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Objective/context: In 2019, promoted by President Martín Vizcarra, the Congress of the Republic of Peru sanctioned a law on mandatory primary elections for voters and political parties. However, the regulation was not implemented, given that it was suspended by the Legislative Branch for the general elections in 2021 and the regional elections in 2022. Methodology: This paper studies the reform process of mandatory, simultaneous, and open primaries (PASO, for its acronym in Spanish) in Peru and its counter-reform based on its suspension on two occasions (2021 and 2022). Twenty-three key actors were interviewed for this research, including congresspersons, ministers, electoral officials, and researchers, in addition to the revision of secondary sources and newspapers of legislative sessions. Conclusions: The paper concludes that PASO were a "decorative" reform, i.e., a law passed without the intention of implementing it. Its sanction was the product of a reformist coalition between civil society and the President of the nation, where the objectives of increasing popular support for President Vizcarra and the need to improve the legitimacy of the political system converged. The reform was resisted by congresspersons who formed two counter-reformist coalitions that suspended the PASO on two occasions. Originality: The research shows that these counterreform coalitions are intrinsically linked to the atomization and personalization of the Peruvian party system, characterized by hyper-personalism and a lack of party structures. In addition, it generates theoretical contributions to studying the processes of reforms and counter-reforms in the context of institutional weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: In 2009, the law of mandatory, simultaneous, and open primaries (PASO, for its acronym in Spanish) was enacted in Argentina. Among others, this regulation seeks to democratize party structures. From a gender perspective, this paper studies the effect of PASO on women's access to the Chamber of Deputies (2003-2023). To this end, it analyzes how the final lists are assembled, the places assigned to women candidates, the ease with which they gain access to expectable positions, and the permeability of groupings towards their participation since the implementation of PASO. Methodology: This is an exploratory and descriptive study of the effect of PASO on the allocation of seats for the category of female deputies in Argentina, considering all female legislators elected in successive elections (2011-2023). Conclusion: The findings show that PASO's objective of democratizing party structures and making their components more representative does not seem to have impacted the country's existing political and party traditions prior to implementing the law regarding the place given to women in a party. Originality: The article presents a study on the democratization effect of PASO on party structures from a gender perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This study has two main goals. First, it explores the structural and organizational dynamics of the textile industry and the market in early modern India, eighteenth-century Gujarat in particular. In this context, the paper also examines how the ascendancy of the English East India Company in the political economy of Western India and the region’s transition to a colonial economy impacted the industry, the market, and the relationship between weavers and merchants. Methodology: This paper draws on the literature on textile production and trade, as well as on capitalism in early modern and colonial India, and uses evidence about Gujarat from the records of the English and Dutch East India Companies. Originality: This paper argues that the relationship between weavers and merchants in Surat/Gujarat was dynamic, complementary, and at times, contentious. None of them was able to dominate the relationship, and the English East India Company could not substitute a coercion-based production relation for a market-based one. Conclusions: The dynamics—such as product specialization and innovation, division of labor, the contract system, and forward buying—point to the existence of commercial capitalism in the textile economy. The paper also argues that because of the extraordinary diversity of people engaged in the industry and their varying professional and transactional experiences, it is relevant to recognize that commercial capitalism represents a mode of production that co-existed with others in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The paper provides a comprehensive overview of Latin American mining history, exploring cross-pollination opportunities between mining historians and scholars of the emerging field of the new history of capitalism. The analysis spans from the region’s integration into global markets during the 1500s to the twilight of export-led growth in the early twentieth century. Methodology: The study builds on an overview of both classic and contemporary literature, offering new insights into understanding existing data on mining history within a global context. By incorporating perspectives from geology, ecology, and economics, the article investigates the connections between specific mineral deposits and different paths of capitalistic development across Latin America. Originality: The paper sketches some of the gaps in the analysis of global and local flows of minerals and comments on notable contributions to the broader field of Latin American history. It introduces innovative approaches for the study of output cycles, geological and ecological endowments, technological spillovers, and mining economics. Conclusions: First, the existing literature has predominantly focused on precious metals, with few scholars studying non-precious metals and non-metallic minerals. Second, the narratives surrounding mining history have been primarily centered on silver, overshadowing the significance of bimetallism in understanding the emergence of global capitalism. Thirdly, examining the microeconomic dynamics of mining in the region may present fresh opportunities to explore the impact of mining on sectoral and managerial transformations. Finally, studies of the two-way interaction of capitalism and mining need to include research on the energy and environmental systems that underpinned mineral extraction and production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This article introduces debates on Nancy Cartwright's concept of nomological machines applied to international relations theory. What the neo-neo synthesis claims as the essence of the international system is a set of conditions imposed upon international phenomena for the latter to fit into the theories themselves. It argues that the law-like explanations tailored by neorealism and neoliberalism are by no means a representation of the world as it is, but rather a predication of the world as these theories want it to be. Methodology: It critically reviews the foundations of neo-neo theories, suggesting a philosophical methodology by reframing the ontological terms of neorealism and neoliberalism based on the concept of nomological machines. Conclusions: This article contends that neo-neo theories could benefit from a capacities-oriented approach, which offers a less categorical understanding of how explanations of international phenomena are tailored, allowing alternative principles to provide invaluable insights about the international system. Originality: This paper innovates by intersecting the ideas of nomological machines with the metatheoretical debate on international relations, thus enabling theoretical improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper studies the first Chilean school newspapers led by women and the role of high school students as mediators of scientific knowledge at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. The analysis is part of the expansion and modernization of the press and publishing industry, as well as the in$uence of