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This document contains abstracts of papers presented at an academic conference. The papers cover a wide range of topics related to economics, history, and social development. Each paper presents empirical evidence and analysis to shed light on specific phenomena or historical events. The research is conducted using different methodologies and data sources, providing valuable insights into these complex subjects. The summaries provide a brief overview of each paper's main findings and contribute to the understanding of various social and economic phenomena. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses the American Express travel board game Money Card (1972) as it highlights the intertwinement between the rise of a distinctive form of tourism as a modern mass industry and the expansion of the capitalist market, the primacy of the dollar, and U.S. hegemony. In a period marked by a shift from paper money to credit cards and global credit markets, American Express was the most powerful and easily identifiable symbol of the new post-war international economic order dominated by U.S. economic and political power. Placing the American Express Money Card board game within the shift from the post-war economy of reconstruction to credit expansion and neoliberalism, brings to the forefront the ways in which the game presented tourism as a ritual in celebration of capitalism. As a form of armchair travel, the board game sold tourism as a re-enchantment of the world. The article explores how the board game framed the American Express Card as fetish object, portrayed Europe as up for sale, and created a desire for the services of American Express and consumerism more generally. It shows how players were trained to use credit cards, be good consumers, and participate in the economy of the tourist industry. By advancing a capitalist tourist dreamworld, Money Card shaped perceptions of travel to Europe and created a religious illusion, offering a re-enchantment of the world through tourism and credit cards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Miguel Antonio Caro is known as one of the most lucid conservative thinkers of nineteenth-century Latin America. His antiliberal thinking came to define what it meant to be a Catholic man of letters in Colombia and beyond. Today, he is mostly remembered for his work on linguistics, Latin translations, and the 1886 Colombian Constitution. However, Caro was also the most recalcitrant defender of paper money of his time. In press articles, he developed what can be described as a Hispanic Catholic theory of monetary signs. While he is often portrayed as an anti-modern ideologist, the financial dimensions of his writings reveal a very different picture. Vindicating a Spanish tradition of currency debasement that went back to Alfonso the Wise, the Colombian ultramontane conciliated his traditionalism with capitalism's global accumulation drive by equating paper money with God's infinite gift: the divine grace. He hence proposed a Catholic view of capitalist modernity that rejected the "evils" of utilitarianism but embraced Colombia's agro-exporter economic model as part of God's providential design. In his political-religious project, money is thus imagined as a key tool of the Christian oikonomia , that is, God's government of earthly affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Review of Radical Political Economics is calling for papers for a special issue on climate change and capitalism. The journal is seeking manuscripts that provide a range of critical political economic perspectives on the topic, as well as a variety of methods, approaches, and geographic focuses. They particularly encourage submissions from climate activists, scholars in the Global South, early career researchers, and scholars from historically excluded groups. The journal provides a list of possible subjects for the special issue, including theoretical and empirical interventions, historical or contemporary analyses, critiques of economic analysis, and models of climate justice and anti-capitalist struggles. Submissions must adhere to the journal's guidelines and will undergo peer review. [Extracted from the article]

This article reviews Bram Büscher's book The Truth about Nature: Environmentalism in the Era of Post-truth Politics and Platform Capitalism (2021). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Green New Deal (GND) has emerged as a crucial progressive agenda for sustainability transition, but there have been few attempts to develop it into a concrete programme for government. This paper considers one such attempt – the GND proposals put forth by the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn – and how it tackled three key challenges faced by the broader GND agenda: its reliance on the state, its relationship with capital, and its Western centrism. The paper argues that these challenges gave rise to tensions within Labour’s proposals: treating the state both as an instrument and as an object of change, ambivalence towards capitalism as an economic system and struggling to reconcile the competing forces of nationalism and internationalism. By examining these challenges and Labour's efforts to overcome them, this study provides valuable insights into the messy politics of enacting Green New Deal visions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When asked what "type" of manuscript you are submitting, please check the box that says, "Climate Change and Capitalism." All submissions will undergo I RRPE i 's regular peer review procedures and must not be under review with any other publication. [Extracted from the article]

The following is a list of possible subjects for the special issue, although any submission that is related to the topic is welcome: The COVID-19 pandemic and its high costs are not simply an act of nature. Special Issue Collective: Sara Cantillon*, Elif Karaçimen*, Lawrence King, David Kotz, Jeff Powell, Juan Santarcángelo*, Nuno Teles [*RRPE Editorial Board Member] B EXTENDED DEADLINE for Submissions: August 31, 2023 b The COVID-19 pandemic has not only shown inherent flaws in the capitalist system but also deepened them. [Extracted from the article]

