the domains of polity, economy and civil society), help to explain these findings. We see mainly neoliberal, activation policies directed at households with low resources, whereas the institutional framework for households with higher incomes has remained relatively stable. The results of the study show that dual-earner households are not necessarily progressive and dual earning is a poor indicator of a gender regime change. • There is some evidence that the German system is moving from a 'domestic' to a 'public' gender regime. However, we see a quite ambivalent trajectory. • By focusing on households where women are the main earners, this paper contributes to the understanding of the trajectory of the German gender regime. • Female breadwinner families often have a poverty risk above average and few room for manoeuvre. • Activating policies are addressed to households with low resources, whereas the institutional framework for high income households has remained stable. • Applying an intersectional perspective, the study helps to understand how different policies play out if social class is taken into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reconstructs the history of a coral-reef diorama, the outcome of a German Democratic Republic expedition to Cuba, that was displayed in East Berlin's Natural History Museum in 1967 on the occasion of the GDR's twenty-fifth anniversary. The paper investigates how the practice of socialist internationalism influenced the diorama's coming into being, arguing that while official diplomatic relations between Cuba and the GDR were a prerequisite for the expedition, nongovernmental contacts were central to both the initiation and execution of the project. It also demonstrates how the diorama's display was informed more by national and institutional concerns than by the rhetoric and policies of internationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State-led education policies that centre on citizenship formation and are based on socialist-inspired values have been found in many newly independent post-colonial regimes. Such policies have led to a number of educational exchange programmes between developing countries and former ‘Eastern Bloc’ countries. This paper looks at an ambitious secondary school education exchange programme between Mozambique and the former German Democratic Republic in the 1980s. Using Yuval-Davis' three analytical categories of social location, identification and emotional attachment, and ethical and political values, the paper shows how an important part of the identity of former participants in a school exchange programme, who returned to Mozambique in 1988, is built around the concept of being ‘German’ and ‘socialist’. These values of socialist solidarity continue to guide many aspects of participants' lives. However, because in contemporary post-structural adjustment capitalist Mozambique, such values are perceived as a hindrance to contemporary notions of citizenship, these values are lived out mainly in relation to their peer group of fellow ‘German children’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- The purpose of the paper is to estimate the effectiveness of two start-up programs (bridging allowance and start-up subsidy) in East Germany. Design/methodology/approach -- Using a combination of administrative data from the Federal Employment Agency and a follow-up survey (for roughly 1,300/1,000 participants/non-participants), the analysis is based on the conditional independence assumption. Kernel matching estimators are applied to estimate the treatment effects and test the sensitivity of the results using a conditional difference-in-differences approach. Findings -- At the end of the observation period both programs are effective: unemployment rates of participants are lower, and employment rates and personal income are higher when compared to non-participants. Additionally, first descriptive evidence of the additional employment effects through direct job creation is presented, which is quite significant for the bridging allowance and negligible for participants in the start-up subsidy. Research limitations/implications -- Participants in the start-up subsidy are in their third year of participation at the end of the observation period and mostly still receive further support (although at a reduced rate). Therefore, the results for this program have to be treated as preliminary. Practical implications -- In contrast to other active labor market programs that have been evaluated recently (including job-creation schemes and vocational training programs) this paper finds considerable positive effects for start-up subsidies. Hence, programs aimed at turning the unemployed into entrepreneurs may be a promising strategy in East Germany. Originality/value -- This is one of the first studies that allows inferences to be drawn about the effectiveness of start-up programs in East Germany. Most previous studies on the effectiveness of active labour market policies in the Eastern part of Germany neglected these programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A 'model of decentralised concentration' has evolved in the region of Berlin-Brandenburg in response to the European principle of polycentric development for urban regions. The paper describes strategies which seek to implement this new regional planning guideline. The formation of an urban forum as a co-ordinating body has initiated a course of development which attempts to link aspects of both horizontal and vertical policy co-ordination within a framework of territorial integration (networking). The paper analyses this innovative instrument of urban and regional development. The authors focus on the process of co-operation, beginning with the looser form practised in the urban forum by the towns which participated and evolving towards defined contractual and institutional relations in the form of a networked urban workgroup. Finally, they evaluate the objectives achieved and the financial and legal instruments applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the concept of social justice is widely used in the social sciences, we know little about the amount of income inequality that is perceived as just and why perceptions vary across social contexts. In this paper, we argue the ways people define the causes of poverty are related to how they perceive and justify existing income inequality. We examine internal and external attributions of poverty using survey data from the 2006 International Social Justice Project (ISJP). We compare two culturally and structurally distinct regions—East and West Germany. The results support our hypothesis that the amount of income inequality people perceive as just is related to how they explain the causes of poverty, that is, internal and/or external attributions. Poverty attributions are crucial mediators and explain contextual differences in the perceived justice of income inequality between East and West Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information about several papers discussed at a conference entitled "Remembering and Rethinking the GDR. Multiple Perspectives and Plural Authenticities," held September 8-10, 2010 at Bangor University in Bangor, Great Britain and sponsored by the "After the Wall" Network is presented. Topics include the collective memory of the army of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), events in Berlin, Germany in 2009 commemorating the fall of the Berlin Wall, and East German immigrants in Australia.

