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The paper unpacks the multi-level efforts to establish, promote and implement China standards in overseas contexts through an examination of corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities of Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) in Africa. Drawing upon document analysis of government policies, institutional guidelines and corporate reports from four case companies, as well as field research in Ethiopia, it identifies ways that Chinese corporate actors interpret, incorporate and initiate CSR standards through strategic planning and during overseas business activities. Analysis of both first-hand and secondary data shows the development of Chinese CSR standards is a co-production of international, national and local standards, which involves diverse actors and institutions and is driven by multiple considerations to fulfill commercial, political, social and diplomatic objectives for overseas companies and Chinese government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soft power strategy is an important aspect of China's foreign diplomacy. It must adapt to China's global peaceful rise. It must create understanding, respect and ultimately support China's political models and policies. Then, it will help China win friends' hearts and minds around the world. Therefore, it is not surprising that building and predicting a soft power strategy is firmly on China's international agenda. This paper starts with the background of soft power and then describes the rises and the limitations of China's current soft power strategy by using documents from previous researches and social media. Finally, the paper illustrates suggestions and solutions to improve this charming strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accessible Summary: What is known on the subject?: Physical restraint is widely used in the elderly at home, and cognitive impairment is an important risk factor. Family caregivers of people with dementia are the main decision makers and implementers of physical restraint at home.Most people with dementia in China receive home care, and family caregivers face enormous care and moral pressures influenced by Confucian culture.Current research on physical restraints focuses on quantitative analysis of its prevalence and reasons within the institutions. There is little research on how family caregivers perceive physical restraints in home care context, especially under Chinese culture. What the paper adds to existing knowledge?: Many family caregivers face approach – avoidance conflict and moral dilemmas when making decisions to restrain, and they make difficult choices in these dilemmas.In China, family caregivers are influenced by many unique factors, including traditional Confucian culture, family affection, and rural home environment.Inadequate laws and policies provide the ground for abuse of physical restraints, and family caregivers rarely consider legal and policy restrictions when using physical restraints. What are the implications for practice?: With limited medical resources, nurse‐led dementia management is the hope to reduce physical restraints in home.Mental health nurses need to assess for the appropriateness of physical restraints associated with psychiatric symptoms in people with dementia.At both organizational and community levels, improving effective communication and relationships between professionals and family caregivers are important to address. Improvements in this context require education and time for staff to develop skills and experience which is necessary to provide family caregivers with ongoing information and psychological support within their communities.Considering Confucian culture will be of value for mental health nurses working in other countries where there are Chinese communities to better understand perceptions of family caregivers. Introduction: The use of physical restraints is a common practice in home care. Family caregivers face care‐related and moral pressures due to the influence of Confucian culture in China. The use of physical restraints in the Chinese cultural environment may differ from the use of such restraints in other cultures. Scientific Rationale: Current research on physical restraints focuses on quantitative analysis of its prevalence and reasons within the institutions. However, there is little research on how family caregivers perceive physical restraints in home care context, especially under Chinese culture. Aim: To explore the perceptions of family caregivers on physical restraints in people diagnosed with dementia receiving home care. Method: A descriptive, qualitative study of Chinese family caregivers of people diagnosed with dementia in home care. Framework method analysis was adopted using the multilevel socio‐ecological model. Results: Beliefs about benefit lead to a dilemma for family caregivers. Cherishing family's affection encourages caregivers to reduce physical restraints, but lack of help from family members, professionals and the community forces them to restrain their loved ones. Discussion: Future research should explore the complex issue of culturally specific physical restraints decisions. Implications for Practice: Mental health nurses must receive education regarding the negative outcomes of the use of physical restraints for family members of people diagnosed with dementia. A more liberal approach to mental health and relevant legislation, which is an emerging global phenomenon that is currently in an early phase of development in China, grants human rights to people diagnosed with dementia. Effective communication and relationships between professionals and family caregivers can contribute to the establishment of a dementia‐friendly community in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Left‐behind children who live away from their migrant parents in rural China have received widespread media attention, especially around their vulnerability and delinquency. To examine the media construction of this population and responsibility attribution for the incidents occurring to them, we used the phronetic iterative approach to analyse 348 news reports published by The Paper, one of China's leading digital media outlets. Our findings revealed that the media constructed a stereotypical portrayal of these children and their families. Moreover, structural inequalities existing in social policies were shifted into personal responsibility in media discourses. This study offers empirical support for the role of news media in shaping public perceptions through their construction and framing processes. We highlight the need to identify structural factors that affect media portrayals of rural families and call for more social support for left‐behind children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employment quota is one of the affirmative action measures, outlined by the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities in its General Comment, to increase the employment of disabled people in both public and private sectors. Existing literature has studied the implementation, outcome, and effectiveness of the employment quota, majorly by quantitative data, while the empirical evidence of how it influences the right of