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Abstract of ISA 2004 Paper Gender and U.S.-Japan Relations The goal of this paper is to examine U.S.-Japan security arrangements with a gender perspective. After WWII, the governments of the United States and Japan concluded a security treaty, primarily to defend Japan from communist threats. It was meant to be a provisional agreement to complement the United Nations, which was dysfunctional due to the rise of Soviet-U.S. confrontation. Now that the Cold War is over, the rationale of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty demands a change in Japan’s security policy toward a more U.N.-centered approach. However, events after the collapse of the Soviet Union, such as the Gulf War and the wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, have shown that the Japanese government is determined to uphold the U.S.-Japan security arrangement. The stated reason: the threat from North Korea. This paper, however, tries to demonstrate that beyond the perceived threat from North Korea, Japanese understanding of masculinities shared by leading politicians shape their worldviews and thus lead to the construction of Japan’s defense policy that assumes that the military alliance with the U.S. is the only option for Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses effective multilateralism in the light of the cooperation of the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in crisis management and in the United Nations Security Council Reform. In the first part of the paper, I will focus on effective multilateralism and in which terms the EU puts into practice the recognition of the UN as the core of the multilateral order. In the second part, I will focus on crisis management and the United Nations Security Council Reform as tools for effective multilateralism. In the third part I will draw some conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On one level, this paper seeks to highlight how feminists within the Žene u Crnom (ŽuC, Women in Black) network in Serbia are pushing for implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. However, this paper seeks to dig a little deeper ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shall outline the UN's collective security system (i.e. measures listed under Chapter VII of the Charter) and the Responsiblity to Protect (R2P) doctrine in order to provide context for the panel, etntitled: "Stranger, Save Yourself". This paper is divided into three parts. Part 1 will outline the UN's collective security system especially its measures and ideals.Part 2 will explore the R2P doctrine as outlined in the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty's (ICISS) report entitled: Responsibility to Protect. Given that both the UN's collective security system and the R2P doctrine are about more than armed force, Part 3 widens the discussion by providing examples of the ways and means the Security Council has been able to endorse and further its responsibility to protect - to include also the responsibility to prevent, react and rebuild. Despite the overwhelming negative press regarding the Security Council's failure to apply R2P (read force), this paper suggests there are other measures of protection that the Security Council can and does apply that are within both the collective security and R2P framework. The hope is that this paper will widen the debate beyond the confines of missions involving armed force to reveal the myriad of ways and means the Security Council can and has applied the collective security system and the tenants of the R2P doctrine to save lives. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses United Nations (UN), an international organization (IO) and its performance in the fields of Security and Development from its conception in 1945 to its current situation. The focus of this research is a set of practices within UN that brings to surface a normative ambiguity in what comes to the social agents with which UN deals. Sovereign states are the prominent social agents within UN and outside UN as well in the modern international system. UN, a statist artifact, becomes embroiled in a series of complex, changing relationships with non-sovereign social agents. The paper makes use of some current trends in International Relations (IR) and Sociology literature, especially in what comes to sociology of organizations. As working hypothesis this paper proposes, firstly, that Security and Development crossed their respective bureaucratic borders within UN as a matter of problem-solving in the constrained context of Cold War superpower rivalry. Strands of emerging practices emerged within UN and were "consecrated" when Cold War drew to a close. The "vehicles" for such collaboration were peacekeeping operations (PKOs) and a set of renewed concepts of Development ("Human Development"). Secondly, the resulting "organizational synergy" implies a broadening of Security (detaching from traditional, state-centric approaches to re-focus on human beings) and Development (idem) conceptions within UN that the notion of "Human Security" (HS) currently tries to embody. HS becomes the framework for UN-non sovereigns partnerships; it brings to surface a set of ambiguities in what comes to the relationship between UN and its member-states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activity of the United Nations Security Council has increased dramatically since the end of the Cold War. This is true in terms of the number of resolutions adopted, the number of peacekeeping operations deployed as well as the number of sanctions regimes introduced. The most striking increase has been in terms of the use of Chapter VII of the Charter, under which the Council can make decisions that are binding on member States. This paper takes a closer look at the use of Chapter VII from a political perspective. The paper begins with an overview of the use of Chapter VII for the period 1946-2007, and relates it to world wide conflict patterns. It illustrates the increased use of Chapter VII in the post-Cold War era, but also the distribution of Chapter VII resolutions across conflicts and issues on the Council’s agenda. Next, it considers various explanations for the developments described in the first part â€" the increased use of Chapter VII in general as well as the question of when and where Chapter VII is used. Comparisons are made with situations where the Council has chosen not to resort to Chapter VII. The paper concludes by raising a few questions about possible consequences of the extensive use of Chapter VII on, most importantly, the legitimacy and the effeciveness of the Security Council. