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Populism has been hotly debated for decades, yet both political scientists and environmentalists have largely neglected its potential to galvanize popular support for the environmental movement. I argue that everyday experiences of being at home in one's environs, which I call "ecological belonging," can inspire a politics of self-defense in which everyday people act politically to defend their homes, broadly conceived, against the economic norms and institutions that threaten them with destruction. Drawing on the legacy of the American farmer-labor Populists of the late 19th-century, I call this politics in defense of home "ecological populism." Rather than rejecting the label of populism in light of its authoritarian and xenophobic varieties, I argue that environmentalists should embrace a pluralist and egalitarian populist politics to counter developmentalist policies that threaten to destroy the habitats and dwellings we call home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author shares the circumstances that led to his encounter with the personal archives of Victor Haim Perera (1934-2003), an award-winning Sephardic-American writer, journalist, environmental and political activist, and academic born in Guatemala City. Perera published six books on topics as varied as Sephardic history, the Maya Indians, and the Loch Ness monster, and contributed dozens of articles, short stories, and essays to newspapers, trade journals, magazines, and literary anthologies. This paper also provides an overview of Perera's life and work and shares information about the Victor Perera Papers collection at the University of Michigan Library. It presents a case study illustrating that library catalogers can improve discoverability of and access to library special collections by expanding beyond their core duties and investigating the contexts behind the materials that cross their desks. The article ends with a preliminary bibliography of Perera's works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the pedagogic device is viewed as a crucial element within the sociology of education, little research explores its historical development. This paper explores some iterations of the pedagogic device over the last 40 years, focusing on its origins in South America. By exploring Bernstein's ideas of the pedagogic device and pedagogic rights alongside Freire's understanding of activism, this paper demonstrates a dual purpose for the pedagogic device – of and for transmission and interruption. The theoretical proposition of this paper was informed by empirical work co-produced with 26 teacher activists working in Chilean compulsory schooling. The findings from the broader project show that teacher activism is not external to the pedagogic device but a cornerstone to it. By demonstrating the potential of the pedagogic device for interruption and transformation in Chilean schooling, we provide a retrospective account of the Southern influences on its development, revealing the importance of the Global South in shaping one of Bernstein's enduring ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a Foucauldian theorisation and an in-depth study with eight disabled student activists in England, this paper explores how persistent marginalisation and ableism in higher education has triggered a wave of activism among disabled students, who, just before the advent of the pandemic, had organised a structured movement, Disabled Students UK. We employ Foucault's ideas of the care of the self and others to discuss the formation of disabled students as activist subjects fighting discrimination in English higher education, in a moment in which the intersection between inclusive policies and austerity measures exposed the ableism rooted in academic practices. This paper promotes discussion on the nurturing relationship that exists between the individual and the community in constituting disability activism and disabled activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should climate activists be optimistic or pessimistic about the climate crisis and their efforts to confront it? This paper analyses common narratives in the climate movement through the lens of the philosophical traditions of optimism and pessimism, arguing for three points. Firstly, most dominant narratives within the climate movement resemble philosophical optimism through their commitment to political progress and inherent value of climate action. Secondly, optimistic narratives within the climate movement should be rejected, as climate optimism places an overwhelming mental burden on climate activists and drives the climate movement towards bad responses to the inefficacy problem. Finally, the paper sketches pessimism as a better framework that can act as a moral source for climate activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a summary of a conference organized by ISSEI and the Berlin Center for Intellectual Diaspora that took place in Berlin in July 2023. The conference focused on the crisis of democratic institutions in Europe and the search for solutions. The article includes seven articles based on papers presented at the conference, covering topics such as the role of intellectuals in public debates, the history of Zionism, the life of Czechoslovak public intellectual Antonín J. Liehm, the disappointment with European integration in Romania, transcultural theater productions, the capacity of human brains to absorb information, and the history of Western liberalism. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of good public debate. [Extracted from the article]