disabled people to work is relatively limited. The practice of employment quota in China suggests the possibility of underpinning discrimination and exclusion and thus puts disabled people in a more disadvantageous position. This paper empirically examines how the discriminatory effect of the employment quota is shaped, with a particular focus on the interaction between the quota policies and stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has made remarkable progress in preventing and intervening in domestic violence against women. Scholars have reported on this development. Methodologically, this paper, which draws on 3362 references selected from the China National Knowledge Infrastructure, uses the bibliometric method to summarize the characteristics, evolution, and frontiers of key topics into research on abused women in China between 1993 and 2020. The paper has three key findings. (1) The volume of literature has grown continuously, but in three stages: initial, rapid growth, and peak fluctuation; (2) the topic has five research hotspots: fundamental issues in domestic violence against women; new legislation, notably the 2015 Anti-Domestic Violence Law ; social support for abused women; matrimonial disputes involving abused women; and conviction and sentencing of abused women who kill their husbands; and (3) the current research frontiers lie within the defects of the Anti-Domestic Violence Law and challenges in the implementation of the law. In addition, the paper examines characteristics and limitations of the study on abused women in China and suggests changes in practice, policy, and directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following economic reforms, China has become one of the premiere destinations for foreign capital; however, the benefits of this spectacular growth are not evenly distributed. Since the beginning of the 2000s, the Chinese government has designed and implemented policies to encourage foreign investment in central and western provinces to help decrease the significant distributional differences in regional industrial value-added, with limited success. In contrast to previous literature, this paper uses Panel Least Squares method to analyze empirically the impact of industrial sector FDI on Chinese regional inequality in industrial value-added 2003–2013, using three Chinese regions. The lack of prerequisite institutional structure to aid in FDI absorption affects location choices. Despite government policies to support inland regional economic development, foreign firms still prefer to invest in coastal provinces, further illustrating the effects of regional clusters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. This paper intends to discover the relationship between the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI and its implementation. By using content analysis, this paper analyzes Chinese President Xi's speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government. It identifies the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI: an assemblage of constantly changing policy settings that accommodates various economic and political interests. Also, this paper draws on differences between countries joining the BRI or not, and several case studies to elucidate the implementation of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either the BRI narratives or its implementation, this paper contributes by combining and comparing the two. Despite positive interpretations of the BRI the Chinese government has adopted, the paper argues that there are no deceptive tricks with skeletons in the closet of the Chinese government, as the BRI public diplomacy narratives are, in general, consistent with its implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The United Nations Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities identified the Chinese blind massage policy as "reserved employment" in its Concluding Observations in 2012. In response, this paper reviewed the policy on blind massage in China and discussed its effectiveness and social impact. Methods: Adopting a historical perspective, this paper describes the development stages of the blind massage policy in China. It reveals the social construction process of the blind massage policy. Government data were provided to help analyze the positive and negative effects of the policy according to the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Results: The blind massage policy is a national strategy involving semi-reserved employment to improve the low employment rate of people with visual impairments in China. It promoted employment of people with visual impairments at the start, but, as the system of the blind massage gradually took shape, it restricted these individuals from choosing a career freely. The blind massage policy has resulted in deep-rooted social prejudices, and it demonstrates disability-based discrimination and charity-oriented practices. Discussion: The Chinese blind massage policy is discriminatory and does not reflect the modern concept of disability rights advocated in the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. Implications for Practitioners: The Chinese government needs to promote institutional reforms to provide better education and employment for people with visual impairments to change the limited content of vocational training and eliminate discriminatory policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a critique of the "specialty towns" program, a key constituent of China's current new-style urbanization campaign. It problematizes the contradictory accounts of the program, namely, emphasizing "place-based" strengths while simultaneously standardizing forms, functions, and goals with a strong "place-neutral" approach. We argue that three key building blocks are critical for understanding specialty towns: place dependence, embeddedness, and locational advantage. Through multiple-case studies in Zhejiang, evidence has shown that there is a mismatch between national policies and local practices in specialty town development. The latter has its own place-specific logic of development shaped by history, geography, institutions, and agency. In particular, existing small-scale growth settings (e.g., industrial parks, specialized markets) and characteristics of local agency are the main factors affecting local practices. This paper argues that without considering the specificities of places in a broader socioeconomic context, the program may fail to work as effectively as expected in its local implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how aspects of national culture may shape the design and implementation of public policy, using the example of energy policy in China. It focuses on cognitive style and on political and legal culture. China’s energy policies display a combination of pragmatism, incrementalism, internal contradiction and ambiguity. This is consistent with evidence from experimental psychology and history that the development of Chinese and East Asian cognitive styles have taken a path distinct from those of Western civilizations with their Greek philosophical heritage. These variations of cognitive style between cultures are reflected in brain function and genes. Policy implementation also bears