This paper looks at the effects of partition in both Germany and Ireland on national identity. It identifies certain parallels in the ways that official and unofficial attitudes developed over time in the two countries during partition/division and aims to show that attitudes towards the question of national identity among large sections of the populations of all four states were frequently at variance with officially stated positions on the question. Thus the definition of Germanness in the Federal Republic and Irishness in the Republic of Ireland became ambiguous with time, serving to define as the occasion demanded either a cultural identity that went beyond the territory of the state or a political identity based on the de facto territory of the state. Similarly, in both the GDR and Northern Ireland official attempts to create a new national identity that was no longer shared with citizens of the larger state were ambiguous and riddled with contradictions, more often rooted in denial than in any affirmation of a positive alternative, and as such they were rejected by significant portions of the populations. The ambiguities that arose in all states led to the situation whereby in both Germany and Ireland an all-embracing national identity came to reside primarily in those sections of the populations in the smaller states which rejected a separate national identity but whose adherence to a national identity tied to ‘Germany’ or ‘Ireland’ was not compromised by the territorial ambiguities that arose with time in the larger state claiming the name. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has economic unification succeeded? Assessments differ, depending on the criteria selected, and the benchmark used. In many areas, from productivity to infrastructure and housing, dramatic economic improvements are readily apparent. Yet daunting challenges remain: the speed of productivity convergence has slowed, unemployment remains high and net emigration continues. Looking forward, demographic and fiscal trends pose serious challenges. This paper begins with a brief look back at the experience since 1989 before turning to a discussion of current and future challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do the different ideological legacies of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) result in persisting differences in women's housework in the unified Germany? In this paper, I examine the housework of employed German women, singles and as well as women with partners, in the decade after unification using data from the German Socioeconomic Panel (GSOEP). This comparison allows me to assess the role of regional differences in shaping women's housework, while further distinguishing between full-time and part-time workers. The study shows that women with partners do more housework than single women do, regardless of region of residence. Among singles, there are no East-West differences in either the level of housework or the mechanisms that shape it. However, among women with partners, West German women do significantly more housework. These differences are only in part explained by differential participation in full-time and part-time employment. East German women's individual earnings are less effective than West Germans' in reducing housework for both full-time and part-time workers. Overall, the results of the study imply that the different ideological legacies FRG and the GDR do have a lasting impact on the housework of partnered women through family roles, while singles do not seem to be affected by any remaining differences in the socio-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an ethnography of 'alternative' consumption practices in the inner city of the former East Berlin. Non-monetary exchange networks (Tauschringe) and 'free shops' (Umsonstläden) have been examined. In Umsonstläden, the contemporary ideology of the 'pure' gift (Parry 1986; Carrier 1995) is at play: objects are freely given and totally alienated from their owners. In turn, Tauschringe sometimes induce gift-giving practices entailing mutual obligation, as a result of frequent exchanges which bring participants socially closer. The ethnographic material I present challenges the suitability of a conceptual gift / commodity divide to examine these experiences, provided that different modalities of gift-giving are articulated with commoditisation trends. Considering this complexity, I propose a re-examination of the role of the gift in 'alternative' consumption practices promoted by social movements in Berlin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work was aimed at performing an analysis of the integrated urban wastewater system (catchment area, sewer, WWTP, receiving water). It focused on analysing the substance fluxes going through the system to identify critical pathways of pollution, as well as assessing the effectiveness of energy consumption and operational/capital costs. Two different approaches were adopted in the study to analyse urban wastewater systems of diverse characteristics. In the first approach a wide ranged analysis of a system at river basin scale is applied. The Nete river basin in Belgium, a tributary of the Schelde, was analysed through the 29 sewer catchments constituting the basin. In the second approach a more detailed methodology was developed to separately analyse two urban wastewater systems situated within the Ruhr basin (Germany) on a river stretch scale. The paper mainly focuses on the description of the method applied. Only the most important results are presented. The main outcomes of these studies are: the identification of stressors on the receiving water bodies, an extensive benchmarking of wastewater systems, and the evidence of the scale dependency of results in such studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unemployment is one of the key issues in German politics today. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the former East Germany. This paper examines the impact that this exceptionally high unemployment in the new German states has had on East German women since reunification. It reflects, in particular, on the potential influence of their experience of life in the GDR in developing coping strategies to deal with the effects of unemployment, an ongoing resistance to unemployment and, most significantly, to a male-breadwinner ethos. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the position of the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism) within unified Germany. The transformation of the GDR's political, economic and societal structures, coupled with the legacy of 40 years of state socialism, has created space for a regional party to establish itself on the territory of the former East Germany. The manner and means that the transformation has taken have enabled a process of separate identity-creation to begin in eastern Germany, and the PDS has mobilised territorial difference in order to carve a new niche as an eastern German interest party. The PDS, the heir to the SED dictatorship, has moulded itself into a strong regional actor on the basis of a reinvigorated societal cleavage along the former border — and appears to have successfully secured a place in the German political landscape for at least the next generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses attempts to promote and protect East German culture through the German Democratic Republic's (GDRs) Socialist Unity Party's (SEDs) emphasis on reconstructing German musical life through cultural policies in order to create a new "socialist national culture" that would be separate from the American-influenced music of West Germany. How intertwining forces of Soviet-imposed socialism and German nationalism determined party music policy in the GDR is described. The SED made no effort to foster new music for the proletariat, but instead attempted to make art music and elite musical institutions accessible to the working class. East Germany's political relationship with the Federal Republic of Germany affected party music policies and the activities of the Composers' Union.