positivism and the educational reforms that were implemented in Chile during that period, a context in which the ruling class considered scientific knowledge, both its development and access to it by the population, as a priority. Methodology: The article is based on the studies of historians of science who have understood audiences as active agents in generating new knowledge, problematizing categories such as expert, amateur and layman, and examining the types of relationships they sustained. This theoretical perspective is applied to analyzing the magazines of four women's high schools that took advantage of the valid study plans to access the university in the period and is complemented with other sources, such as prospectuses and relevant administrative documents. Originality: The study makes visible the role of women in science and, specifically, Chilean schoolgirls in this context, which have not been studied from the perspective presented here. Conclusions: Despite the lack of attention given to this population group in terms of scientific contribution, it is shown that high school students were active readers, disseminators and producers of knowledge, managing magazines, generating networks and circulating the knowledge beyond the walls of their educational establishments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, using empirical and statistical research, we analyze the impact of the external sector on economic growth in Paraguay during the 1994-2020 period. The results enabled the assessment of the validity of the income elasticities of imports calculated in the long term, attributed to the presence of cointegration among the series. Consequently, the economic growth rate associated with the external balance was obtained, aligning with Thirlwall's Law. The empirical analysis and validation of Thirlwall's Law suggest that the growth dynamics of the Paraguayan economy can be explained by the Thirlwall model. Thus, it was determined that the external sector has had an impact on Paraguay's economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population aging has positioned as a key demographic change. This paper analyzes the characteristics of older adults in situations of dependence, care strategies and the profile of caregivers for Chile, Colombia, Paraguay, El Salvador and Uruguay. The population in a situation of functional dependence is mostly female and over 75 years old. Between 54% and 70% receive some type of care, with unpaid family care being the main care strategy. Unpaid caregivers are mostly women, under 65, and economically inactive. We evidence a negative relationship between the status of elderly caregiver and employment, that is stronger for women. Although elderly informal care leads to a lower probability of employment among individuals of all ages and income quintiles, the employment gap between caregivers and non-caregivers narrows substantially among higher-income people. Improving care for older people would have positive effects on female employment and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several studies have examined the relationship between monetary policy and the stock market. However, few have assessed the impact of fiscal management on this market. This paper examines the extent to which fiscal policy affects a firm's stock market capitalization using the Panel Vector Autoregressive (PVAR) methodology. The study finds that the stock market capitalization in the CPI fully reflects the available information on the movements of variables related to monetary policy. However, total public indebtedness exerts a significant lagged effect on the stock market capitalization of Mexican firms. This finding indicates that the CPI does not fully reflect the available information on the movements of fiscal policy variables. A comprehensive analysis of fiscal policy measures can enhance stock market performance for investors and financial analysts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the allocation of climate adaptation aid in sub-national and local jurisdictions in Ecuador. We examine the influence of physical and socioeconomic vulnerability and local capacity as explanatory variables for aid allocation. As part of the study, we introduce projections of physical vulnerability to determine whether inter-generational aspects of climate justice are taken into account, and use geographically weighted regression models to study the spatial distribution of aid allocation in sub-national and local jurisdictions. The findings show that physical and socioeconomic vulnerabilities influence the allocation of adaptation aid. However, projected changes in patterns of precipitation and temperatures are not associated with this variable. Furthermore, the spatial distribution of current climate aid is uneven, leaving clusters of vulnerable jurisdictions unattended. Finally, the study finds no association between local capacity and the allocation of adaptation aid. Findings suggests a bias towards allocating more adaptation aid in areas with more intense current weather events, and that the allocation of adaptation aid may not contribute to creating adaptation scenarios where justice for current and future generations is central to decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The organizational vitality of political parties is understood as their capacity to attract activists, keep them allied to the organization, and united among themselves. More vital parties promote greater participation of their activists and increase their ability to resist changing circumstances and exogenous shocks. Four conditions explain the reproduction of political party vitality: trauma, programmatic purpose, channels of ambition, and exit barriers. This paper aims to analyze the vitality levels of the Centro Democrático (CD) party from the year of its creation (2013) until 2020. Methodology: The paper examines the case of the CD. Empirical support comes, fundamentally, from in-depth interviews with (former) leaders and activists of the CD and experts in the party. Secondary sources are also explored. Conclusions: As one of its main findings, this work highlights the moderate vitality of the CD. Trauma has a positive and significant relationship with vitality, while purpose, exit barriers, and ambition channels have positive effects, but smaller than those produced by trauma. A variable that moderates the behavior of the explanatory factors of vitality is the strong personalistic leadership of the founder of the party, former president Álvaro Uribe. Originality: This work contributes to understanding the organizational structures of political parties and their impact on their performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The article aims to analyze child recruitment as a form of human trafficking. Beyond the theoretical perspectives that focus on security or rights, it addresses the topic as a form of unfree labor. By means of a case study focused on child recruitment by right-wing paramilitary groups in Colombia, the paper analyzes how children entered and exited illegal armed groups, the functions they performed, and the exploitation they endured. The research argues that child recruitment operates as a large-scale labor-market uptake in the wartime social order, where the “employers” are paramilitary groups, and the labor force, in part, consists of children and adolescents. Methodology: This case study relies on different sources of information: a database on child recruitment provided by the special Justice and Peace Unit of the Colombian Attorney General’s Office (989 cases between 1981 and 2005), sentences of Peace and Justice, testimonials given by victims in judicial processes, and semi-structured interviews with different actors. Conclusions: The paper shows that child recruitment as a form of trafficking is functional to wartime social order in contexts of poverty and inequality. There is demand and supply; thus, both girls and boys, who worked as soldiers, are not only victims but also agents that make decisions in