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This paper discusses the impact of White supremacy, ableism, and U.S. policing on both the history and current state of psychology and sheds light on ways that psychologists can acknowledge and divest from carceral White supremacist practices in mental healthcare. Because of how oppression and intersectionality function within a White supremacist society, not all Black lives have been equally valued by non-Black Americans. Similarly, White supremacy and ableism have had lasting impacts on the public perception of disabled people. Connecting the historical origins of the U.S. policing system to the current practices of the U.S. police system, this paper argues that the police have always been about controlling "disorder." Similarly, psychology and the larger mental health field have a troubled history of controlling Black, Brown, and disabled bodies. Recommendations for ways therapists can unlearn therapy practices stemming from White supremacy cultural practices (e.g., carceral therapeutic practices and biased mental health care) are provided along with action items for mental health practitioners to maintain a commitment to undoing the harm from these historic and systemic issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current trends in women's criminalization reflect historical patterns of racism, gender conformity, and enforcing normality. This paper traces key shifts in policy and discourse on women's punishment in the United States from the mid 19th century to contemporary times. Additionally, this paper reflects on social work's role in the history of responding to criminalized women and its involvement in prison reform efforts. I argue that the profession's reform efforts on behalf of criminalized women operate as a form of carceral humanism, enabling expansion of the carceral state. To meaningfully challenge mass incarceration, social work must engage anti-carceral/abolitionist politics and praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policing in many parts of the world—the United States in particular—has embraced an archetypal model: a conception of the police based on the tenets of individuated archetypes, such as the heroic police "warrior" or "guardian." Such policing has in part motivated moves to (1) a reallocative model: reallocating societal resources such that the police are no longer needed in society (defunding and abolishing) because reform strategies cannot fix the way societal problems become manifest in (archetypal) policing; and (2) an algorithmic model: subsuming policing into technocratic judgements encoded in algorithms through strategies such as predictive policing (mitigating archetypal bias). This paper begins by considering the normative basis of the relationship between political community and policing. It then examines the justification of reallocative and algorithmic models in light of the relationship between political community and police. Given commitments to the depth and distribution of security—and proscriptions against dehumanizing strategies—the paper concludes that a nonideal-theory priority rule promoting respect for personhood (manifest in community and dignity-promoting policing strategies) is a necessary condition for the justification of the above models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]