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the European Union has not only reiterated its commitment to the United Nations but has also pledged to work toward strengthening this organization. Since the early 1990s, the UN has been increasingly active in the policy area of international human security. The EU, considered by some as a driving force in the UN policy process, has presented itself as a significant actor in the promotion of concrete actions on human security issues. This paper explores the conditions under which the EU is an effective actor at the United Nations in the policy area of international human security. Using a multilevel game approach, this paper analyzes the willingness of EU actors to work collectively at the UN (internal effectiveness) and the achievements of the EU's objectives at the UN in the area of international human security (external effectiveness). Two case studies of human security negotiations are examined: 1) the fight against landmines, and 2) the illicit trade of small arms and light weapons (SALW). The case studies suggest that the position of other key UN actors regarding a potential agreement appears to influence EU Member States in achieving their objectives. In both the landmines and small arms cases, the EU failed to acquire the support of the United States but also key actors in the G-77. The paper also highlights that the use of consensus in negotiations can have an impact on the EU's effectiveness at the UN. The role of the EU presidency in coordinating the position of all EU Member States and the position of France, Germany and the United Kingdom, also appear to affect the EU's effectiveness. The paper also suggests that domestic politics can directly affect the EU's effectiveness at the United Nation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last fifty years, the Canadian peacekeeping policy has been a true symbol of tradition and pride throughout the country. With the creation of the United Nations Blue helmets at the time of the crisis of Suez in November 1956, following an initiative having been worth the Nobel Price of peace to the Canadian Secretary of State to the External Affairs of the time, Lester B. Pearson, Canada made its participation in the peacekeeping operations a fundamental axis of its foreign policy and defense. Since then, all the White Papers on defense and all the statements on foreign policy reserved a place of choice to the Canadian participation in the peacekeeping operations, of which most recent Statement on international policy of the government of Canada published in 2005.However since the end of the Cold War, with the turning of the years 1990, the peacekeeping operations changed considerably, leading the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien to re-examine the engagement of the Canadian Forces in the peacekeeping operations during the decade in the White Paper on Defense of 1994. These new policies involved however a decline of the budgets allocated with defense and a significant reduction of the number of the soldiers within the Canadian Forces. At the end of the decade, the Canadian Forces faced the exhaustion and the erosion of their role of specialist in the peacekeeping operations. Burning defender of the multilateralism and dependent on his statute of « middle power » in the hierarchy of the powers on the scene of world affairs, Canada is confronted with a certain loss of influence on the international scene, in particular in the peacekeeping operations.The attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States marked the beginning of the war against terrorism. The engagement of the Canadian Forces to the UN-mandated International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) of NATO in Afghanistan, and their withdrawal of Bosnia-Herzégovine then shows the limits of what Canada has to offer with regard to the international peace and security. The Publication of the Statement on International Policy, heading « A Role of Pride and Influence in the World », that was tabled in Parliament in April 2005 by the Liberal government of Paul Martin, provides an overview of Canada's role in international affairs and some of the main trends affecting its place in the world, and marks the result of a significant change in the engagement of Canada in the peacekeeping operations, in particular by a new approach of management, the « 3D approach » (Diplomacy, Defense, Development). This new policy contains a new role for Canada in the peacekeeping operations, which intends to be shown more selective and to play a part where its values and its interests are most concerned.These problems thus lead us to be questioned on the principal factors characterizing the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations between 1993 and 2005, and the adoption of the 3D approach. More specifically, this research is interested mainly in the characteristics suitable for the decisional system as regards Canadian foreign policy, aiming at explaining the formulation of the policy of Canada in the peacekeeping operations under the reign of the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. Indeed, several researchers and analysts noticed that the pressures and the constraints of the external and internal environments probably constitute the most important elements to explain the nature of the decisions as regards Canadian foreign policy... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates what regime type is most sensitive to casualties caused by "robust UN Peace operations". Integrating contradicting hypotheses into one theory, I will confirm its empirical validity through statistical analysis. Result reveals not only volatile attitude of democratic countries toward Peace Operations, but also complex effects of casualties on international security cooperation.It is often said that democratic countries are more supportive toward UN Peace Operations. We must evaluate the variations in the types of peace operations in testing this claim. In the 1990's, the United Nations exercised "robust peacekeeping" that require lower level of consent by concerning parties. Attitude of member states for such operations varied. Since robust operations tend to reshape conflict-prone societies into more democratic ones, they provoke antipathy of non-democratic countries, and thus one may argue that autocratic countries will be unwilling to participate in such operations. However, the opposite argument can also be made. Since robust operations produce more casualties, and democratic countries are said to be more casualty aversive, democratic countries may be unwilling to participate in such operations.The paper hypothesizes these two seemingly-contradictory tendencies are not linear functions of degree of democracy (Polity IV) that offset each other, but that they are exponential functions. This means these two theories of casualty sensitiveness can be integrated into one, and casualty sensitiveness can be described as a U-shape function of degree of democracy. Thus both the most and the least democratic countries are sensitive to casualties of Peace Operations.The paper uses Heckman selection model for empirical verification of the theory. It shows that casualties of the previous year have a significantly negative effect on personnel contribution the following year for both the most democratic countries and the most autocratic countries in the selection equation. This supports the hypothesis of U-shape function of casualty sensitiveness. However, casualties negatively affect any types of regimes in the outcome equation. This shows the complex effect of casualties on each regime types. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States are ordinarily assumed to exist because their rulers once upon a time brought them together or because their populations at some point asserted a claim for independence and acted upon it. Not much examined is the underlying possibility that states do not come into existence, perhaps because their populations and leaders prefer to lie low and let others govern for them. The standard explanation, of course, is that if territories are non-self-governing it is because they are oppressed and denied their rights. This paper will study the formation of ideas among the Greenland population regarding independence for Greenland and associated ideas concerning territorial and social integrity. Beyond that, conceptions of security in the broad sense will be examined. The Greenland case is interesting in this regard because the country has been governed by Denmark for over 250 years and because it has developed its own brand of self-government within the larger Danish constitutional framework. The self-government system (based on the Home Rule act of 1979) has recently been subjected to a thorough review by a Self-Government Commission, whose work was initiated in 1999 on the condition that it would not present any proposal for formal independence. Perhaps predictably, once the commission started presenting its preliminary reports, strong voices were heard demanding a policy of seeking formal independence and membership in the United Nations. The debate culminated in the election campaign during the fall of 2002. The material for the study will be taken from the election campaign, and will be limited to whatever was published in Danish in the newspaper Grønlandsposten at the time. The method will be some form of text analysis, preferably to test an existing automated variety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper compares the institutional design of three international peacekeeping organizations: the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union. It provides three competing explanations for variation in their decision-making rules, policy-making processes and organizations. First, the distribution of power between member states varies in these organizations in terms of their numbers, preference heterogeneity and asymmetrical interdependence. This leads to different institutional designs. Second, the operations of these organizations differ with regard to conflict intensity and the numbers of troops deployed, which leads to different functional demands in terms of institutional design. Third, all three organization were previously performing different functions than the current peacekeeping tasks. Their current institutional form therefore results of path dependency and historical institutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking an institutional point of view, this paper explores how both the changing EU and UN contexts are influencing EU-UN relations. First, it discusses how the emergence of a multipolar world has affected the promotion of „effective multilateralism?. Then it explores the impact of the Lisbon Treaty on the EU's actorness within the UN context, more specifically in the UN General Assembly and UN Security Council. Doing so, it develops the argument that the EU has been giving a rather institutional answer to the external challenges its faces, focusing on its external representation. In redefining itself by focusing on the question who is representing the EU, the EU has been prioritizing the internal context over the external one and form over content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents the main argument of my book which is at its final stages of completion. 