challenging conditions. Therefore, if the socioeconomic options for these children, even after their demobilization from the armed group, are still a choice between bad and worse, joining a violent (no longer “armed” but “criminal”) group will remain a feasible alternative. Originality: The article contributes to the academic literature on a recent topic, such as the overlapping between child recruitment and human trafficking in armed conflict and post-conflict situations. It also contributes to the literature on “unfree labor,” as the study focuses on an actor (illegal armed groups) that has not been analyzed until now. Finally, the research demonstrates the limits of understanding human trafficking (and child recruitment as a form of trafficking) as a problem of security or rights entitlement. It highlights the analytical and political advantages of categories such as “unfree labor” to provide effective solutions for the prevention and reintegration of child soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forgiveness is often distinguished from other ways of eliminating (or reducing) blame, such as letting go. In this paper, I focus on a conception of forgiveness as normative landscape change (alteration of the rights and obligations of relevant parties), and explore the distinction between forgiveness—understood in this way—and letting go. I highlight the explanatory power of this approach for distinguishing forgiveness and letting go, and contrast it with an alternative way, in which the focus is instead primarily on a kind of attitude change. I conclude by comparing the implications of both forgiveness and letting go for other phenomena we care about, such as reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the literature on forgiveness is dedicated to understanding the reasons to forgive and what changes in attitude are required to do so. But philosophers have been much less attentive to what happens after agents forgive. This is a serious oversight, since the reasons to forgive do not always retain their force and it is not always possible, or advisable, to maintain the changes in attitudes that forgiveness requires. Fortunately, Monique Wonderly has begun to fill this lacuna in the literature with her recent work on un-forgiveness. According to the author, un-forgiveness involves altering our attitudes, by either reinhabiting an adversarial stance towards an agent for their wrongdoing and/or returning one’s relationship with them to the state it was in prior to forgiveness taking place. While Wonderly’s account of un-forgiveness is both novel and illuminating, it is incomplete. In this paper, we argue that one can also un-forgive by forgetting that the wrong in question occurred and/or that the previously forgiven agent was the perpetrator of the wrong. We contend that not only is it possible to un-forgive by forgetting, but doing so can be both justified and morally important. We defend our view by considering the objection that un-forgiveness by forgetting can negatively impact victims’ relationships with wrongdoers as well as addressing the concern that agents cannot exercise their agency over their memories in order to un-forgive by forgetting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of forgiving seems to require that a person can remember a specific moment in their personal past in which they were harmed in some way. Forgiving, then, often requires episodic memory, which may be understood as memory of events or experiences in one’s personal past. What is it that grounds acts of forgiveness? One of the most prominent ideas is that, fundamentally, forgiveness involves a change in emotion; it requires that negative emotions associated with the event are abandoned, withdrawn or overcome. In this paper, we outline one way in which the emotion and meaning of past events may be modulated. In particular, we suggest that by thinking more abstractly about an event we can shift our emotional response to it. We outline one way in which this form of more abstract thinking, which can help us distance ourselves from the negative emotion associated with a past wrongdoing, can show up in memory. We propose that emotionally distant memories, or memories in which the emotional content has undergone some change, may often be recalled from an observer perspective, in which the individual recalls the event from an external or detached point of view. Recalling a past wrongdoing from an observer memory may help put it into perspective and afford the emotional distancing required to facilitate forgiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper analyzes factors related to political incentives for public organizations to cease operations. It suggests that political turnover has a negative effect on the duration of these types of entities. However, this effect differs according to the size of the governing coalition. Methodology: Semi-parametric models and Cox regressions are used to estimate the survival of 415 public organizations in Colombia. Conclusions: The data show that a change in the presidential administration allows the new president to reshape the administration according to their interests. Data analysis also indicates that the larger the size of the government coalition, the lower the probability that a public entity will be eliminated. Originality: The article uses an original database containing longitudinal information on public organizations in Colombia for the period 1958 to 2020. This database contains 415 observations on the organizational characteristics of each entity. This paper contributes to the scarce literature on the termination of public organizations in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Money neutrality has complex consequences for small, open, and dollarized economies. For instance, it can cause external debt, when used as a stabilizer of the stock of circulating money in the face of negative exogenous shocks, not to contribute to economic growth in times of stagnation. The purpose of this paper is to describe this problem for the Ecuadorian case using a cointegration methodology and a vector error correction (VEC) model estimated over the 2000-2019 period (quarterly). The resulting impulse-response functions of the VEC model present evidence in favor of the money neutrality hypothesis, and the simulation of an exogenous negative shock in oil prices qualitatively describes the potential interaction between circulating currency, external debt, and production in dollarization. The paper concludes by presenting multiple empirical monetary-real patterns that may be useful for future research on dollarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: During the eighteenth century, officials from different colonial powers attempted to turn the viceroyalty of the New Kingdom of Granada—present-day Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Panama—into an economically viable territory. The Spanish Crown embraced its most radical jurisdictional reform in centuries to exercise effective state control, extract more revenue, and defend the colonies from foreign incursions. This article explores the particularities of New Granada’s economic governance and argues that colonial officials produced local discourses of political economy to turn unfamiliar spaces into familiar places for economic, political, and military ends. In doing so, producing knowledge about the land and its resources became a key bureaucratic practice that shaped the imagining of a paradoxical territoriality in Northern South America. First, I detail the impact of political economy frameworks on imperial governance and bureaucratic practices. I then showcase how administrative narratives, mapping projects, and fiscal networks reveal the workings of Bourbon economic governance and the search for regional integration. Methodology: This article is built from an analysis of archival documents consisting of a selection of evidence from chorographic texts about New Granada and its provinces produced between 1720 and 1808. Originality: Reflecting