Intelligence scholars routinely portray intelligence oversight as a means of restraining intelligence activities, particularly covert operations. The consensus overlooks situations where oversight can instead channel popular passions. This paper documents how Reagan era activists recruited legislators to the Afghan resistance cause. Their legislative-civic alliance demanded the CIA launch more aggressive operations in Afghanistan, sidelining established oversight committees. The resulting covert action campaign risked Soviet escalation, eliminated plausible deniability, and gave advanced U.S. technology to potential terrorists. This episode highlights how well-organized lobbyists may affect the intelligence agenda and challenges assumptions that wider engagement in oversight will always restrain intelligence agencies' overreach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In two different occasions in the twentieth century John Dewey and Maxine Greene stressed the point that educators should attend to 'what the known demands of us'. Following this dictum, from a critical perspective and with a constructive pedagogical spirit, in this paper we portray a new paradigm for values education that addresses the major challenges to the sustainable futures of young people in the third decade of the twenty first century as well as proposing transformative and empowering educational strategies. Employing the terminology of sustainability in its wider sense, we begin with a widely acknowledged diagnosis of the five major global risks – interconnected and interdependent – that endanger the sustainable future of humanity and nature: environmental, political, social, health, and cultural. We then move to suggest a constructive solution, proposing three conceptual pillars for repairing the world and laying foundation for a thriving sustainable future: (a) Ecohumanism as the paradigm for values education – merging the humanist concern for human dignity, social justice and democracy with the ecological concern for climate stability, biodiversity and environmental sustainability; (b) education of democratic personality and for democratic culture that is holistic and transformative; and (c) a threefold notion of activist pedagogy that addresses the element of cultivating personal agency, empowering political literacy and agency, and engaging students in experiential, holistic, and active teaching-learning experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically explores how women anti-mining activists conceptualize development, in the context of living with and resisting large-scale resource extraction in Cajamarca, Peru. I contend that participatory photography provides an opportunity to contest hegemonic development narratives and the notions of 'lack', 'poverty' and 'progress' that are bound up with such narratives, enabling participants to simultaneously evoke both hoped-for alternative futures and nostalgic renditions of a threatened present. Moving beyond an explicit and immediate focus on the socially and environmentally destructive nature of large-scale mining, I explore how the women instead document productive Andean livelihoods and everyday ways of life, capturing the ways in which hoped-for futures are enacted in the present. The women activists articulate their resistance through photography, identifying and celebrating practices of hope in their everyday lives and communities and providing an emotive counter-narrative to extractive-led neoliberal development discourses. The paper reveals that participatory photography approaches generate critical insight into the emotion-suffused ways in which development is understood by grassroots activists in contexts of extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab Spring was a period of intense activism demanding democracy and freedom that swept across the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. While previous research has focused on the role of diaspora communities in the uprisings and the strategies employed by regimes to suppress them, it has primarily centered on countries that experienced large-scale revolutions and endured severe consequences. Consequently, the current literature has failed to explore the situation of Arab Gulf dissidents living in exile, instead focusing on a few isolated incidents. This paper examines the transnational repression (TR) campaign of the Arab Gulf states (AGSs). Drawing on the literature about the long arm of authoritarianism and TR, this paper explores the various TR methods employed by the AGSs to silence activists living abroad. The paper finds that the nature of TR in the Arab Gulf region is unique when compared with other MENA countries. The TR campaign of AGSs is alarmingly expanding, using various mechanisms and resources, making the region one of the world's leading perpetrators. The methods employed by the AGSs include travel bans as part of their coercion by proxy, digital transnational repression, and the use of multilateral organizations as tools of repression. Additionally, this paper highlights the AGSs' support of other countries' TR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the case of Barents Pride, an event organized collaboratively by Russian and Norwegian LGBT+ activists located close to the Norwegian–Russian border. The idea of the Pride is to bring LGBT+ people and activists from Russia, where state pressure limits possibilities of organizing prides, to Norway and to express solidarity across borders. We use this case to investigate pitfalls and promises of queer transnational solidarities, to contest notions of center/periphery, the North/South–East/West division and to analyze how sexuality simultaneously enforces and destabilizes these dichotomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent climate activism has played a key role in denouncing the unsustainability of representative democracy. Previous research has investigated the attitudes of climate activists towards representative institutions along the conceptual distinction between 'environmental' and 'ecological' democracy. Yet, little attention has been paid to climate activists' critique of capitalism and how it relates to demands for democratic reform. Our paper addresses this gap by conducting a mixed-method analysis of protest survey data collected in Belgium in 2019. Our findings show that activists display low levels of trust towards representative institutions, but still abide by the ideals of environmental democracy within the boundaries of existing institutions. At the same time, we observe a widespread critique of capitalism, signaling attraction towards the ideals of ecological democracy. Overall, our findings challenge the binary distinction between environmental versus ecological democracy, and raises normative questions about the role of environmental social movements in economic and democratic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document is an editorial that pays tribute to the late Samir Amin, a prominent African scholar and activist. Amin was known for his Marxist perspective and his critique of capitalism and Eurocentrism. He advocated for delinking from capitalism and imperialism as a means of achieving inclusive development. The editorial highlights Amin's contributions to various fields, including development economics, political economy, and decolonization in Africa. It also introduces a special issue dedicated to Amin's legacy, which includes papers on topics such as Africa's socio-economic development, alternative development theories, and decolonization. The editorial emphasizes the continued relevance of Amin's ideas for Africa's development and the importance of implementing his recommendations. [Extracted from the article]