'Global Discipline' relies on a Foucauldian methodology, on the analysis of UN discourses on security, democracy and the 'responsibility to protect' and on two ca ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers an analysis of the European Union's (EU) efforts in the fight against terrorist finances (CTF). Based on official EU documents, internal reports, and secondary sources, I argue that the EU's efforts are just one of several parallel CTF processes. In particular, the EU has attempted to implement the relevant United Nations counterterrorism resolutions as well as the special recommendations of Financial Action Task Force. In addition, the EU has developed some of its own measures that span across all of its three pillars. There is, however, a cause for concern that these measures have not been properly implemented, while others have been criticized on legal, transparency, legitimacy, and efficiency grounds. Moreover, in the near future, the efforts to fight terrorist finances may be crowded out by new security threats. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The total number of inter and intra- state armed conflicts has been in steady decline since the end of the Cold War. However, the nature of intra-state armed conflict has undergone significant changes. Among other changes, scholars and advocates have pointed to the increasing direct and indirect impact of armed intra-state conflict on civilian populations. More recently, the conflict in Sudan's Darfur region has been at the centre of this debate. As the United Nation's primary organ for the maintenance of international peace and security, the Security Council has adapted to these changes. It now frequently characterizes armed intra-state conflict as threats to international peace and security and authorizes UN peace operations to use military force to protect civilians as one form of response. However, the factors driving the Council's decision-making process on this issue have not been explored in great detail. This paper presents the research design for a doctoral dissertation that aims at addressing the Council's decision-making process on the authorization of UN peace operations to use military force to protect civilians. By analyzing the Council's decision-making process on the conflict in Dafur, the project addresses the following question: in instances when the UN Security Council provides UN peace operations with a Chapter VII mandate to deal with armed intra-state conflict, why, and under what circumstances, does the Council decide, or decline, to authorize the use of military force to protect civilians? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the post-Cold War era, both the United Nations (UN) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) have evolved considerably to undertake a variety of new missions. In the process the organizations have played operational roles in addressing the same conflict areas, which has led to heightened institutional and political interaction. Such interaction is likely to increase as the organizational roles expand, which has raised questions regarding the potential level of coordination versus competition between the two institutions. Research has examined the leaders of these two organizations--the Secretaries-General--and their engagement in guiding organizational responses to conflicts. Little analysis, however, has been devoted to how these two individuals interact, especially during times of military action. This study provides an initial assessment of how the UN and NATO Secretaries-General interacted during the Kosovo crisis in 1999. The paper provides new perspectives on leadership of international organizations, how these leaders may foster organizational cooperation or competition, and broader implications for the security roles that UN and NATO will play in the future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women are both victims of war and agents of peace as recognized by the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on 'Women, Peace and Security' (2000). This paper has three aims. First, it offers a brief critical analysis of the broadening of security studies to encompass human security.Second, it gives a short outline of different ways that feminist scholars understand security, explaining the rationale for the gendering of human security. Third, I maintain that human security is a peacebuilding tool and offer reasons why it has particular appeal for feminists. By tool, I mean it provides an emancipatory framework within which to judge whether concrete goals further just peace with security. I suggest that feminist ethics affords an analytic tool through which to understand our responsibilities for human welfare by practicing political compassion. I assess the applicability of this tool in terms of UNSCR 1325. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voluntary transparency measures are being used in a number of contemporary security policy and disarmament processes. Their stated purpose is to promote compliance,enhance implementation, and advance consensus on salient issues. Despite a growing theoretical literature in IR on the emerging "global norm of transparency", however, the consequences of increased openness, as well as the ultimate interests of those advocating transparency, are far from clear. Focusing on the national reporting process on the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action on Small Arms and Light Weapons (UN PoA), this paper will critically assess the claim that transparency measures serve to further the collective benefit of negotiating parties. It will assess how transparency measures were incorporated into the policy process around the UN PoA, what functions they fulfil, how they are used, what types and formats of transparency are