on the ways in which the pursuit of knowledge for wealth creation affected the creation of territorialities contributes to uncovering how the imperial political economy was never a top-down imposition. Local officials negotiated it vis-à-vis singular geographical realities and knowledge production practices. Conclusions: Chorographic texts were central devices of imperial reform. The search for wealth production and territorial integration occurred in colonial outposts, not in intellectual treatises in Europe. In forging New Granada as an integrated, potentially rich place, bureaucrats’ experience of moving across the territory and inscribing the landscape on paper shaped perceptions of cohesion and difference, economic dependence, and regional fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the end of the 1960s, neighborhood movements burst onto the municipal agenda in many metropolitan environments worldwide through numerous demands related to basic needs. In Madrid, these demands took different neighborhood spaces and some former municipalities that were integrated as districts in the city's urban core as a geographic scale of reference. This placed these locations at the center of the political debate, which gradually faded away as a result of the various municipal reforms developed during the first two decades of parliamentary democracy in Spain. In the last fifteen years, neighborhood demands have taken a different turn, as a political phenomenon has appeared linked to new forms of neighborhood protest called neighborhoodnalism. This process was not diminished during the hardest moments of the global covid-19 pandemic; rather, it has been strengthened as a dynamic of political socialization, solidarity, and daily resistance in many of Madrid's neighborhoods. As a result, the referents and elements of identification around the neighborhood, as well as the political practice of neighborhoodnalism itself, have been expanded. From a spatial perspective of neighborhood movements that considers political identity as a dynamic and resignified process through protest and collective organization, and through ethnography and the analysis of in-depth interviews held over five years in the Madrid district of Hortaleza around the Three Kings Parade, this paper studies how these socio-political practices are being articulated in urban space and how the learning of this form of spatial socialization is influencing Madrid's municipal agenda as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the role of a public university located in the second cordon of Greater Buenos Aires: The National University of José C. Paz (unpaz). The objective of the work is to address the experience of unpaz, its actions, interventions and articulations with the different levels of statehood in the context of the pandemic in José C. Paz, one of the municipalities with the highest levels of impoverishment and vulnerability. On the one hand, the support and accompaniment strategies of the university to the student community are addressed in order to promote the continuity of the course, and on the other, the specific actions in socio-sanitary matters aimed at the entire La Paz community. Thus, the university is understood not only as a physical installation in a place, but as a central component as an urban facility and a social agent with implications for the local territory and in relation to its community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this text is to share a reflection on the different ways social space and state space are defined. With the evolution of history, notions have undergone various changes. The main discussion object refers to the coarseness in the terminology associated with both concepts. In particular, how theorists construct and account for their particularities. From a brief theoretical account, the forms that exist to account for their respective structures are explained. It should be noted that the contribution of this paper lies in the fact that it rescues part of the definitions that have been constructed and that various specialists have coined from their perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the development of Latin America over the past three decades by using growth incidence curves and weighted growth rates calculated on the basis of harmonized microdata from national household surveys. Over the past three decades, Latin America has made progress in fundamental socioeconomic indicators. On average, there has been significant growth in income as well as some educational and housing variables, particularly among the lower income strata. In contrast, progress was slower among the most vulnerable population in other important areas (e.g., higher education, female labor participation). Despite notable improvements in various areas of development captured through household surveys, the evidence reveals that substantial shortfalls and disparities still persist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the income gender gap has been widely researched to date, less attention has been paid to the wealth gender gap. This paper analyses individual-level data taken from the Spanish tax agency between 2012 and 2017 and documents the existence of an increasing wealth gap in Spain in this period. Through a comparative analysis, we find a clear difference in wealth accumulation patterns between the two genders, especially with regards to holdings of equity in productive companies. We also find that both women and men in the highest quantiles of the wealth distribution have increased their wealth and that men hold more assets that women. With respect to income distribution, the data shows that men's income accounts for a larger share of total income, which reinforces the gender gap related to economic resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although ethnographic work has been premised on elucidating the nature and forms of social relations, the relational approach in social theory has opened up new lines and horizons of problematization to explore this topic from a different perspective. As we will discuss in this article, this orientation has had a significant impact on ethnographic practice, as it has reformulated its objects of study, its methods of inquiry and its narrative structure. In particular, we believe that this approach can be central to the understanding of contemporary ethnic recognition processes in women and men who identify with an indigenous people of the American continent. As such, this paper points out the possibilities of another way of dealing with social relations--relational pathways--which will contribute to the debate on ethnographic futures. We seek to elucidate the shifts in contemporary ethnographic practice, based on a methodological discussion of conceptual change, a reflection on the heuristic possibilities of this process in ethnography, and a case study from our own experience of working with the Mixtec population of Oaxaca, Mexico. We argue, in this paper, that based on the problematization of the uses and meanings of the notion of social relation and its implementation in current ethnography, styles, themes, and ways of understanding social phenomena have been renewed, while simultaneously offering other approaches to current ethnic processes, such as the one we are studying in the Oaxacan Mixtec region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The paper analyzes the causes of the crisis of Latin American regionalism, seeking the reasons that determine its nature, scope, and consequences, as well as the dilemmas posed by different exit options. Methodology: Based on a definition of the concept of crisis, a model of analysis is proposed that traces significant governance processes and crisis factors at the systemic, regional, and domestic levels, using a series of indicators that allow interpreting their impact on Latin American regionalism projects and their effects in the form of crisis. Conclusions: The findings suggest the existence of structural conditioning factors that exceed