This photographic essay reflects on fugitive forms of protest in Hong Kong. Photographs span the peak of the prodemocracy movement in 2019 to current postactivist practices of protesting otherwise in 2023. In the face of state surveillance and repression, even the slogan 光復香港時代革命 (Liberate Hong Kong! Revolution of our times!) became illegal, and spaces that were previously animated with revolutionary dreams now stand stark, quiet, and apparently immobilized. International media accounts portray today's Hong Kong as a monolithically hopeless place drowning in political despair. We offer these images to create a new narrative, one that insists on the ongoing fugitive experiments in what is still a dynamic and becoming-otherwise city. Coded language games proliferate around Hong Kong, from cupcakes to graffiti to license plates. Much of today's political action capitalizes on censorship itself, deploying gaps and absences such as blank pieces of paper as a mode of protest. We show how activists draw on the capaciousness of such symbols to build emergent cartographies of open experimentation, transnational solidarity, and defiant rebellion. Our invitation is to become fugitive anthropologists who might augment these possibilities percolating, harboring, and emerging in and from the cracks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The organizational vitality of political parties is understood as their capacity to attract activists, keep them allied to the organization, and united among themselves. More vital parties promote greater participation of their activists and increase their ability to resist changing circumstances and exogenous shocks. Four conditions explain the reproduction of political party vitality: trauma, programmatic purpose, channels of ambition, and exit barriers. This paper aims to analyze the vitality levels of the Centro Democrático (CD) party from the year of its creation (2013) until 2020. Methodology: The paper examines the case of the CD. Empirical support comes, fundamentally, from in-depth interviews with (former) leaders and activists of the CD and experts in the party. Secondary sources are also explored. Conclusions: As one of its main findings, this work highlights the moderate vitality of the CD. Trauma has a positive and significant relationship with vitality, while purpose, exit barriers, and ambition channels have positive effects, but smaller than those produced by trauma. A variable that moderates the behavior of the explanatory factors of vitality is the strong personalistic leadership of the founder of the party, former president Álvaro Uribe. Originality: This work contributes to understanding the organizational structures of political parties and their impact on their performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the adoption of ILO Convention No. 169 in 1989, the right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) has become a staple legal tool in the strategies of indigenous rights advocates. During these decades, scholars have provided reasons for both skepticism and optimism about the capacity of FPIC to advance indigenous interests. This Article makes a brief review of this literature, revealing that the academic discussion on FPIC has overemphasized its "protective function." Up to this day, both critical and optimistic scholars have conceived of FPIC as a shield that indigenous communities use to block, delay, or mitigate the impacts of projects driven by external non-indigenous actors. This Paper argues that this perspective has overlooked the possibility of using FPIC as a legal strategy to promote indigenousdriven projects. Grounded in the experience of San Francisco Pich' ataro, a Purh'epecha community in Mexico, the paper introduces a case study that highlights the "proactive function" of FPIC. After enduring years of marginalization, this community deployed their right to FPIC as a de facto right to "consult themselves" about how they wanted the State to realize the budgetary aspects of their right to indigenous self-determination. In doing so, they managed to extract financial resources from the State and buttress their own project for self-governance. The Paper concludes with an invitation for scholars and activists to look beyond the protective function of FPIC and to explore how its proactive potential could further the more ambitious aspirations of indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As in other African countries, activists in Uganda play an important role during political campaigns. Monetary handouts, called 'transport refund', often facilitate their participation. Although these handouts often cover more than just the costs of transportation, the label indicates that mobility is seen as an important financial item for campaign activists. Despite this, little has been published about the role that mobility plays in the processes of political mobilisation in Africa. This article therefore examines mobility as an important yet neglected aspect of political mobilisation by evaluating the role of motorcycle taxi riders during elections in Uganda. Usually referred to as Boda‐Bodas, they are essential short‐distance transport providers in the country. Beyond that, being Boda‐Boda has become a way of survival, a form of social organisation, and a promise that every youth can make a living if he dares to face the dangers of the country's accident‐prone roads. Politicians have since discovered the potential of these bold young men and recruit them en masse ahead of elections. Based on fieldwork conducted between 2018 and 2022, this paper examines the unique mobilities inherent in Boda‐Bodas. It finds that characteristic mobilities enable their movements as transport providers and argues that these mobilities also enhance political rallies. Boda‐Boda motorcycle riders have therefore become a crucial activist group during political campaigns in Uganda. This acticle reviews the role of Boda‐Boda motorcyclists during political rallies in Uganda. It