Ibn Khaldûn (1332–1406) was a philosopher, historian and sociologist. This paper asks: What elements of the Political Economy of Communication are there in Ibn Khaldûn's work and how do they matter in digital capitalism? It presents relevant passages from Khaldûn's main work Muqaddimah and points out parallels between the Muqaddimah and works in Political Economy, especially Karl Marx's approach of the Critique of Political Economy. The comparison of Khaldûn to Marx is not an arbitrary choice. Several scholars have pointed out parallels between the two's works with respect to general Political Economy. It, therefore, makes sense to, also, compare Khaldûn and Marx in the context of the Political Economy of Communication. The paper analyses the relevance of Khaldûn's ideas in digital capitalism. Khaldûn's works are situated in the context of media and communication theory, digital automation, Facebook, Google, labour in informational and digital capitalism, Amazon, the tabloid press, fake news and post-truth culture. The analysis shows that Khaldûn's Muqaddimah is an early work in Political Economy that can and should inform our contemporary critical analysis of communication in society, communication in capitalism and class society, ideology and digital capitalism. What connects Marx and Khaldûn is that they were critical scholars who although living at different times in different parts of the world saw the importance of the analysis of class and communication. Their works can and should inform the Political Economy of Communication and the analysis of digital capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the recent resurgence of interest in capitalism in social sciences and humanities fields. Scholars are reexamining capitalism and its relationship to uneven development and social difference. The article brings together papers from various disciplines, including geography, sociology, anthropology, and global political economy, to explore how these concepts intersect. The papers highlight the importance of understanding capitalism as an overdetermined whole and emphasize the role of spatial and social difference in its development. The authors also emphasize the importance of struggle and concrete social interventions in shaping the geographies and temporalities of uneven development. [Extracted from the article]

The critical platform studies literature has built a compelling picture of how techniques like worker (mis)classification, algorithmic management and workforce atomisation lie at the heart of how 'work on-demand via apps' actively restructure labour. Much of this emerging scholarship identifies that platform workforces are predominantly comprised of migrant and racially minoritised workers. However, few studies theorise migration and race as structuring logics of the platform model and the precarity it engenders. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how the platform economy – specifically work on-demand via apps – both shapes and is shaped by historically contingent contexts of racialisation, and their constitutive processes such as embodiment and immigration policy/rhetoric. Beyond identifying the over-representation of racial minorities in the platform economy, it argues that processes of racialisation have been crucial at every stage of the platform economy's rise to dominance, and therefore constitutes a key organising principle of platform capitalism – hence the term 'racial platform capitalism'. In doing so, this paper draws on the racial capitalism literature, to situate key platform techniques such as worker (mis)classification and algorithmic management as forms of racial practice, deployed to (re-)organise surplus urban labour-power following the 2008 financial crisis. This framework will be explored through an ethnographic study of Uber's rise in London. Through this, the paper demonstrates a co-constitutive relationship, where the conditions of minoritised workers in a global city like London post-2008, and the political economy of platform companies can be said to have co-produced one another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the working practices of several feminist creative and cultural enterprises in London (which I term 'feminist CCIs'). In particular, it shows how pandemic precarity has driven feminist CCIs towards more entrepreneurial, self-promotional, and self-branding practices in order to sustain their work. Drawing on both digital ethnographic material and interviews with 12 workers in feminist CCIs conducted online between 2020 and 2022, the article provides insights into the landscape and contemporary realities of arts and cultural funding within these fields. It considers how decades of austerity measures and cuts have forced some feminist CCIs to operate independently outside of the UK public sector funding models. Survival tactics include adopting corporate funding models, subscription and membership schemes, platformisation and digitalisation. Focusing on funding, money and subjectivity, it unpacks the contradictions these imperatives bring to feminist politics: tensions about which some feminist CCI workers themselves are aware of and critical of. In the process, this paper considers how activism, feminism, entrepreneurialism, and precarity are fused together and negotiated in this form of 'freelance feminism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the 'blind spots in IPE' recently addressed in related Special Issues of Review of International Political Economy and New Political Economy. It identifies a blind spot of law in IPE, tracing the problem to a blind spot in the discipline of international relations (IR) generated by tendencies in dominant theories to consider international law to be super-structural, epiphenomenal, and not worthy of political analysis, and to associations of international law with idealism. The analysis notes an inverse blind spot in international law (IL), wherein legal scholars tend to regard IL as autonomous of politics and the political economy of 'who gets what, when, how'. These blind spots contribute to the neglect of how legal forms function to mystify the political economy of IL, thereby advancing transnational capitalism and inequality. The empirical focus is on transnational contract law, dispute settlement, and value and production chain contracting. These laws function as Capital's law and central pillars of the transnational politico-legal order by reaching deep inside states to restructure domestic spheres according to new constitutionalism and the demands of transnational capital. Drawing on critical political economy, the paper develops a historical materialist analysis to denaturalize and demystify Capital's law. This is a necessary move for scholars interested in the progressive and emancipatory potential of IL. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses a reinterpretation of the role played by micro-units (i.e., the set of own-account workers, unpaid family workers, and wage workers in units of less than five workers) in contemporary capitalism, through the combined use of the notions of the reserve army of labor and the petty commodity production. Statistics from Mexico show that there are flows between this sector, medium and large units, unemployment, and inactivity so that their intersection with the reserve army of labor is verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how a formative approach to pedagogy might intervene in the conditions of higher education teaching practices, discourses, and organisational priorities today. While the higher education sector is resolutely turned towards the accumulation of skills or ‘content’ to produce a credentialed job-ready graduate, we do these graduates a disservice if how we educate fails to take account of their formation as persons, citizens, workers, neighbours, and indeed as graduates. This is a focus on what education philosopher Gert Biesta calls subjectification. Through education’s contribution to the making of populations, the neglect of this formative role of pedagogy has wider significance in the knowledge societies in which universities are operating. We first lodge the mattering of pedagogy within a contemporary moment in which calls to reform capitalism and redress democratic deconsolidation butt up against the fortunes of public knowledge and the consequences of hyper-individualist cultures. We then outline pedagogy as a formative cultural technology and provide examples and discussion from our own classroom practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Face-to-face fundraising (F2F) emerged in the 1990s as an innovative mode of charity fundraising, whereby paid fundraisers – often employed through for-profit agencies – solicit members of the public to sign-up for monthly direct-debit payments. Despite its everyday visibility – and public critical reception – this instance of the ubiquitous intersection of humanitarianism and commodification, integral to contemporary capitalism, remains unexplored. This paper fills this gap but, in the process, draws some theoretical lessons germane to this literature and to materialist critique more generally. I argue that the peculiar dialectics of appearance operative in the political economy of F2F resists interpretation in terms of extant conceptual appreciations of other modalities of ‘commodified compassion’ and in materialist conceptual vocabularies in political economy scholarship more broadly. Far from ‘mere appearance’, F2F’s abstract form of ‘shared humanity’ is not simply an ethical veneer to be bypassed in unveiling the concrete (re)production of inequalities in humanity, as is the general tendency in materialist critique. Rather, this appearance is essential for its functioning and those concrete inequalities are written into this form, rather than existing behind/beyond it. This, I suggest, is captured effectively by a ‘dialectical materialist’ take on the Marxian theory of the commodity form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adorno’s conception of ideology was denounced by Habermas as incompatible with a viable form of social critique. By conflating ideology and the ‘identity principle’ inherent to modern Western reason, he argues, Adorno offered an overly negative characterisation of modernity and failed to recognise its rational potential. This paper questions this line of criticism by revisiting Adorno’s position. While he does sometimes associate ideology with identity-thinking, this association does not exhaust his views on the subject. For Adorno, ideology is just as much a matter of Identität as a matter of Schein, or illusion, and its practical effects. Moreover, he views ideology as an intrinsically dynamic concept, whose definition has changed throughout human history. Drawing on his late sociological writings, I distinguish three major stages in the development of the concept of ideology, namely (a) ideology as simple illusion, a definition associated with the Enlightenment and expanded by the so-called sociology of knowledge; (b) ideology as necessary illusion, invoked by Marx to capture the structural logic of capitalism; and (c) ideology as disillusionment, related to the positivism of late capitalist society. Finally, I reflect on what this survey reveals about the relationship between illusion and identity in Adorno’s theory of ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze several specific forms of filmmaking very related to neoliberalism as an economic, political and cultural system, taking as reference the affective turn to explore this link. For this, it will be considered the different contributions that, from different fields of social sciences, have linked the evolution of capitalism with the conquest of the sphere of affections and emotions, and it will use the methodology of film analysis to verify, in a set of concrete works, the features of that relationship. From this intersection between theoretical proposals and case analysis, the article wants to show an expressive strategy based on the humanization of certain behaviors, through the cinematographic narrative, which normalizes some attitudes and values due to decisions which work on the construction of the story an the aesthetics of the work. This strategy will be verified in three very significant films: The Social Network, Steve Jobs and The Founder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I argue that the social reproduction discourse from the 1970s onwards, or the so-called domestic labour debate, has been about two things: value on the one hand, and the body and intimacy on the other. While there is a highly visible stake in how domestic labour is understood from the viewpoint of value, which is still debated today, the contribution of the discourse to understanding the body and intimacy in capitalism is more hidden and less discussed. In this paper, I review the discourse on social reproduction from the perspective of value, with a particular focus on recent contributions, Jared Sacks' and Alessandra Mezzadri's works. Then, I will discuss the discourse of social reproduction from the perspective of the body and intimacy and finally link this aspect to the lessons around value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homonormativity refers to the ratification and endorsement of heteronormative institutions and structures into lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) lives, culture and discourse. While homonormativity is commonly manifested in (relatively) privileged, White, able‐bodied gay men, this paper focuses on lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LBT) women's experiences in Israeli peripheral and rural spaces. As a concept, homonormativity has the potential of reducing