present, whether they are used and backed up by other measures, and how the information exchange as such is affecting the policy process. The analysis will seek to further our understanding of how voluntary transparency measures affect policy outcomes, and why (and in what circumstances) states may be inclined to promote or adopt such measures in international processes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent is there a decline in American soft powerâ€"its ability to influence other states by the legitimacy of U.S. policies and the values that underlie themâ€"within the United Nations? In a recent Foreign Affairs article, Joseph S. Nye Jr. (2004) makes the argument that there is a decline of American soft-power due to a rise in anti-Americanism. In this paper, I test Nye’s hypothesis by assessing the extent to which American’s soft power is on the decline within the UN. I measure soft power in terms of voting alignment on key issues of importance to the U.S. within the UN General Assembly and Security Council. I employ cross-national aggregate public opinion data from the Pew Global Attitudes Project and the United States Information Agency and from 1985 to 2005 as the key explanatory variable, and conduct a multivariate statistical analysis while controlling for U.S. foreign aid received and military alliances as competing explanations. The results of this study also shed light on the extent to which countries are engaging in “soft-balancing” against the U.S. and are resisting the unipolar dominance of the United States (Pape 2005; Voeten 2004). References:Nye, Joseph. 2004. The Decline of America's Soft Power. Foreign Affairs 83 (3).Pape, Robert A. 2005. Soft Balancing against the United States. International Security 30 (1):7-45(39).Voeten, Erik. 2004. Resisting the Lonely Superpower: Responses of States in the United Nations to U.S. Dominance. Journal of Politics 66 (3):729. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the African Union's Peace and Security Council (PSC) as a case study of some of the wider issues animating the study of international security institutions. It does so in three main parts. The first section provides an overview of the immediate origins of the PSC. In the second section, I deploy Acharya and Johnston's framework to discuss five elements of the PSC's institutional design. In particular, I sketch the organization's membership (i.e. the number of actors allowed to participate); scope (i.e. the range of issues that the institution is designed to handle); formal rules (i.e. regulations governing how decisions are made); norms (i.e. the formal and informal ideology of the institution); and mandate (i.e. the institution's overall purpose). The third section offers a tentative evaluation of the PSC's activities between 2004 and 2008 by drawing upon Edward Luck's framework for assessing the UN Security Council. Specifically, I ask how important are the PSCs deliberations and the content of its official statements; how relevant is the PSC politically; has the PSC worked in an efficient and productive fashion; and is the PSC the best placed institution to deal with the security problems at hand? I conclude that the future for the PSC is relatively bleak unless more of the African Union's members can be persuaded to devote more serious levels of resources (human and financial) to it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the perils and benefits of outsourcing UN peacekeeping to private military companies (PMCs). Various PMCs have a proven capacity to perform at least some peacekeeping functions. Although experts have expressed serious doubts whether their capacity to do peacekeeping will always translate into the achievement of peace and security, the author contends that PMC peacekeeping should not be dismissed on ideological ormoral grounds when the choice is either a PMC operation or none at all. It is, however, imperative that the perils of using PMCs are addressed before peacekeeping is turned over to the private market. In particular, a set of clear mechanisms of accountability, control and transparency of the PMCs needs to be put in place. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary international system has developed principles, rules and mechanisms of multilateral intervention in international and domestic conflicts for the sake of security and humanitarian reasons. The paper discusses the concept of multilateral security, and analyses the Author’s data set of 124 peace operations of the UN and international organisations (NATO, OSCE, and EU). The empirical analysis of aspects like size, duration, and geographical location of past and active peace operations contributes to both enhancing the existing knowledge, and developing the interpretation of the multilateral security practice in current world politics. In particular, it is assessed the data revealed trend of de-centralization of multilateral security from the UN to regional organizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policy makers in the United States and at the United Nations have begun to identify global climate change as a matter of national and international security. This paper will explore the implications of linking climate change and security in this way. We begin by elaborating three general discourses linking environment and security. The environmental conflict discourse views environmental concerns as a potential source for militarized conflict between and within countries as human populations compete for resources. The environmental security discourse takes a broader view on the meaning of security and considers the ways that human health and well-being arejeopardized by environmental degradation. Finally, the ecological security discourse places the security of environmental systems at its core and examines the ways that human activities threaten the environment. We will argue that it is not new to think about climate change as a security issue.Rather, current discussions reflect a shift in how decision makers define security, a shift from the environmental security discourse to the environmental conflict discourse. We will then discuss the implications of this shift by noting the different types of politics and decision-making processes embedded in each of these discourses. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, conflicts evolved and changed, new security issues emerged and Armed forces from around the world transformed themselves in order to cope with new technologies, social and legal considerations. But in this changing context, are peacekeeping operations really achieving their objectives?From a theoretical point of view, three generations of peacekeeping operations may be singled out. Empirically however, one is often puzzled over the inconsistencies between the mandate and the actions, as well as the means of UN forces. Is this signaling a malaise that the recurrent transformation is not adapted to the reality in the field, or simply a transition period to another generation of conflict management?This paper seeks to offer some preliminary insights by analyzing the effectiveness of different generations of peacekeeping operations in solving conflicts. We will be focusing manly on missions that acted on a neutral basis by simply interposing UN troops in order to separate combatants (first generation), compared to operations that actively took sides in order to punish aggressors and protect victims (second generation), and also operations that go beyond the immediate security concerns and embrace a broader scheme of operation in order to address the political, legal, educational, and societal aspects of a conflict (third generation). In the light of their effectiveness as to the final resolution of the conflict, we will subsequently infer on which type of peacekeeping generation is more apt to respond to different types of conflict. This analytical framework will be applied to several case studies covering the period from 1945 to the present. The findings should allow us to contribute to future strategies aimed at improving the performance of UN missions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a common belief that because of the right to veto of the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), the margin of action for the non-permanent members is scarce or basically non existent. The general perception is that elect ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1988, global climate change is on the agenda of international relations. With the establishment of the IPCC (1988), the adoption of the UNFCCC (1992) and the Kyoto Protocol (1997) climate change was politicized. In 2007 it became a global security c ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seldom has an internal armed conflict in Africa attracted as much public attention internationally as the Darfur crisis has over the past few years. Players as different as UN diplomats, advocacy movements, representatives of humanitarian organizations, c ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not all states join an alliance for security; major powers, for instance, often form alliances with significantly weaker states, states that cannot enhance their security. Morrow (1991, see also Palmer and Morgan, 2006) argues that while larger states d ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In late 2005, the United Nations’ World Summit Outcome Document called for the creation of a new peacebuilding capacity within the UN system. On a crowded peacebuilding terrain where leadership is contested by multiple actors â€" many with considerably more ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 2005 the UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) was established as a subsidiary organ of the Security Council and the General Assembly. The purpose of the PBC is to provide strategic advice on how to improve coordination and reinforce the UN peaceb ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After almost twenty years of post-Cold War international security during which time UN peacekeeping has expanded to an encompassing peacebuilding project, we can ask two questions. First, what can the experience of international security reveal about UN p ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study considers the changes in post-Cold War geographic distribution and size of troop contributions to UN peacekeeping operations to investigate the possibility of the emergence of a broad based norm of international security responsibility. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate whether temporary members of the UN Security Council receive favorable treatment from the World Bank in terms of lending and number of projects. The UN Security Council votes on issues important to the major shareholders of the Bank â€" issues such as imposing sanctions and going to war. The World Bank's major shareholders, namely, the United States, Japan, Germany, France and the United Kingdom, may therefore use their influence at the Bank to ensure favorable treatment for temporary members of the UN Security Council. We explore this hypothesis using panel data for 191 countries over the period 1951 to 2006. While principal-agent problems plague control of international institutions, here is a case where more delegation may preferable in order to insulate the institution from the principals' short-term political goals. Facing a problem of time-inconsistent preferences, the principals of the Bank may be better off appointing independent directors of the institution so that the long-run goals of economic development take precedence over politically convenient payoffs that contribute to domestic political corruption in recipient countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations, being an organization founded to promote global peace and human rights, has been highly receptive to the concept of human security. A visible impact