uses a mobility lens to highlight how political mobilisation modernised through the inclusion of more mobile activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The populist radical right-wing Swiss People's Party (SVP / UDC) has been largely known for its xenophobic discourses and its political agenda restricting immigration through popular initiatives such as the vote against minarets (2009), the deportation of "criminal foreigners" (2010) and the initiative against "mass immigration" (2014). This paper shows how SVP/UDC activists, who themselves or whose parents had migrated to Switzerland, understand their political engagement and contribution. This sheds light on their desire to become part of a "deserving minority" and on their use of boundary-making strategies to demarcate their positions from others they label as "undeserving migrants". Their political engagement needs to be understood as part of a broader quest for belonging to the Swiss national community. By showing that migration-related experiences inform the political involvement of activists at the Swiss People's Party, this paper questions widely spread assumptions on contradictory or counterintuitive political commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of conflict in challenging dominant, heteropatriarchal structures of urban development and infrastructure governance through the case of Reidi Road in Tallinn, Estonia. Applying a critical gender lens informed by post-socialist and post-colonial discourses, the study examines the formation of the Reidi Road project through shifting political economic regimes and modes of spatial restructuring along with its contestation by an activist network led by women who encounter and negotiate gender-based identities and politics in a context where feminism is stigmatized by historical associations with coloniality. The paper analyses the situated and relational experiences, concerns, and contentions of the women activists with respect to car-centric mobility infrastructures and built environments and their efforts to shift public decision-making. Partly undertaken as a reflective practice by the women activist leaders, the paper concludes with takeaways for continued struggles and gains toward more inclusive and equitable urban futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the conceptualization of freedom in the memoir of the Iranian-American journalist and media activist, Masih Alinejad. It examines The Wind in My Hair: My fight for Freedum in Modem Iran (2018) with respect to Alinejad's activism in the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement in Iran. The paper utilizes a critical framework drawn from feminist critiques of neoliberal feminism and Derridean hospitality to focus on Alinejad's repetition of the narratives of model minority and American exceptionalism. These neoliheral narratives have the potential to turn both Iran and the United States into inhospitable places for women. The paper concludes that an intersectional examination of Alinajad' s neoliberal approach to the experiences of women in both the United States and Iran will demonstrate that it does not coincide with the demands of "Woman, Life, freedom". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analysed the events of 7th August 2020 in Warsaw, when 48 people were detained by the Polish police who brutally raided solidarity demonstration with non-binary activist Margot Szutowicz. The aim of the paper is to explore queer activism in Poland on microsociological level using Gabriel Tarde imitation theory. I tried to show how individual experience of resistance gave rise to new, innovative forms of activism which became a social phenomenon. In my research, I used in-depth interviews with some of detainees and over 180 diaries/memoirs of Polish LGBTQIA people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"African Activists in a Decolonizing World: The Making of an Anticolonial Culture, 1952-1966" by Ismay Milford explores the consolidation of anticolonial thought and action in the post-war period, focusing on activists from four British colonies. The book analyzes various paper objects, such as pamphlets and party newspapers, produced by anti-colonial liberation movements. It also examines the transnational nature of activism, spanning Africa, Asia, and Europe, with a particular focus on East and Central Africa. While the book primarily focuses on paperwork, it provides insights into the broader decolonization movement and the international dimensions of anti-colonialism. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, I unpack how youth organizers became politicized activists through their engagement in the prefigurative practices of the fair trade movement. Prefiguration refers to the practices of a movement that are embedded in and reproduce their shared political visions; prefigurative politics allows social movement groups to embody their politics through their interactional practices, their tactical repertoires, and their outwardly oriented campaigns. As novices within United Students for Fair Trade (USFT), through their immersion in the organization's community of practice and their increasing participation in the prefigurative practices of the community, participants came to identify as and be identified as activists, shift their worldviews, and adopt new political philosophies. This paper examines the activist practices that supported legitimate peripheral participation, including group agreements, keeping stack, and antioppression interventions. The article concludes with a discussion of the ways that prefigurative politics enabled particular activist identities and philosophies and encourages further investigation into political identity development as a learning phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for the need to better understand the role of mothers and schooling in shaping modern conservative cultural politics. Arguing that 1970s–1980s was a critical period for anti-progressive politics surrounding schooling, the paper examines the activism of Australian Christian morals campaigner Rona Joyner. Joyner's successful provocation of a 1978 governmental ban on social science curriculum materials was a signal event in an international Anglophone reaction against what she and others theorised as dangerously permissive forces in public culture. Pitting 'Christian' parental authority against 'humanist' state overreach in relation to the