the established paradigms and political dynamics that were unable to overcome their contradictions, which led to a triple crisis of results, model, and expectations, the effects of which directly affect the credibility of the projects. The crisis, therefore, does not appear as a mere question of political will but as a complex combination of multiple factors involving states and other national and international actors and social forces. Originality: The article broadens the analytical perspectives of Latin American regionalism by proposing a novel approach that helps better understand its particularities vis-à-vis other regionalisms and opens the possibility of continuing and deepening the empirical analysis of each specific regionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The paper examines the contribution of think tanks (TTs) to debating ideas and their relationship with the environment. Specifically, it analyzes the variations introduced by the electoral campaign in the political positions of TTs and the role of ideology and party affiliation as possible determinants. Methodology: The content of the web pages of ten TTs is monitored before and during the electoral campaign for the 2021 presidential elections in Chile, where numerous TTs have become protagonists. For each TT, attention to socio-political issues is analyzed, and the trend of their positions is recorded. Conclusions: The analysis shows that TTs adapt their communicative agenda to the electoral campaign and that their ideology is a principal variable in this strategy. Originality: Evidence is provided on the entry of TTs in electoral campaigns with differences between conservatives and progressives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the transformations in the frameworks of reflection and action that promoted territorial documentation policies, developed in coordination between the National Direction of Migration and the provincial and municipal governments in the southern area of Greater Buenos Aires, Argentina. Based on an ethnographic approach to the activities of a local office, the Dirección de Entidades y Colectividades de La Plata, and interviews with its main managers, we focus on the interrelation between documentation policies and the visibility (and production) of the electoral potential of foreigners that crystallized during the implementation of these programs. Unlike the literature that focuses on the analysis of the intentions (explicit or implicit) of the laws and projects, and on the difficulties encountered in achieving the purposes stated in them, the originality of the article is given by its monitoring of positions, relationships, languages, and objects that were produced (to some extent unexpectedly) during their implementation. This strategy reveals that the documentary programs and the officials who carry them out have gradually become part of the networks of the so-called territorial policy, in which the relevance assigned to foreigners has increased. The fundamental shift in this dynamic is the progressive recognition of its electoral potential and the conceptualization of the migration issue as an area of strategic dispute for local and provincial political life. Thus, the main conclusion is that throughout the implementation of these programs, migration policy became politicized; that is, it acquired a "political" status in the consideration of different relevant actors. This recognition lasted even after document operations were discontinued in 2016 and was part of their reinstatement in 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increased volatility of commodity prices caused by the entry of financial investors within the framework of so-called financialization, makes macroeconomic management more complex, especially for economies with a high incidence of primary products in their international trade. The purpose of this paper is to measure the exposure to export price risk for the Argentine case during the 1993-2018 period. The Value at Risk (VaR), typically used in finance, is employed in a novel way to design an export portfolio of commodities that operate daily in international markets. Among the main results is that 2.90% of the total exported is exposed to a monthly price risk from 2004 to 2018 in Argentina compared to 1.73% registered between 1993 and 2003. This indicator contributes to the design of fiscal rules that allow planning expenses based on structural income in contexts of high volatility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper illustrates the insights that can be gained from using a multidimensional poverty measurement method based on the capability approach to analyse the scale, characteristics, and spatial distribution of poverty in segregated cities. We assess the poverty gaps between formal and informal neighbourhoods and across districts, compare the results with income-based poverty estimates, and analyse the dimensional composition of poverty and disparities across population subgroups. The results show a weaker correlation between multidimensional and income-based measures and less overlap in terms of who is identified as poor in informal settlements than in the rest of the city. After adjusting for underrepresentation of the slum population in the household survey, informal settlements account for 10% of the city's population but nearly half of the multidimensionally poor. The results highlight the need to design poverty reduction policies that target informal neighbourhoods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the gender wage gap in Spain by analyzing data from the 2018 Spanish Structure of Earnings Survey to quantify the gap and decompose it into the explained and unexplained gaps using three different "discrimination- free" distributions (Reimers, Cotton and Jann). As covariates, in addition to seniority at work, studies and type of contract, common in the literature, they introduce occupation. The study treats full-time workers separately from part-time workers. This distinction is important due to the characteristics of the Spanish labor market, where part-time contracts predominate among women. The results show that part-time female employees are less discriminated against than full-time female employees, and that at lower levels of education and in lower skilled occupations The results show that part-time workers are less discriminated against and that at lower levels of education and in lower-skilled occupations, women's wages are closer to those of men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text proposes a journey through the methodology and work process followed in the Post Scriptum. A Digital Archive of Ordinary Writings (Early Modern in Spain and Portugal) project, which led to the formation of a digital epistolary corpus—now available online—from funds preserved in judicial archives during the Modern Age in the Iberian Peninsula. Based on a practical case, the paper reflects on the reality of the fieldwork carried out in order to build a digital corpus, as well as on its strengths and weaknesses, which allows a first-hand insight of some changes and challenges of the digital revolution we are immersed in. Methodology: Advances in the field of Digital Humanities are taken as a starting point to examine the multidisciplinarity that characterizes both the corpus formation process and the possibilities for its analysis and study. Originality: The paper describes the complete work process involved in the transformation of primary sources into digital sources in an innovative project in the field of Digital Humanities; it also reflects on problems faced by historians in working with private letters produced by common people (sixteenth-nineteenth centuries), which range from the location of these sources to their selection, digitization, editing, treatment, and subsequent study. Conclusions: In addition to describing the process of transforming sources into a digital corpus and the possibilities of its analysis, the article evidences different analytical ways. Likewise, it addresses the wealth of archives as essential repositories for recovering private and ordinary epistolary sources while also reflecting on the future of their conservation in the digital environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the Programa de Crédito Argentino del Bicentenario para la Vivienda Única Familiar (pro.cre.ar) on implementation processes, created in 2012 by the National Government. pro.crear programm generated expectations among citizens and different economic sectors. However, it got around several obstacles in its implementation and some of its lines were more effective than others. This paper offers a "bottom-up" view that recovers experiences and residential trayectories of Program beneficiaries. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with beneficiaries and successful bidders (who could effectively access and use the credit) of pro.cre.ar (2012-2015) in the Municipality of La Matanza, province of Buenos Aires, Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: Much of the research on conflict resolution has focused on the conditions for getting parties involved in a conflict to sign a peace agreement. Less attention has been paid to what happens next. In this document, we offer a review of the factors shaping peace agreement implementation (PAI). Methodology: The paper is based on a review of the available academic literature on the factors that shape peace agreement implementation (PAI). Conclusions: We conceive the implementation process as composed of multiple temporal stages (short- to long-term), layers (from international to local), and dimensions (including politics, justice, the economy, and culture). In an implementation phase, all these need to be addressed in parallel, as they exert mutual impact and shape each other’s progress. Originality: The general overview presented here will provide scholars and policymakers with a broad sense of the most important debates within the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives/Context: The main objective of this paper is to present an explanation for the divergent development trajectories of two regions of the capitalist world-economy, Latin America and East Asia. Methodology: starting from the concepts of world-economy, world region, regional focus and long durée, it is intended to verify how the forms of integration of the two regions to the capitalist worldeconomy affected them in three essential dimensions for economic development: State, capital accumulation and technological capability, from the 16th century to the present. Conclusions: having autonomously developed the three dimensions analyzed to the point of equating to the West at least until the end of the 17th century, when it was incorporated into the capitalist world-economy in the first half of the19th century, East Asia was able to take advantage of this integration and advance in global hierarchies of wealth and power. On the other hand, Latin America, which as a geopolitical entity was born together with the capitalist world-economy in the 16th century, was at that moment at a relatively low level of development in these dimensions, which, together with colonialism, continued to restrict its development and maintaining the region in its historical position as a periphery of the capitalist world-economy. Originality: the originality of this research is to establish a historically grounded principle of variation to explain the divergence in recent development trajectories of Latin America and East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the geopolitics of becoming a digital searcher using the transmissions produced by the Madres Buscadoras de Sonora collective from the crematoriums and clandestine graves identified between December 23, 2020 and July 9, 2021 in the valley of Guaymas in the south of the state of Sonora, Mexico. The study is intended to highlight that the Madres' search is immersed in a process of de-territorialized governmental necropolitical victimization, which drives them to go into the analyzed area. The work is based on the digital observation of the collective's social network transmissions and on an interview with the leader during the protest that took place outside the Attorney General's Office (FGR) on October 11, 2021, three months after the murder of Aranza Ramos Gurrola. The paper's contribution lies in reconstructing the geography of the transmissions broadcast at the indicated place and time. It is argued that such transmissions are a way of sustaining low-resolution digital searching. For the Madres, becoming searchers is a task that involves maintaining a mobile digital infrastructure to translate the barbarism they encounter into a citizen forensis. The article shows that the Madres Buscadoras de Sonora's pursuit of becoming digital searchers is immersed in a governmental necropolitics that does not produce citizens but victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993. Intended to shed light on the events that occurred during the Yugoslav conflict (1992-1995) and to prosecute and convict those accused of crimes against human rights and international humanitarian law, it's mandate lasted until 2017. This paper was prompted precisely by this end. It takes stock of the contributions of archaeology and forensic anthropology to the Tribunal's investigations and argues that the work of these professionals provided evidence of the systematic attack in which civilians were killed as part of a state policy of extermination against ethnic and religious groups in the region. The authors also point out the importance of the involvement of Latin American professionals in this research, as well as how much this experience enriched research processes in Latin America itself. This work is based on a systematic bibliographic search, which includes, among other documents, archives that were reserved at the time, but are now open to the public. It also draws on information obtained from the authors' participation in the forensic operations conducted between 1999 and 2001, both in the field and in the morgue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Colombian armed conflict caused specific Afro-descendant communities to sustain multiple and generalized human rights violations. The Inter-American system for the protection of human rights, of which Colombia is a part, recognized the damages caused in ethnic/ancestral territories, in order to guarantee adequate reparations to the victims. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate the differential ethnic impact of the armed conflict. To do so, we use an intersectional perspective that includes the way in which anthropological expertise is integrated into the appraisal conducted by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (hereinafter "IACHR Court"). The paper is intended to contribute to victim recognition and reparation. Using a qualitative approach, the theoretical framework is based on the case study of the Afro-descendant communities displaced from the Cacarica river basin. The case illustrates how the rights of victims to truth, justice, and reparation appeal to social and forensic anthropology to ensure the recognition of the damages caused and to vindicate the victims' and their families' right to memory. In view of the multiplicity of affectations that characterize forced displacement in Colombia, we present a pioneer case in the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (an example par excellence of how to understand the affectation of rights from an ethnic/ancestral and gender perspective): that of the communities of Cacarica, which recognize themselves as tribal. The case study demonstrates that social and forensic anthropology are necessary for the redress of victims' rights in this context. At the same time, it highlights that identifying Afro-Colombian people as victims in both their individual and collective facets reveals a complex reality, in light of the coexistence in ethnic/ancestral territories resulting from the differential impact of the armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper presents a queer feminist analysis of gendered discourses in South Africa's (SA) (2020-2025) National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS). It builds on an extensive field of WPS scholarship by using the case study of SA's NAP to illustrate how policy can be used to harness critical gendered language and create possibilities for radical (re)imaginings of gendered peace. While a considerable knowledge base that explores the gendered discourses of NAPs on WPS already exists, a key gap in the literature --that has only more recently begun to be explored with greater rigor-- is the bridging of queer and feminist theories to further push the boundaries of discursive policy analysis. Against this backdrop, feminist critical discourse analysis (CDA) was applied to the NAP case study to surface dominant and counter-discourses on gender and their possible inclusionary/exclusionary effects. Key findings centre the potential value of policy discourses which, in their fragmentation, ruptures, continuities and ambivalences, can facilitate opportunities for queer peace at the instrumental level and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process described in this paper aims to improve the urban mobility analysis and planning, such as revealing levels of equity and inclusion of a part of the city and identifying deficiencies in the accessibility to urban facilities related to settings systems of land use and transport. Therefore, a Social Sustainability of Urban Mobility (ssum) approach and Open Source Geographical Information System are applied. The methodology sets two urban facilities' analyses of levels of services to different scales. First, using the Central Places theory, the Metropolitan San Salvador Area is the first scale to analyze. Secondly, it studied the accessibility condition to urban facilities in San Salvador Municipality (Capital city of El Salvador) from Optimal Location Models (olm). Those models allow spatial equity and efficiency indicators. Results are implementing the ssum approach, applying technics of multiscalar analysis, and setting a metropolitan organizational structure which categorizes municipalities by urban facilities' levels of services. In addition, the characterization of municipal accessibility with proxy indicators to vulnerable groups and identifying areas to take action to improve daily mobility have been developed. Finally, a discussion is opened to identify the following steps to improve this research and strength future planning processes in the scarcity context of the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to study the differences in homeownership of international migrants in Buenos Aires, from a demographic perspective still little applied to the subject in Latin America, which explores the intensity and calendar of the phenomenon in specific generations, groups and territories. Birth cohorts of different national groups were reconstructed based on variables such as age and place of birth from the Argentine population censuses from 1970 to 2010. As a main result, it was found that the older the population, the more widespread is homeownership, but access to land has become more restrictive. This has affected recent generations in general, including the Argentine population, but especially migrants from neighboring countries of lower social sectors and in the most disputed territories of the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to describe the geographical patterns and the incidence of residential segregation in daily mobility at the urban agglomerations of Bogotá, Cali and Medellín. Starting from a conceptual reflection on residential segregation, the impact on daily mobility and the need to undertake comparative studies, different geostatistical techniques are used to calculate a quality of life indicator at a micro scale. Moreover, the relationship with daily mobility is evaluated in order to compare the incidence of residential segregation in the social groups commuting trips. As a result, it is obtained that segregation presents particularities in its geographical patterns in the three case studies and that there is a low probability of interaction between low and high quality of life social groups, also, there is a daily mobility of non-work trips that is significantly restricted to an interaction between the population with the same quality of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Territorial inequality associated with the location of population and activities, access to infrastructure and services, employment and material living conditions, is a historical reality in Latin America. This phenomenon has accompanied the demands of successive development models, and since the mid-twentieth century it has begun to be recognised in its full complexity with the installation of developmentalist governments. As a result, various public policies were adopted that failed to have a significant impact on these inequalities or to address their social consequences. Given the need to reformulate approaches, optimise resources and overcome obstacles in the implementation of public policies, this paper seeks to analyse the policies on the government agenda in Argentina from the change of management materialized at the end of 2019, identifying the limitations, achievements and potentialities of the policies proposed in Argentina, Brazil and Mexico and their effects on territorial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The objective of this paper is to build a definition of the concept of the political in Marx as a third way between the autonomy and the heteronomy of the political. Methodology: This paper suggests a hermeneutical and philosophical methodology, which consists of interpretation of arguments and concepts of theoretical texts. Primary sources -hereupon: Marx's texts-will be preferred, although they will be connected with other scholars. Conclusions: The paper arrives to a double conclusion. On the one hand, the essential connection (as championed by Marx) between the political and the world of material production does not involve a reductionist, mechanistic or heteronomous understanding of the political, for material production and the political are for him two distinct, albeit jointed, forms of human freedom. On the other hand, the concept of the political in Marx has two souls: the plasticity of the human second nature and the ideal of self-transparency of the philosophy of history. Facing this dilemma, the paper claims for an open and finite Marxism. Originality: Reflections on this topic are not new, but the thesis of the political and the production as two distinct, albeit jointed, forms of human freedom seems to be a relative new contribution to the theoretical and political discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to describe and analyze the reconversion experiences of four social organizations to sustain the social bond and collective care in popular neighborhoods of the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA), Argentina, during the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on qualitative research work with an ethnographic approach, conducted remotely between July and September 2020, we i) reconstructed the social context and characterized the activities of the socio-community organizations studied in AMBA, before and during the pandemic; ii) sketched images such as the collective "la olla" organization, which describe the community provision of care; and iii) showed how, in the context of restricted movement, the organizations had to deploy tactics to "contain," "accompany" and take care of themselves and others. In line with debates about an economy of care, which produces values surreptitiously appropriated by the rest of the economy, this paper focuses on those resulting from socio-community practices related to: food --"la olla" and "la fila"--, health, and socio-affective --"containment"--. This proposal is intended to contribute to the theoretical-political field