features from imperial times in the political culture of China’s Communist Party and the contemporary legal system. These arguments reinforce existing calls for caution when seeking to transfer energy or other public policy approaches between countries with different cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the governance and institutionalisation of Chinese makerspaces. Existing research on the governance of makerspace has proposed two governance models or 'paradigms': bottom-up commons-based peer production and top-down public policy based governance. This article is trying to explore how makerspace in China is governed by a multitude of institutional forces. By examining three maker communities, it is argued that: (1) the dominant model of governing Chinese makerspaces does not adhere to either of these two models. This paper proposed an alternative one: a 'subtle top-down' model that accounts for the dialectics between government and its governing approaches and, the involvement of various non-government actors aligning with public policy goals; (2) makerspace has become an instrument to drive China's transition from an industrial-based economy to a service economy. The proliferation of makerspaces marks the concrete step towards a Chinese contemporary modernisation route; (3) makerspace highlighted some of the attempts made by the state to address structural inequalities. This article concludes by pointing out the challenge is how to incorporate the rhetoric of disruptive innovation into the Chinese context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food subsidies are widely implemented as part of government policies globally to mitigate food insecurity amongst the urban poor. Subsidies to retail outlets are one a type of supply-side subsidy designed to make food more affordable to low-income consumers. China's Affordable Food Shop (AFS) program introduced by the central government in 2011 and implemented by municipal governments is one example. To date, there has been little research examining the effectiveness of the AFS program despite more than a decade of implementation. This paper presents a case study of the program's effectiveness in Nanjing which was one of the first Chinese cities to introduce the program which grew very rapidly in the years that followed. In early 2020, the Nanjing program was closed which raises important questions about its effectiveness and impact. We show that food insecurity in Nanjing is generally low but that increased food insecurity is associated with lived poverty, lower income, and unaffordability of staple foods. Food insecurity is not mitigated by proximity to an AFS Program shop. The paper argues that the program had various deficiencies and a limited effect in reducing food insecurity and increasing food accessibility. These included inappropriate targeting, program redundancy, and competition from supermarkets and public markets. In the circumstances, the decision by the city government to close the program is understandable. • Food subsidy programs in many countries target low-income, food insecure urban populations. • The Chinese central government introduced an Affordable Food Shop (AFS) Program in 2011. • Food insecurity in Nanjing City affects about 20% of the population and varies with level of poverty, income, food expenditure and household type. • The AFS Program in Nanjing has not succeeded in providing cheaper food for low-income, food insecure households. • The limitations of the AFS Program in Nanjing are partly responsible for its closure in 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders in Nanhai, this paper adopts an analytical framework to examine how a combination of infrastructure-pull, supply-push and demand-pull initiatives implemented by a small district government in southern China were able to facilitate socio-technical transitions to the public transport decarbonization through the establishment of hydrogen refuelling infrastructures, the adoption of fuel cell electric vehicles (FCEVs), and the development of production network on FCEVs. With neither massive investment from the central government nor captive linkage with global automakers, Nanhai out-performs other automotive powerhouses in China by accounting for 9.85 percent of FCEVs and 4.59 percent of all operating hydrogen refuelling stations in China, despite its land area only accounting for 0.01 percent of the country. The provision of hydrogen infrastructures and other pro-active local government initiatives (including financial incentives) facilitate the development of a competitive regionalized production network of about 90 (privately-owned) fuel cell electric buses makers and parts suppliers around the Xianhu Hydrogen Valley in Nanhai. This finding enhances our understanding on effects of (local) state policies on the socio-technical transitions to public transport decarbonization and the long-term development of hydrogen economies in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For Chinese policymakers, shouldering responsibility is often associated with high liability risk, thus resulting in low-level care for risky and stigmatized populations such as drug users. Therefore, it is crucial to explore ways to improve care access in such an uneasy policy environment. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Yunnan province in southwestern China from 2013 to 2021, this paper traces the policy-making process of the Yunnan Province Methadone Oral Solution Take-Home Treatment Work Proposal. All stakeholders involved considered this policy attempt "impossible" at first, as the highly addictive methadone becomes an illegal drug once it is taken outside a clinical setting. By analyzing how a group of local government officials, together with medical practitioners and drug users, strive to legitimize and ultimately implement the policy, I argue that people's concern over liability risks strengthens the boundary between methadone as a "drug" and methadone as a "medicine," between methadone solution drinkers as "drug users" and as "patients," and between "inside the clinic" and "outside the clinic." By utilizing a culturalist approach to explore the possibility of care in such a context, this paper reveals that a " heqing heli hefa worthy-of-being-cared-for" discourse is crucial in that it acts as symbolic capital to dissolve the above boundaries embedded in the dominant political culture. Moreover, it is the key cultural logic of the "building" of care. The findings also illustrate how local policymakers negotiate and balance responsibility and liability to create a potential policy space for enabling care practices. Additionally, this study sheds light on the inclusion of care for the most stigmatized and marginalized populations, and has broad implications for policy-making in other contexts. • In the field of drug control, policies often delay and even exclude care for drug users. • Concerns over liability risks hamper users' access to take-home methadone service. • Liability risks affect people's categorizing of methadone as a medicine or a drug. • Privatization of compassion helps to mitigate liability risks. • Policymaking could also be a process of accumulating and building care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]