upbringing of children, Joyner created a detailed vision of the cultural-moral corruption of schools and other social institutions. This paper demonstrates how Joyner represented her labour as a project of both public motherhood and grassroots community activism, and how activist women like Joyner were foundational to the growth of a new contemporary grassroots conservatism expressed as a popular politics of 'the people' against the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how working-class activists challenged and overcame political fear narratives during the anti-water charges campaign in Ireland (2014–2016), with specific focus on the ‘sinister’ narrative, an attempt by the government and its supporters to frame working-class protestors as violent, irrational and extremist. Rather than subscribing to the position that political fear is ubiquitous or the reflection of a general societal malaise, this paper follows Jeffries’ argument that political fear is mediated, contested and contradicted. While political fear operates most effectively when targeting expectations for normal living, it is these same expectations that offer fertile ground for opposing fear threats. Drawing on interviews from activists, this paper shows how the ‘normal living’ becomes a key context in which ‘deviance framing’ around class and gender can be reappropriated/reframed by activists, particularly through the deployment of counter spectacles and through the reframing of what constitutes legitimate emotional responses to government-initiated fear threats. Finally, while political fear can have an individualising effect, this paper demonstrates how subjective and individual acts of transgression are mediated through a collective and community lens as the crucial element in overcoming political fear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the tumultuous period in Italy between 1968 and 1977, known as the 'long 68', myriad alternative publications focusing on the narratives and the experiences of avant-garde groups, marginal communities, labour organizers and political activist circles gained widespread popularity. Among these, two significant literary and political reviews, I Quindici and Contropiano , played a pivotal role in these movements. My paper aims to analyse the aesthetic and textual makeup of these publications by examining the significance of these journals in the context of the explosive political climate that led to the cycle of protests in streets, schools and factories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to understand the reasons behind youth's disinterest and disengagement in student politics in Pakistan through the experiences of politically active students. The methodology employed includes qualitative methods and in-depth interviews of student activists based on purposive sampling and snowball sampling. The findings reveal the complex relationship between the ban on student politics, violence, and disinterest of the students, by calling into question the oversimplified notion of violence. The findings also highlight the issues of relatedness and alienation within student organizations and emphasize the approach of building inclusive and meaningful relationships. The study adds to the body of knowledge by offering insightful analysis and suggestions for governments, academic institutions, and student organizations to re-engage youth in meaningful political engagement. In the end, the study seeks to create a more diverse and active student political climate in Pakistan by bridging the gap between student activism and the disengaged majority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The protests of December 2001 in Argentina were the most visible manifestation of a larger cycle of contention, which continues to have a substantial influence on the forms, tactics and goals of social movements throughout the country. This paper provides a critical overview of these lasting effects. In particular, we focus on three areas where the consequences of the crisis for collective action have been particularly strong: performative politics, coalition‐building, and institutional support for grassroots networks. We conclude by reflecting on the implications for participatory democracy and the consolidation of a highly engaged civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the connections that social media (SM) users develop with social media activists (SMAs) aligned with a politically active military organization, and how this connectedness influences their political behaviours, using a survey data (n = 501) from Pakistan. Partial least square (PLS) structural equation modelling was used to test the conceptual model, which demonstrates that the citizen's connectedness with military related SMAs was significant and positively associated with their online political participation and voting realignment during 2018 general elections in Pakistan. The results further revealed that the offline political activities were strongly related with online political participation in Pakistan. The study brings novel insights into the military's use of social media and its impact on electoral politics during the post-authoritarian period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines transnational circulation of political and pedagogical ideas associated with éducation permanente with particular reference to post-war Western Europe. It offers a socio-historical reconstruction of pan-European dissemination and reception of policy repertoires articulated by governmental and non-governmental policy actors. It focuses on advocacy regarding permanent education as a pan-European repertoire associated with the Council of Europe during the 1960s and 1970s. The paper explores involvement of French and other francophone nationals in circulatory regimes, who were engaged in mediating partisan reform aspirations, exchange of information, and dissemination of innovative practices at national, transnational, and pan-European levels. The more specific focus of this paper addresses participation of 'rooted cosmopolitans' in policy formation, who are defined as policy actors rooted in specific national contexts, but who engage in regular activities involving their participation in transnational networks. The conclusions call for further research into circulatory regimes at local, sub-national, regional, national, bilateral, transnational, and pan-European during the 1960s and 1970s. Such research