of this can be observed directly through its peacekeeping operations, which since the early 1990s have had a far greater focus on human security. The UN operations became multifaceted, with certain efforts geared towards the establishment of order, and others towards the advancement of human security. UN peacekeeping, in fact, has assumed roles of peace-builders, peace enforcers and even state-builders. This study is concerned with the content of these new peacekeeping operations and their impact on sustainable peace, defined as order plus some degree of human security. It is argued that the strategies implemented to improve human security often undermine the restoration of order. Consequently, the lack of order/stability often negates efforts to enhance human security. In this study, all previous UN peacekeeping operations will be categorized by their focus on order or human security or both using data from the Uppsala/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset, and a statistical measure of the missions’ success will be presented and analyzed. To conclude, it is proposed that peacekeepers should first devote their resources and intelligence to secure a stable order, after which a significant lapse of time is recommended for the institutions established to gain legitimacy and durability. Only then, human security concerns can be seriously addressed and their promotion successful. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, senior UN officials have raised concerns about the decline of Western contributions to UN peace operations. Although this is a worrying trend for supporters of the UN, it does not mean that the West is playing a smaller role in peace operations per se. Instead, the West has increased its contribution to 'hybrid' peace operations and missions that take place outside of the UN system. This article examines the West's contribution to both UN and non-UN peace operations since the Brahimi Report (2000) and assesses whether its contribution has markedly changed and what impact any changes have had on international peace and security. It proceeds in three sections. The first provides an historical overview of the West's ambivalent relationship with UN peace operations since 1948. The second analyses the West's contribution to UN, hybrid, and non-UN peace operations. The final section explores what Western policies mean for international peace and security by assessing their impact on the UN's authority, the extent to which they save lives, and their contribution to building stable peace. The article concludes that while in the short-term the West's willingness to participate in hybrid operations displays a commitment to finding pragmatic solutions to some difficult problems, over the longer-term this approach may weaken the UN's ability to maintain international peace and security. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's attitude toward multilateral regimes is full of ambivalence. On the one hand, China has actively participated in international organizations. In some organizations, China even owns a very important status, such as United Nations (UN). On the other hand, however, China still views such international regimes, especially international security institutions, with suspicions. China fears such institutions may intervene China's internal affairs, and then damage China's national interest and integrity of sovereignty. However, in recent years, China's policies toward these regimes have shown dramatic changes. As the case study, China's policy toward United Nation Peacekeeping Operation (UNPKO) can be seen as an example of her participation in security regime.Since the late of 1980s, China adopts an active policy in participating UNPKO. Because China is the largest developing country as well as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, its policies have great impacts on the development of UNPKO. Furthermore, as China starts to contribute personnel to UNPKO, the role of People's Liberation Army (PLA) cannot be ignored. This article will focus on PLA'a attitudes and policies toward UNPKO, and the influence and impact of its increasing participation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the international identity of the European Union (EU) through the link between security, integration and identity. It mentions that the notion of international identity is an attempt to think about how the EU is constituted, constructed and represented internationally. It offers a distinction between the levels where the EU plays different roles as a security actor. It also provides information on EU foreign policy. It claims that the EU narrative about EU-United Nations (UN) relations shape the international identity of EU.

This paper will address learning and normative change within the United Nations to explain how and why a normally large, cumbersome institution changed its conception of international security crises and the appropriate means of addressing them through specific forms of economic and political pressure, namely the use of sanctions to maintain international peace and security. First, the paper will present theories of learning and normative change by international institutions. Second, the author will describe the rapid and significant process of conceptual, normative and policy change with respect to the use of sanctions by the UN since 1990. Third, the paper will address the knowledge about sanctions that was produced by various branches of the United Nations, the scholarly community, government-sponsored research projects on sanctions, think tanks and NGO’s after 1990 and the ways in which this knowledge was learned by actors within the UN system. Fourth, the paper will attempt to disentangle the related processes of normative change among various actors in the international community regarding sanctions, learning by the institution and its members, and substantive policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]