of discussion, in which it is situated, on the paradox between the centrality of (socio-community) care, for the production of social welfare, and its insufficient recognition in economic, social, and political terms. Methodologically, the paper portrays the challenges --for social research-- of reading and interpreting practices when co-presenciality is technologically mediated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has exposed, reproduced, and created new inequalities in Latin America and the world. In this introductory paper, we discuss the impact of extant inequities on vulnerability to COVID-19 but we also identify new, and some unexpected, vulnerabilities. We emphasize vulnerabilities to the disease as well as vulnerabilities to policies and other responses in the fight against COVID-19. Building on insights from Peter Hall and Michele Lamont's work on social resilience, we draw on the papers of this special issue to identify the important role of the state in addressing vulnerabilities and discuss the types of social resilience that vulnerable groups have turned to in their response to COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper explores the relationship between corporate networks and business influence to figure out the conditions of state capture. Methodology: We analyze corporate networks through interlocking directorates in three Central American countries - Panama, Costa Rica, and El Salvador - using network analysis, and we pinpoint the relationship between the structure of the corporate network and two corporate political actions: contributions to presidential campaigns and revolving doors. Conclusions: Results show corporate networks were fragmented in the three Central American countries, except for a well-connected business cluster in Panama. The organization of business elites based on a single cohesive business cluster could facilitate coordination to finance political parties, which gives them more strength to demand government posts. On the other side, the absence of connections between business elites makes it difficult to reach agreements and weaken business influence. Findings suggest that networking among some (not all) business elites can be a source that precedes state capture, as it organizes access to the state through collective mobilization of resources and coordinated action planning. Originality: This paper is the first study on networks of interlocking directorates in Central American economies and combines original data on contributions to electoral campaigns and revolving doors. Therefore, it can be a benchmark for future studies on business power. In addition, this study introduces the analysis of interlocking directorates in the literature on state capture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the outbreak and devastating spread of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic, different forms of containment methods have been implemented across Latin America that have radically and rapidly transformed public health approaches. The purpose of this paper is to provide a preliminary delimitation of the problem of person-to-person accusations and complaints in proximity contexts under the confinement regime in the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires (AMBA). This paper examines three issues: 1) anthropological perspectives on judicialization; 2) the broad-ranging consequences and paradoxical effects that accusations, denunciations, and judicializations have been proven to cause for the well-being, health, and survival of affected individuals and social groups; and 3) the particularities that anthropological work assumes in highly normatized, sanctioned, and criminalized contexts. This article addresses heterogeneous materials: historical background, anthropological arguments, research results, media information, regulations, etc., to analyze the case of the AMBA. Specifically, the text focuses on the practices employed during the months of the initial period of confinement in AMBA, from March 20 to November 9, 2020. This analysis sheds light on the ways in which proximity accusations and allegations lead to the fragmentation of social fabrics, deepen inequalities, and accentuate uncertainty about social responses to possible infection and death. They also compromise and distort epidemiological, preventive, and care strategies. While legal actions of the same type have taken place for other ailments and epidemics, proximity accusations and allegations, in this case, are understood as enabled and legitimized strategies that express and translate deep transformations --at the micro-scale of isolation-- of the links between public health, legislation and security forces in social confinement regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the changes in food consumption patterns throughout the lives of five individuals (n=5), one subadult and four adults, found in archaeological sites of El Remate, Bajo los Cardones and Finca Cruz. All of them are associated with the Formative period (ca. 2500 - 1000 years B. P.) and are located in the Quebrada de Amaicha (Tucumán, Argentina). We propose an analysis of the carbon and nitrogen isotopic composition in the dentin of different sections of the same tooth and in different teeth of the five individuals. This approach sheds light on the way in which the characteristics of children's diets affect their adulthood, as well as providing a more inclusive perspective on consumption patterns in the agropastoralist societies of the study area by integrating young individuals into the analysis. Little intravariation and intervariation was found, with a predominance of food resources framed in the C4 photosynthetic pattern. The exception is an individual, probably female, whose diet was based on C3 resources during the first period of life. This could be the result of the existence of a "childhood diet" or of a change in geographic residence, with both areas being isotopically distinguishable. Finally, we illustrate the methodological steps required to reconstruct life histories through the serial study of human dental pieces. This is a novel approach, which has been applied to human remains from the Argentine Northwest for the first time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: In the early twentieth century, Peru rejected legal pluralism and, once again, selected a highly European-inflected penal code, undergirded by the prevailing tenets of legal positivism. In doing so, criminal courts became a particularly contested site, where indigenous and mestizas (mixed-race) women shaped and negotiated racial sentiments constructed around their sexuality. In also shaping the meaning of the law itself, I contend that virginity—or lack thereof—patterned legal positivism in Peru. I first detail the historical impact of legal positivism on Peru’s judiciary. I then showcase women’s courtroom narratives (alongside other juridical testimonies) that reveal their struggle for political inclusion. Methodology: This article is built from an analysis of primary and original archival data and is the synthesis of 55 cases of alleged sexual transgressions occurring in the region of Cuzco from 1924 to 1949. Originality: This paper is significant because it is one of only a few that examine the history of legal positivism and rape prosecution in the early twentieth century by incorporating primary archival data to show how women were protagonists in shaping Peru’s unique legal, political and cultural history. Conclusions: Expanding the arguments of imminent Andean scholars of postcolonialism, I argue that the ‘coloniality of law’ in Peru is illuminated by the collusion of legal positivism and fin de siècle racial ideologies that created a new subjectivity for women. In addition to refashioning repressive honor codes (literally embodied in ideas about morality and chastity), the new penal code also broadened a gap where indigenous and mestizo women argued their juridical humanity in criminal courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]