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This research paper discusses the reality of electoral governance in Algeria, after the issuance of law No. 21-01 regulating elections, which was issued on March 10, 2021, and the subsequent legislative and local elections in the same year. The paper questions the extent to which governance indicators are applied in the electoral affairs in Algeria through the aforementioned past election entitlements, and the extent to which they are free from aspects of corruption or fraud. The integrity and credibility of elections is considered essential in the democratic process of any country, given that it produces future elites capable of managing people's concerns and hopes, and formulate development strategies that are in the interest of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Named the ‘Mecca of Revolution’ by Amilcar Cabral, Algeria was in the 1960s and the 1970s a hub for revolutionary movements and political exiles coming from all over the world, as well as a major player in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This article focuses on the Chilean exiles that settled in Algeria after the 1973 military coup against Salvador Allende and its Popular Unity (PU) government. Though highly revealing both about Algeria’s position in the international landscape and about the 1970s Third World ‘activist cosmopolitanism’, this case is not widely known. Based on empirical data (Chilean and Algerian press, Archives of the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs, oral sources and the Chilean exiles’ publications), this paper analyses the political connections between Algeria and Chile through the 1970s political exiles. The settlement of an important community of Chilean exiles in Algeria reveals the strong ideological bonds created between the two countries in the framework of the NAM during the years previous to the Chilean coup. The analysis of the exiles’ establishment in Algeria provides an understanding of how the exile experience transforms militant subjectivities and, in this case, how it allows the exiles’ increasing identification with a Third world transnational activism. More generally, I argue that this period’s ‘revolutionary cosmopolitanism’ took place in regions with no tight relationships between them until the 1950s. Members of a new political community - the ‘Third World’ - often had to invent a common identity, based on a supposedly shared memory of common struggles (namely against imperialism and colonialism). Whereas the Third world ‘activist cosmopolitanism’ initially built upon interstate and inter-national policies, the 1960s-1970s political exiles contributed to the rise of a ‘grassroots’ transnational activism and to the formation of militant subjectivities anchored in a popularized Third Worldist political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assia Djebar’s autobiographicalNulle part dans la maison de mon père(2007) portrays a conflicting relationship with her father which breaks with the sympathetic image in her earlyL’amour, la fantasia(1985). This paper examines their complex relationship by exploring the main character’s sense of place, represented by the home and the school, where dominates the authoritative figure of her father. The latter’s identity emerges as that of the assimilated native, constructed by the ideological forces of French colonialism and fostered by its state-controlled education. The conclusion shows that the protagonist’s feeling of female invisibility, spelt in the very title of the novel, and her discomfort at her father’s subaltern and mimic identity underline the historical, political, as well as cultural impasse of the French colony in Algeria, and function as an indirect indictment of the presumably positive legacy of the colonial past. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between the 1940s and the 1950s, a crucial period of change for Algerian nationalism and state formation, Berber activists within the anti-colonial nationalist movement challenged the political line of the nationalist party, theMouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertés Démocratiques. This opposition focused on the need to redefine the concept of identity: activists did not reject either Arabic or Islam—the dual linguistic-religious core of national identity for Algerian nationalists—but they identified with a broader idea of an ‘Algerian Algeria’ that could incorporate various components of society. Through the study of archival sources, this paper analyses the origins and consequences of the 1949 controversy within Algerian nationalism known as the ‘Berberist crisis’. Particular attention is paid to the idea of the nation proposed, assessing whether and how Berber activists participated in the political debate and state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The "oil curse thesis" links a country's oil largesse inter alia to the durability of its authoritarian regime. And it contends that abundant oil revenues enable autocrats to stymie democratic transition by obviating taxation from citizens, buying off their political acquiescence, bolstering the repressive apparatus and thwarting the formation of civil society. This paper revisits the relevant literature by qualitatively testing its predictions on an in-depth case study of the Algerian regime in the face of the political crisis and riots of 2011. Going beyond the deterministic argument on "oil wealth-authoritarianism", it carefully examines the strategic interaction between country-specific factors and oil wealth and studies how the confluence of these factors has shaped the survival of the authoritarian regime in Algeria since 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]