lived experiences into a widely criticized category. Instead, we voice the geographical, temporal and gendered potential of homonormative processes to articulate varied ways for leading a queer life under capitalism. Based on 61 qualitative interviews with LBT women living in the Israeli peripheries, we argue that LBT women employ two major homonormative processes of becoming political subjects to negotiate their sexualities in a space fraught with LGBTphobia. These homonormative processes are comprised of assimilation and contestation, revealing a nuanced mode of political subjectivity, shaped by ongoing experiences of LGBTphobia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China is at a critical moment of transforming high-speed development to high-quality development, and it is significant to improve the efficiency of green technological innovation. In this paper, under the perspective of two-stage innovation value chain, we construct the evaluation index system of green technology innovation efficiency, adopt the super efficiency SBM model to measure the green technology innovation efficiency of China's high-tech industries, and based on the results obtained, we assume the fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis method (fs-QCA) based on the group theory to explore the complex causal mechanism and grouping paths of the interaction between enterprises, government and market that affects the green technology innovation efficiency Mechanism and group path. The study results show that (1) enterprise, government, and market are not necessary conditions to influence the efficiency of green technological innovation, and even if a particular party plays a central role, it needs the assistance of other parties. (2) The improvement of green technological innovation efficiency requires the interaction of enterprises, government, and market, and even if any party does not have the core conditions, it can still produce high green technological innovation efficiency. (3) The path of the "innovative compensation" effect is identified, which indicates that enterprises will generate a high level of green innovation efficiency under sufficient investment brought about by the enterprise scale effect and matched with a good level of economic development. (4) The market economy-led pathway suggests that when the market economy is highly developed, firms do not need environmental regulation and government support to generate efficient levels of green technological innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about the disagreement and even radical opposition between Gilles Deleuze's and Félix Guattari's conceptualizations and those of Jacques Lacan: for example, about desire, psychotherapy, the subject and the radically opposed political consequences that result from their approaches. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate from a Lacanian perspective that in the case of a central concept such as the body, there are rather more similarities than differences. Its main thesis is that Deleuze's and Guattari's body without organs is very close to Lacan's notion of the Other jouissance and that with slightly different strategies they both provide arguments to fight the same enemy: that is, the control and repression of singularity under capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper seeks to contribute to the investigation of the conceptual changes that took place in communication studies in Argentina between 1970 and 1990, based on the survey of the writings of three authors linked – more or less formally – to this field of study during that period: Margarita Graziano, Alcira Argumedo and Beatriz Sarlo. The two questions that guided the research were: Did conceptual changes occur in the intellectual productions of these three authors between 1970 and 1990? Why did these conceptual “shifts” occur in the period considered?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Promising lines of scholarship have emerged on how International Organisations (IO's) deploy anticipatory techniques aimed at colonising the future as a means of governing in the absence of sovereignty. It follows that securing hegemony over a vision of the future is important strategic work for IOs, and a source of legitimacy derived from authority beyond procedure and performance. This is called promissory legitimacy. Yet what happens when this promised future arrives and is problematic? How does an IO creatively strategise this shortfall? In this paper, we identify five strategies deployed by the OECD in its Future of Education and Skills 2030 programme aimed to re-negotiate a failed present and anticipate a new future. We also reflect on the ideational underpinnings of the OECD's new futures programme, and argue it is being mobilised to, on the one hand, get beyond the limitations of data governance, and on the other to help selectively shape a new cognitariat subjectivity engaged with immaterial labour in emerging post-industrial capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the facilitation of the emancipatory in an International Baccalaureate (IB) context of privilege. It aligns with the idea that capitalism, even in welfare state democracies or 'do good' corporations, maintains the interests of the owners of capital. It is by nature unjust and exploitative and must conceal this injustice by securing a (spurious) legitimacy for itself. This makes a rare methodological contribution as the article provides critical 'meta-analysis' of IB research literature by prioritising work that affords insight into the lived reality within the IB-Sphere. It then triangulates this analysis through the work of German Social Philosopher Jürgen Habermas. This work provides a significant and timely contribution to 'franchised education' in the twenty-first Century, and will be of essential reading to scholars, policymakers and leadership whether involved in the IB, or active in the Neo Liberal spaces of education more generally: such as Multi Trust Academies, Free Schools, or Charter Schools. This is thanks to the lessons learned over nearly 60 years of educational franchise in a diverse and globalising sphere as presented here from IB research through critical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shirking, the act of avoiding the demands of one's job, is generally seen as unethical. Drawing on empirical evidence from the sociology of work, I develop a normative conception of shirking as a form of worker resistance against illegitimate managerial power. In doing so, I present a new approach to the political theory of the firm, which is more adversarial and agent-centered than