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The ontic and epistemic, even ethical and aesthetic existence of human beings acquires meaning with identity. Identity is a paradoxical structure that expresses involvement and integrity as well as marginalizing and revealing differences. Common language, values, attitudes, opinions and beliefs are the causes and effects of identification. The individual or micro is surrounded by the society or macro, and macro has introduced to the micro. The macro world constructs the psychological and cognitive structure of the micro world. But at the same time, the background of this macro world is determined by the identities that it shares with the micro world. The identities that make up the collective identities may differ according to the conjuncture. Thus, identity has been built with understanding that changes according to time and society. Religious hegemony was dominant in most parts of the world during the Middle Age. Thus, religion which essentially means transforming chaos into cosmos, was used as the most important tool to maintain order by the states. It retained its dominant position over political and other decisions by the authority for many years. This situation brought a society based on religious identity. This structure had created an organic bond between the state and society. This link was the only representative of identity. The organic bond between the state and society was likewise built on religion in the Ottoman Empire. It was placed as the unique element that shaped the perception of individual or collective identity. Religious differences in Ottoman Empire constitutes the epistemological essence of identity. Placing religion merely in the semantic domain of the concept of identity was making it decisive of identity. The fact that social identity corresponds only to religious partnership, independent of cultural and linguistic partnership, has caused individual reality to deviate from social reality, in the population known as Karamanlides in the current literature that will be used in this paper as the Turkophone Anatolian Orthodoxes. This deviation would be particularly felt in the following centuries, when religious affiliation would be replaced by tribal belonging. This paper takes issue with cultural identities of two communities that were separated by religion. It seeks to reveal cultural identicalness of two communities when religious identity has not been replaced by tribal one. It is based on the work Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι that was published in 1896 and was the first folk magazine in the Ottoman Empire, points out the commonality, in other words, integration in the individual existence of social identities separated by the religion. A particular focus is on one of the folk songs in the booklet Ανατολ Τουρκιουλερι, which contains folk songs collected through field research among Orthodox people: “A Girl Being Bride”. The Turkish poet in question has a pseudonym with the other image of his poet: The poet has a marginalised alias named: “Kul Shadi”. In the axis of Kul Shadi and his Turkish folk song with Greek Letters known as Karamanli Turkish in the current literature and named in this article as Turkish with Greek Letters, this article aims to determine language and cultural identities between two communities in the Ottoman Empire that had been separated by religious identities, however, essentially they could not be separated. Consequently, it is proper to say that a single subject as the bearer of social idendity is inadequate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Treaty of Westphalia, sovereign states have combined national security with border security, as border is accepted as the line of sovereignty that separates "us" from "others". The step of forming a European identity as a supra-identity apart from the national identities of the European countries within the borders of each state takes its roots from this perception of being "us". Though highlighted in Copenhagen Criteria that the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities are ensured; when we look at today's immigration policies we see a serious deviation from this founding approach emphasizing and ensuring multiculturalism. With labour migration in the 1960s, refugees fleeing Yugoslavia in the 1990s, and the 2015 refugee crisis, Europe's population structure began to change. Following the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the security approach has taken the place of economic considerations in migration management. The 2015 refugee crisis has become not only a border security crisis but also a crisis of European identity and welfare state protection. This paper aims to investigate the effects of religion, nationalism, and economic concerns on the transformation of immigration policies after 2015 in Denmark, which employs extreme restrictive policies, and Sweden, which has a relatively welcoming culture. The majority of the literature discusses whether those countries are religious or secular; it is expected that the study contributes to a better understanding of the impact of religion and nationalism on migration policies, as well as a discussion of its future implications. Denmark had been extremely homogeneous with only one language and religion and no ethnic minorities, though, this homogeneous structure has begun to deteriorate with the increase in non-western immigration since the 1990s. While the Danish Law of 1983 was widely regarded as the most liberal in Europe, after 1990, equal rights were replaced by immigrant responsibility and integration. With the rise of the anti-immigrant parties in the 2001 elections, social rights were curtailed, and Danish values took centre stage. In Denmark, rules like reducing social assistance after 2015 aim to protect the welfare state, whereas rules like the ban on the burqa and the handshake in the naturalization ceremony are motivated by other factors. The Danish Prime Minister announced the zero-refugee target, the anti-immigrant farright Danish People's Party declared their intention to reduce the number of all immigrants. So, a new discourse has emerged in which no form of immigration is desired. On the other hand, Sweden follows Denmark slightly behind in terms of process, but by going through literally the same processes. While positive discourse about immigrants had been dominant in Sweden, which implemented multicultural policies, the discourse turned negative with the 2015 refugee crisis. Increasing unemployment among immigrants, income inequality, and Swedish identity discussions seems to lead to a rise in nationalism and nativism in the 2022 elections, as well as a reduction in the generosity of the welfare state. Denmark and Sweden cases show how similar welfare states with the same historical and immigration background respond differently to the refugee crisis. While the unemployment rate for foreign-born workers is high in both countries, it is more than three times higher in Sweden. Refugee crisis has made religious identity more visible and put pressure on Scandinavian welfare model as well as governments. Although integration and assimilation policies are brought to the forefront in terms of religious behaviour patterns of Muslims, the emphasis on religion is not made directly, instead, it is made through the symbols of Islam. The reason why Muslims considered as "others" mainly takes its foundation from this difference. Although they do not make religion an important part of their life, and atheism is higher than other parts of the world, in many European countries Christianity is still considered an important part of the European identity and the Church is an important part of it. According to the conclusion of this study, it is highly possible that Denmark might serve as a model to Europe, primarily to Nordic countries, and this strengthens the possibility that anti-immigrant opposition will sharpen and divide societies. The effects of radical Islam, which is gradually increasing its influence around the world, is undoubtedly huge in these politics throughout Europe; however, abandoning or deviating from policies targeting multiculturalism might cause isolation and alienation of immigrants, who are already fleeing from terrorism, and push them towards radicalization which constitutes another danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]