should focus on revisiting different expert, reformist, missionary, and militant networks responsible for building peripatetic 'scholar-militant-activist' coalitions that historically contributed to pan-European policy repertoires seeking to mobilise citizens to participate in the unfinished political project of pan-European cultural democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how social media affects general voting patterns. Unlike previous studies investigating whether citizens' use of social media affects political participation, this paper considers the connections that social media users have with political activists on social media, and how this connectedness influences general voting patterns, using data from Ghana. With contemporary theoretical perspectives and exploratory techniques, trends from past literature are presented, from a social media-based propagated survey with 420 valid responses. Structural equation modeling was used to test the conceptual model, which demonstrates that the connectedness with political and social media activists is significant and positively influences modifications in voting patterns. Online political participation and political affect also present an effect on voting patterns. The relationship between connections with social media political activists and online political participation is significant, as indicated by a strong covariance observed in the model. The results of the multigroup analysis also indicate some cultural and social issues to shape the phenomena for further investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how practices of counter-terrorism (CT) have been perceived by legally-operating groups labelled 'extremist'. Taking the cases of Hizb ut-Tahrir Britain (HTB) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Scandinavia (HTS), the paper explores how two branches of the same Islamic activist organisation have experienced CT through interviews with party members and activists. Using existing models of repression, the paper maps how counter-terrorism is perceived by activist groups, revealing new information on Hizb ut-Tahrir and providing a framework for understanding the interaction of security with groups problematised as 'extremist' within a widening 'securitised lens'. The paper finds that, whilst there are similarities in how CT has been articulated in Britain and Denmark, it has impacted on HTB and HTS differently, creating different strategies of response. In tracking these, we highlight the prominent role played by civil society actors in the UK in creating a hostile environment for Islamic activist groups. By using mechanistic models of repression, we conceptualise the impact of counter-terrorism and newer patterns of countering violent extremism (CVE) on contentious activist organisations at a moment when the so-called 'risk' of extremism is increasingly being conceptualised and responded to throughout Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the protest against the 2019 Nobel Prize in Literature to Peter Handke as an example of transnational memory activism. It analyzes from a transnational mobilization perspective how activists achieved a globally visible protest in Stockholm and what role memory played in the protest mobilization and framing. Genocide survivors and former refugees, human rights activists, journalists, and academics formed a transnational protest coalition. In this way, they drew international attention to their outrage at the honoring of an author who is criticized for denying the Bosnian genocide. The analysis shows that memories of the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia and genocide united the diverse protesters as a "memory community" and shaped their framing. The protesters warned of the potential repercussions of the Nobel Prize to Handke for the internationalization and normalization of genocide denial. They argued that locally, Serb nationalist politicians can find legitimation in it for divisive politics. Moreover, they put the prize in a larger context of globally rising right extremism and islamophobia that find inspiration in the very Serb nationalist ideology and its propagators of the 1990s conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics of our post-Covid times are expressed through various registers. In Kolkata, one especially powerful artistic medium for such expressions was the revival of street theatre as young and senior theatre practitioners plunged into exploring critical issues that have been all-pervasive since the beginning of the pandemic. As people finally started to venture out, content to be amidst human congregations, street plays, being located in open-air spaces, proved both economical and safe. The issues these street performances highlighted and their modes of presentations could be described as what Tony Fisher calls 'activist theatre' – which mobilizes the people by interpellating its audience around a specific grievance or issue that possesses an emotional appeal. These performances are a form of artistic activism, or 'artivism' as termed by Chantal Mouffe: the use of aesthetic means for political activism, 'as a counter-hegemonic move against the capitalist appropriation of aesthetics'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Born in 1855, Lady Florence Dixie was a prolific writer and women's rights activist until her death in 1905. She was a poet, dramatist, novelist, travel writer, children's writer, and war correspondent. She campaigned outspokenly for educational and professional equality, the amendment of divorce and marriage laws, Scottish and Irish Home Rule, animal rights and dress reform. Yet despite this high volume of productivity and public notoriety during her lifetime, her work has been critically neglected in both the Scottish and British literary fields. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing work by scholars such as Valentina Bold, Catherine Barnes Stevenson, Nan Bowman Albinski, Precious McKenzie Stearns and Taryne Jade Taylor who have endeavoured to rediscover and reaffirm Dixie's life and work. This paper explores Dixie's utilisation of the speculative text for consciousness-raising (CR) purposes. It demonstrates that by combining the speculative text with an overtly political message, Dixie was able to expand the boundaries of literary genre in this period. The examples discussed illuminate Dixie's attempt to explore a more nuanced and fluid conception of gender politics, which moves beyond gender inversion or the invasion of the masculinist 'public' sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of current turbulent times including climate emergencies, species extinction, the erosion of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism—in short, a suffering world—the authors of this paper propose that education needs to be centrally an activist effort dedicated to healing and repairing the increasingly wounded and damaged world. To this end, this paper explores Buddhism as an educational program that centralizes a healing curriculum based on the understanding that healing comes from waking up from the delusion of possessive individualism (ego-selves) that gives rise to neoliberal capitalist societies. This delusion is the existential home of suffering. Waking up requires the disciplined effort of seeing through and past individualism to the workings of mutual causality within a universe of interconnection (Interbeing), such as ours. The mindfulness (sati) practice that the historical Buddha taught is such a form of mental discipline. Through the agentic cultivation of sati and subsequent remembrance of our inherent Interbeing, we can rediscover and rekindle the inherently enlightened mind of bodhicitta. This paper explores various psychological, sociocultural, ideological, and relational conditionings that act as barriers to seriously practicing mindfulness, including the currently popular conceptions of mindfulness in North America. While acknowledging that successful practice takes setting up the right conditions, our paper also delves into helpful and supportive conditions for mindfulness practice for activists, namely, ethical motivation and contemplative/healing emotions such as the Four Immeasurables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The village of Miska is one of the 530 Palestinian localities destroyed during the Palestinian Nakba (Arabic for great calamity, catastrophe, or devastation). Although the ruins of these places are part of the Israeli landscape, and most Israeli Jews have some knowledge about the Nakba, they do not understand its meaning. In this paper, I deploy Hannah Arendt's distinction between knowing and understanding to answer the question of how the Nakba can at once be known but not understood by Israeli Jews. Drawing on the tours conducted by the activist organization Zochrot (Hebrew for 'we remember') to the ruins of Miska, I argue that the embodied and symbolic practices conducted during the tours to Miska can work to challenge the gap between knowing and understanding by creating a different perspective on the Nakba. From this perspective, the Nakba is not only understood as the memory of the 'other'—that is, the Palestinian memory of the place—but is understood as a complex memory that embodies a dialectical relationship between Jewish and Palestinian remembrances: a potentially common memory of the place and the basis for the imagining of a common future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that we should understand Margaret Cavendish and Lucy Hutchinson as secretaries in the practically activist humanist tradition. Both women served as keepers of (family and political) secrets, and as readers, writers, and record keepers of papers. Hutchinson calls herself 'the faithful depository' of her husband's 'secrets', and alludes to her facility with his signature, or 'character', throughout the Memoirs. In many ways, the Memoirs themselves are a vindication of his belief in her capacities. Margaret Cavendish similarly presents herself as her husband's secretary, including in her 'Life of William Cavendish' not only a robust and notably politic account of her husband's expenditures on behalf of the monarchy – 'a Computation of My Lord's Losses' – but also a record of 'some Essayes and Discourses of My Lords, together with some Notes and Remarques of mine own'. In doing so, Cavendish remarshalls the consiliary wisdom of William Cavendish's own advice to princes as ballast for his continued political relevance and for her own secretarial and advisory competency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Claims of structural injustice are difficult to hear for those in positions of social advantage, where listening and response are needed most. Most activist strategies focus primarily on "disruptive" politics, which exerts pressure on decision-makers via a pragmatics of directness, expediency, and force. This paper argues that the particular "structures of feeling" that make listening difficult for advantaged groups call for a different kind of activism. It draws on interdisciplinary expertise from four sectors effective in fostering listening in the face of challenge – conflict mediation, therapy, education, and performance – to articulate three common features that enable transformation in these sites. Each of these more "poetic" qualities runs counter to the logic of most activist politics, and holds significant potential for civic interventions that seek to open closures and soften resistances to claims of structural injustice among socially advantaged groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper integrates the scholarship on compliance with international human rights courts to reflect upon how the literature approaches delays and compliance cycles. Building on this review, we propose a new analytical approach that helps distinguish between reparations prone to immediate or protracted implementation. We introduce two metrics to facilitate the interpretation of delays: the yearly probability of compliance and the expected time to compliance. We also show, using machine-learning tools, how scholars can reconstruct life cycles of compliance. The article illustrates the utility of this approach with an analysis of all cases decided by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACtHR) between 1989 and 2019. This analytical framework provides critical insights for courts and activists seeking to promote interventions at key moments when compliance is most likely. Moreover, the study underscores important lessons for the Inter-American Human Rights System. Current concerns about a compliance "crisis" at the IACtHR partly reflect a failure to distinguish between reparation types and the Court's preference for reparations requiring protracted implementation. By modeling compliance life cycles, our study opens a promising research avenue that can facilitate effectual