available alternatives. It is more adversarial as it recognizes the political value of counterproductive and disruptive behavior in capitalist firms. It is more agent-centered because it theorizes the firm from the perspective of workers, asking what pro tanto reasons they have to shirk. I show that shirking under the structural domination of capitalism has diagnostic, agential, and epistemic values. The paper contributes to the wider methodological ambition to tailor political theorizing to the positionality of social actors by shifting attention from the institutional design of the firm to the methods of worker resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While arguing a strong defense of the humanities, this paper highlights its spirit and makes clear some misunderstandings and errors regarding the humanities. Nonetheless, a history of the humanities is left aside, here. Quite ion the contrary, this paper claims that capitalism is the main detractor and enemy of the humanities; not the contradictors and opponents of the free market system. A number of arguments and justifications are provided. The humanities basically consist in reaching a voice of its own. Several arguments make clear what this consists of. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1980s, U.S. finance has grown disproportionately in power and influence as American investment funds have become the largest shareholders of U.S. corporations, managing tens of trillions of dollars in investments. This paper provides a novel empirical analysis of the ascent of asset manager capitalism in the United States and explores the extent of its global spread by examining the SEC Form 13F filings of U.S. institutional investors along with an extensive global corporate ownership dataset provided by Orbis. This paper finds that U.S. finance owns approximately 60% of U.S. listed companies (an increase from 3% in 1945) and 28% of the equity of all globally listed firms. As the largest global shareholders and the exemplars of U.S. asset managers, the Big Three hold investments in 81% of U.S. listed companies and own 17% of the U.S. equity market, while also appearing as a shareholder in 20% of non-U.S. listed companies and owning 4% of the non-U.S. equity market. This paper illustrates that the ascent of the age of passive investment and universal ownership, exemplified by the activities of the Big Three, has produced a sectorally and geographically uneven landscape of capital flows, exacerbating the existing divides between the heartlands and hinterlands of global financial markets. With the ownership of listed companies being increasingly concentrated in the hands of a small number of increasingly powerful funds, this paper ultimately argues that it is in the ownership of the majority of global capital that the power of modern finance lies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Tanzania, the gender gap in sports participation remains largely due to socio-cultural and economic influences, partly due to the transition to a market economy and the Ujamaa policy. One of the reasons for lower participation of women compared with men is that many girls give up continuing with sport after primary school. In this situation, the Tanzania Ladies First (LF), a national sports competition exclusively for women, has been held since 2017. In this paper, a questionnaire survey and random interviews were conducted with selected and non-selected athletes for Tanzanian LF, and their parents to examine the role of the LF in the continuation of elite female athletes' sport by using a mixed method of quantitative and qualitative analysis. This paper found that participation in LF boosts subsequent continuation in sport. On the other hand, in the context of the transition to a market economy, this paper shows that LF may have fixed social and economic structures that allow only a few elite women athletes to continue in sport, rather than expanding women's participation in sport, which runs counter to the spirit of LF. This paper suggests that in the context of a market economy, it will be necessary to promote national awareness of LF to a wider audience and media to make LF more attractive to women and private companies. This paper also recommends the introduction of life skills training through sport for female students to encourage them to continue with sport after leaving school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the aurality of voice-activated AIs (VA AIs) through uncanny encounters with the devices. Glitches such as Alexa spontaneously bursting into laughter or accidental activations putting users' privacy at risk, have incited suspicions among users as to the motives of tech companies and the technical capabilities of their devices. Building on previous contributions that show that the feminised voices of VA AIs are strategically designed to display reassuring attributes and obscure surveillance practices, I discuss the aural moments in which VA AIs fail to reassure, shifting from a convenience to a threat through the experience of the uncanny. I argue that anxieties tied to VA AIs are both produced and mediated by their aurality: both their voices and listening practices. I theorise uncanny encounters with the voice and listening capacities of VA AIs such as glitches, features which seek to imitate humans, disembodied voices and disembodied listening, and invasions of privacy as enacting perversions of care and inducing fear of impersonation and intrusion. This paper contributes to the literature on the specificity of sound in conceptions of the uncanny valley, and also seeks to enrich conception of vocality and listening as vector of anxieties within the neoliberal condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I discuss how the earthquake risk is exploited by 'disaster capitalism', in order to convert Istanbul to a massive construction site. The shock of the 1999 Marmara Earthquake has been effectively used by the neoliberal market and government as 'a shock therapy' to implement a construction‐led development model for Turkey and to favour the construction sector by introducing new incentives, exceptional rights and interventions, which otherwise might be challenged. The current Turkish government justify the ongoing massive urban transformation and new mass housing projects as an improvement of the housing stock to make residential buildings stronger and more resilient to earthquakes. However, areas actually under earthquake risk do not match the areas that are officially declared under disaster risk by the government. The Disaster Law #6306 that granted the government the absolute right to expropriate land based on the justification of 'protecting residents against earthquakes and other natural disasters' was applied in a selective way to seize valuable land in Istanbul. In the paper I explore how the disaster was quickly converted to an opportunity for economic growth. To do that I introduce stories of three different neighbourhoods in Istanbul, namely Moda, Tozkoparan and Fikirtepe, each of which experience the ongoing massive urban transformation differently based on the land value of the neighbourhoods, class position of the residents, and residents' capacity to organise in order to protect their rights. I describe, how disaster capitalism is lived and experienced differently in these three neighbourhoods. Although the massive construction projects are indifferent to life's sustainability, those projects are justified as interventions in terms of public health and safety through making housing resilient to earthquakes. I critically discuss how in each case biopolitics presents disaster capitalism's massive urban transformation projects as a manifestation of liveliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gosta Esping-Andersen (1990), in his ground-breaking book, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, created a decommodification index to classify advanced capitalist countries into the liberal, conservative-corporatist, and social-democratic welfare regimes. One of the most common criticisms of Esping-Andersen's typology by feminists such as Jane Lewis (1992) is that it is 'male-centric' and did not address women's unpaid work with families. Ann Shola Orloff (1993) has gone a step further in the criticism of Esping-Andersen's typology by addressing women's opportunity to paid employment and the capability to establish and run an independent households. I originally used the framework to analyse the socio-legal dimensions of expenditure in MICs; in this paper, the decommodification index has focused on variables that are on the fiscal side. Theoretically, this paper contributes to gender and social policy discussions on women's access to employment and related entitlements. Empirically, it creates clusters of MICs into three based on latent class analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis of economic, social, and legal variables, such as availability of non-tax benefits to private child-care centres, provision of child-care services by the government; tax-deductible payments for child-care; provision of legal-aid for family and criminal issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts from the point that our current political‐economic‐climate conjuncture demands new engagements at the dynamic interface of climate capitalism. Using two cases of climate capitalist responses to climate challenges, I demonstrate the reparative potentials that emerge from the tensions and ambiguities that typify that conjuncture. In the first case, I examine financialised climate infrastructure in Jakarta, Indonesia, that promises to protect the city from flooding while enriching city elites, but against which diverse social movements and collectives have organised. The second case is about a cooperative energy provider in Australia, operating on the terrain of a neoliberalised electricity market and climate change, and working towards multifaceted repair by collectivising and redistributing surplus and modelling democratic engagement. Those involved in these vastly different cases both pursue repair and reparations through climate capitalist projects by reckoning with historical and present climate debts while constructing forward‐looking programs. As such, they chart the first steps towards reparative climate futures. This paper identifies the political and socioecological potentials from two key climate capitalist projects: flood protection infrastructures in Jakarta and cooperative energy in Australia. From this, it builds a framework of repair and reparations for engaging with climate capitalism and argues that the emerging tensions and ambiguities facilitate steps towards reparative climate futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the role of the 1948 currency and economic reform in West Germany for growth and social cohesion in Germany and Europe. It describes the theoretical foundation by Walter Eucken and the implementation and defense of the new economic order by Ludwig Erhard. The paper stresses the positive impact of the market economy on growth and welfare in Germany and Europe. Then, it is shown that Eucken's constituting principles of the market economy were gradually eroded after euro introduction in course of crises, with the negative repercussions on growth and equality being explained. The policy conclusion is that only the reconstitution of price stability in the euro area can prevent a further decline of welfare in Europe. The 1948 economic reforms provide an important blueprint for the necessary reform process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a history of the 'Kaldor-Hicks' concept of economic efficiency from its European birth in the 1930s to its American resurgence in the 1970s to its widespread implementation in the Global South by the early twenty-first century. While philosophers, economists and legal theorists have written widely about Kaldor-Hicks – global-minded intellectual historians have not. As a result, scholars have yet to place its creation, dissemination and ascendency into a broader historical context or examine the reasons behind its global spread. As this paper will demonstrate through the rise of cost–benefit analyses based on 'willingness to pay' metrics, while Kaldor-Hicks efficiency was invented by neoclassical economists in the late 1930s, its ascent to policy dominance is part-and-parcel of the neoliberal revolution of the past half century. Linking the history of economic thought with the rise of global neoliberalism, this paper demonstrates how Kaldor-Hicks efficiency emerged as a central pillar of a new, interventionist, wealth-maximizing and market-based form of depoliticized technocratic governance that not only marginalizes distributive concerns but actively exacerbates the problem of global inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the construction of London's West India Docks in 1802, I argue that this project established a feedback loop with conditions of production in the Caribbean. Through an analysis of committee minutes, letters, parliamentary papers and visual art, I move beyond economic accounts of slavery's impact to demonstrate how geographies of security and surveillance—first developed on the sugar plantation—were imported into the design and function of London's