and timely policy intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an autoethnographic account of the "racialized activist body" in the White academy and in tandem the bio‐politics and bio‐ethics of its right to be an affective body or to possess its senses against the trauma of anti‐racist struggles in higher education institutions. The paper argues that in the postrace university, the "activist body" birthed through trauma becomes a conduit for the pain of others enacting it as a site for the deposition and transmutation of trauma in the quest for racial and social justice. It employs Bracha Ettinger's notion of "matrixial borderspace" to examine the interplay of social relations between of the activist body and other traumatized subjects in the provision of care as an activist. Two narratives unfold in the paper fusing the articulations of the main text with the paratext to unleash the tumultuous psyche of the activist and her journey of voicing resistance in her anti‐racist struggles. In the process, the activist body emerges as a "diseased site," overloaded with the trauma of others, yet numbed in its inability to reconnect with its own corporeality and professional identity in its interface with White governmentality. The paper asserts that anti‐racist struggles reassemble the activist body, tightly welding it with exhaustion which manifests in the pervasiveness of racial battle fatigue in the ivory tower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Earth is currently undergoing a sixth global‐scale ecological crisis. The most recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report of 2021 highlighted a need to curb global heating at 1.5 degrees above the pre‐industrial baseline, and outlined a range of likely impacts of climate change on global societies should no action be taken, particularly in relation to reducing greenhouse gas emissions to net zero by 2050. Despite this need, policy‐based action at a nation state level is lacking, with talks at COP25 failing to reach necessary agreements. In response to this, and as we approach COP26, a significant global youth movement has been activated, with children and young people taking it upon themselves to highlight a need for climate and environmental action, calling for others to follow. This paper follows the emotional journey of one of its co‐authors, 11‐year‐old environmental activist, Lucie. Through the innovative approach of co‐production with Lucie, in this paper we detail the role of emotion in one youth activist's journey. From her initial reactions watching BBC's Blue Planet II, to the multifaceted highs and lows that have followed as she strives for change, we illuminate the emotional implications such experiences may have on children and young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara was the most relevant organisation of the nationalist right in the 1960s in Argentina. Its members defended radical nationalism and developed an anti-leftist and anti-Semitic repertoire of action. In addition, they formed a hybrid ideological corpus, which fused local elements with others from Europe. Interwar fascisms were fundamental in this process. In this paper, I address the appropriations of Falangism made by the Tacuara activism. In general, the existing studies about Tacuara recognize the centrality of Falangism, corporatism and the notions of 'National Syndicalist State' and 'hispanidad'. However, the appropriations they made of these elements and the way in which they were re-signified in the light of local contexts have not yet been tackled. To shed light on the circulation of ideas between Argentina and Spain, I adopt a transnational perspective. I use as sources various Tacuara and Guardia Restauradora Nacionalista bulletins, reports produced by the intelligence services of the province of Buenos Aires, and oral history interviews conducted with former activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic work is an oppressive occupational niche for migrant women. The strategies domestic workers employ to resist this situation have been scarcely studied. This paper is interested in their activism. Through a qualitative study in southern Spain, the meaning of such socio-political action for migrant women is explored. In the spring of 2020, eleven activists from the Seville Association of Domestic Workers were interviewed. The material was subjected to content analysis. The meanings associated with their activism were grouped into four categories: (1) the horizon of "struggle", (2) the forms of "struggle", (3) the levels of involvement, and (4) the challenges of activism. The results are limited to a historically recent case, and to a small sample chosen purposively; however, they contribute to the understanding of migrant women's agency, and open fields of reflection for domestic workers' organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking into account the long-distance bonding of two Peruvian women activists with the discourses and collectives of the First International Feminine Congress of Buenos Aires, the article focuses on the advances and setbacks of their emancipatory projects. A counterpoint reading between Alvarado's novel Nuevas Cumbres and the papers she and Dora Mayer presented at the 1910 Buenos Aires congress, as well as other non-fiction texts, reveals the problems they faced in forging the interclass alliances needed for the development of feminism in their country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores three manifestoes by contemporary French sex workers, which combine personal memoir with theoretical and political writing: Libérez le féminisme by Morgane Merteuil (2012), Fières d'être putes by Maîtresse Nikita and Thierry Schaffauser (2007), and Porno manifesto by Ovidie (2002). I examine the complaints and demands they make of French feminists today, who frequently impede rather than support the aims of sex workers. I then outline these authors' vision for a future feminism which could incorporate and learn from sex workers' thought and activism, and which would be properly inclusive and radical. For these reasons, we will see why this envisaged feminism is deemed a 'real' feminism by some, to signify a surpassing or enhancement of earlier feminisms. Connections with a variety of feminisms will be considered, including postfeminism, sex positive feminism, and feminism in its second and fourth waves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]