port. As such, I argue that London's docks produced a geography of segregation which offers a unique insight into the workings of racial capitalism and its exploitation of group‐differentiated vulnerabilities. Positioning my discussion alongside London's contemporary landscape, I excavate Britain's repressed memories of slavery to illustrate how they still scar the urban environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous Peoples are gaining renewed attention within both policy and academia, as examples of “resilience” and of non‐humanist, non‐modern ways of relating to nature, which might, it is hoped, provide tools to withstand the socio‐ecological crises associated with “the Anthropocene”. This paper argues that such representations obscure both their own colonial foundations and the ongoing forms of racialised dispossession and ecocide faced by Indigenous Peoples today. Instead, we conceptualise indigeneity and nature as deeply entangled categories that are co‐produced with capitalist modernity. Engaging anti‐colonial and Marxist scholarship, and drawing on our long‐term research with Indigenous movements in Bolivia and Colombia, we highlight how discursive and material assemblages of indigeneity and nature are dialectically linked to capitalist processes of dispossession and subaltern efforts to contest these. We further highlight how romanticised accounts of non‐modern nature‐cultures are unsettled by the violent world‐making of colonial capitalism and the unequal burdens placed on Indigenous territories and bodies. We use an ethnographic vignette from the Bolivian Chaco to illustrate the messy everyday ways in which real Indigenous people navigate, contest, endure, and make do amidst the contradictory processes of racialisation, dispossession, and conditional recognition that characterise their positioning within colonial capitalism. In doing so, we show how thinking from the sacrifice zones of extractive capitalism unsettles contemporary debates on decolonising nature in the Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of pluriversal politics, which encompasses the vast array of alternatives to ecologically destructive and colonial capitalism, is crucial for envisioning emancipatory futures. However, the diversity of the initiatives composing the pluriverse poses obstacles to the unity necessary to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, thus creating an intrinsic dilemma between diversity and unity. This paper explores the navigation of this challenge within emancipatory and pluriversal projects, drawing on material from ethnographic research on the Neapolitan Commons movement. The case study illuminates how social movement actors achieve simultaneous unity and diversity through the grassroots-developed concept of ‘hegemony of non-hegemony.’ In the Neapolitan context, this framework allows diversity to thrive while maintaining essential unity, crucial for confronting economic and political powers. The findings underscore how grassroots, autonomous, and pluriversal degrowth practices can challenge capitalist growth dynamics through unity in diversity, hence suggesting the unnecessary nature of state-led, top-down, or uniformizing approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'standard narrative' about capitalism and extreme poverty holds that the transition to the former was associated with a staggering reduction of the latter. Recently, this has been strongly called into question by a critical narrative grounded in a battery of non-GDP-based measures of extreme poverty and living standards, such as subsistence welfare ratios, skeletal height data, and famine reports. This critical narrative holds that extreme-poverty conditions were + rare in normal circumstances before the transition to capitalism, and that a significant deterioration amounting to extreme poverty happened in Europe and globally only afterwards. The present paper re-examines the issue, drawing on these and additional non-GDP-based historical sources of living standards, including formerly overlooked cases, such as pre-conquest Aztec Empire and Tokugawa-era Japan. It finds that the standard narrative's portrayal of the prevalence of extreme poverty before capitalism is indeed mistaken. However, it also takes issue with parts of the critical narrative, mainly the idea that capitalism caused severe deterioration in living standards. On a widely shared definition of capitalism, and a quantitatively demonstrated periodization of the transition, the notion that living standards were generally poor before a society's transition to capitalism and only started systematically improving afterwards has better support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of inventory costs are typically unpredictable because of the unpredictability of a competitive market. The fluctating demand from customer’s and the unpredictability of the market economy make it difficult for researchers and operation research practitioners to appropriately replicate an inventory problem. In order to prevail this type of unpredictability circumstances, in this paper, we have represented the inventory parameters as interval. Using this concept, we progressed a two-warehouse inventory model for deteriorating items with a fixed Shelf life, partially backlogging shortages and interval-valued deterioration rate. In addition to this the parameters like ordering cost, purchase cost, shortage cost, deterioration cost for both the rented and owned warehouse except the backlogging parameter have been considered as interval-valued. The uncertainty in the inventory parameters motivated us to view them as interval-valued in the present research. Based on the assumptions, the cost function of this problem is a highly nonlinear constraint optimization problem. Mathematica is used to tackle this nonlinear optimization problem. A numerical example has been presented to demonstrate the computational result. Then, a sensitivity analysis has been performed to study the effect of changes of different parameters of the model on the optimal policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just as the Frankfurt School responded to the radicalisation of the working class in Germany and the rise of post-war consumerism in the United States, today, we are confronted by platform monopolies, automated hyper-consumption and technological control. Critical approaches to digital media have exposed the structural coupling of Internet use and capital accumulation for almost two decades. However, many authors building on this tradition can struggle to understand how online social interaction is controlled beyond the worn-out critique of false consciousness or beyond conceptualising all digital activity mediated by data as labour. This paper will attempt to theoretically untangle the Marxian ontology of labour and the Frankfurt School-inspired critique of everyday life. This is not just theoretical nit-picking. Society becomes completely dominated if we accept no difference between wage labour and lifeworld activities. Each contains its internal struggles. The value form regulates both in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between Canadian sovereignty and the removal of Indigenous children into non-native foster and adoptive homes. In it, I analyze how colonial child protection regimes following Residential Schools—from the Sixties Scoop (1951–1991) to the present Millennium Scoop—continue Canada's war against Indigenous lives and nations. From Sixties Scoop survivor narratives, ethnographic and archival data, and Indigenous and Black feminist theory, I highlight the gendered character of colonial sovereignty and capitalism. This paper argues that daily practices of refusal and care as an elaboration of Indigenous political orders unmake the grounds of colonial polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of philosophical perspectives, such as deep ecology, posthumanism, and new materialisms, to name a few, have challenged the deep-rooted anthropocentric assumptions about human exceptionalism. Yet these non-anthropocentric perspectives must still find a place for human action; they require clear conceptualisations of human action and agency. It is generally acknowledged that human beings have a weighty moral responsibility for correcting the current global ecological crisis. For more than two millennia, theories of praxis supplied conceptualisations of action for the good of humankind. In this paper, we argue that the non-anthropocentric perspectives can be substantially extended and enhanced by a new theory of transformative praxis that breaks through the anthropocentric limit imposed by the notion of 'the good for humankind' to embrace collective human action for planetary well-being. We call this approach a praxis orientation to environmental education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores Michael Novak's understanding of the human person and his normative case for the market economy, specifically its points of agreement and tension with natural rights libertarianism. For Michael Novak, the imago dei provides the strongest account for the relationship between the market economy, human dignity, and natural rights. Rationalistic attempts, such as those within libertarianism, cannot adequately ground human dignity or sustain free institutions capable of serving the common good, the market economy, and political liberty. However, Novak's affinity to his libertarian interlocutors presents an opportunity for dialogue on the necessity of economic freedom and related theological influences on natural rights theory for securing human flourishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the EU member countries that obey the rule of law principle, the legislative work of the parliament supports the market economy by producing public capital. In many cases, legislation is connected to public investment projects, and sometimes also to socially important private projects. Both include public benefits and costs, but also public risks. Moreover, as the public commitment to major private undertakings may preclude both immaterial and material contributions, there is a noteworthy threat that an accidental actualization of the remainder risk caused by some unforeseen incident would fall heavily on the taxpayers. This paper constructs a club theoretic model for the analysis of representative democracy. In the model, the public commitment to a private project is decided by the simple majority voting rule in the parliament. The analysis shows that strict assessment of the remainder risk may halt the whole undertaking implying that the promised social benefits are also lost. As a solution, we propose a constitutional Investment Fund, which would launch short-maturity public bonds to citizens and pension funds, earmarked to the material part of the public commitment to private projects. The system could partly privatize the public remainder risk so that only the immaterial part remains to common taxpayers thus increasing the probability of a majority vote for the project. At the same time, the government would get equity finance for its investments, and the citizens and pension funds would hold securities with tangible net asset value. The system should increase precision in public debt and risk management and bring democracy, public governance, and the market economy closer to each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the intricate relationship between universities as socio-academic institutions, society at large, and technology. Through a general analysis, we aim to comprehend how a multidisciplinary university mediates and catalyzes the interaction between technology and society. Our examination encompasses both theoretical foundations and practical considerations, examining the ways interdisciplinary approaches facilitate this relationship within the context of technocapitalism. Additionally, we present potential guidelines to enhance the interconnectedness of technology, universities, and society. Based on our findings, we suggest that universities can play a crucial role in bridging the societal-technological divide, but only if they undergo restructuring that fosters the strong version of cross-disciplinary knowledge and robust multidisciplinary thinking in professional training and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world of work is changing rapidly in myriad ways. The processes of digitization are enabling workers from different parts of the world to compete in a global market over the Internet without moving to different locations. Many employers are opting for hybrid working solutions in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. As a result, some commentators have suggested the end of globalization, while others are hoping that a fairer society will emerge. This paper departs from such rigid assessments of the future of work and instead attempts to understand the multi-dimensional transformations in the world of work through the lens of the global gig economy. It argues that the gig economy is the latest manifestation of capitalism's drive to accumulate which in turn produces uneven geographical developments. It concludes by outlining some strategies to build better work futures in a globalized world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]