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Law as Refuge of Anarchy: Societies without Hegemony or State: by Hermann Amborn, translated by Adrian Nathan West, Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, 2019, 280 pp., $19.95T/£14.99 (paper) Late in his exceedingly protracted life, Ernst Jünger introduced the term "anarch" to refine his notion of resistance amid political decay. Jünger's concept of the "anarch" filled in the space for theories of anarchism equivalent to that occupied by the word "monarch" in theories of monarchy and monarchism. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyses how 'criticality' is negotiated in the global policy frameworks on Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) and re-conceptualised in Vietnamese ESD policymaking. Taking the context of Viet Nam, this paper reflects on what constitutes criticality in education in the light of cultural and historical contexts of the education systems. The comparative perspective helps explore whether (1) universal or decontextualised 'criticality' exists or (2) whether 'criticality' is culturally negotiated based on the premise that educational imaginaries of societal formation and transformation are historically and contextually embedded and contingent. In addition, this paper connects the ongoing debate on the critical potential of ESD within the field of environmental education (EE) research to comparative education research by highlighting both what a comparative perspective might offer to EE research and what recent developments in EE research might contribute to comparative education research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why have Singapore's unique developmental state arrangements persisted in a region which has experienced democratic change? This paper argues that this is due to the PAP state's successful legitimation of its unique brand of meritocracy, one which has both competitive and interventionist elements. During the colonial era, a culture of economic meritocracy evolved in a bottom-up process through social and commercial interactions between the British class and Chinese community. This was then transmuted by the PAP's top-down imposition of the institutions and discourses of political meritocracy. This cultural hybrid allows the state to sustain its hegemony in the face of progressive social change. Accordingly, our emphasis on the wider institutional environment within which merit is conceived helps to better illuminate Singapore's challenges of encouraging organic innovation, alleviating social stratification, and opening up its political arena. This paper suggests that the problems in these areas stem not from meritocracy per se, but from the PAP's "monocentric meritocracy" where merit is narrowly defined and singularly imposed in the post-colonial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the diverse multiethnic setting of colonial New Spain, women faced challenges in separating themselves from marriages they considered unendurable. The Catholic Church, which exercised hegemony over definitions of marriage in the colony, controlled access to permanent, formal separation or "ecclesiastical divorce", while secular courts offered shorter-term separations generally aimed at reunifying couples. Outside of these options, flight, concealment, and bigamy, or "self-divorce," offered the only recourse for women seeking to leave an untenable relationship. While it is well known that few women sought (and even fewer were granted) ecclesiastical divorce, it is clear that many women sought separation through formal and informal means. Using ecclesiastical petitions for divorce, this paper investigates the experience of deposit (depósito) for New Spain's separated women. Deposit was likely a primary goal of women's divorce petitions. Moreover, the hegemony of marriage was less complete in reality than in ideology; the number of single women in the colony is now known to be vast, and their networks substantial. Building on Bird's and Megged's insights on separation and singleness, this paper argues that studying deposit reveals a custom that offered women of all classes a substantial degree of respite and agency in separation, particularly in the early colony, when institutional options were less formalized. Sometimes, depósito permitted lengthy separations that blurred into permanency, while at other times it served as a crucial safety valve. Nonetheless, the practice was a contested terrain on which husbands also sought to exercise power and control. Deposit, therefore, was a highly ambivalent form of "separation" in Latin America. This was undoubtedly true both in the early-colonial period and thereafter, but as colonial society matured and institutional deposit became more possible and common, men's power was enhanced. Studying the practice before the late seventeenth century therefore reveals some of the ways that early colonial societal flux authorized female agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the hegemonic pedagogical-cultures-based narratives that I experienced in my science teaching and learning journey. Furthermore, in this paper, I also envisage different methods for deconstructing the overwhelming influence of hegemony in the science classroom. I focus on two research questions: (1) In what ways could I explore the deep-seated, hegemonic-science, pedagogical culture in my science teaching and learning? (2) How could I envisage the possible ways for deconstructing hegemony in science education? In this autoethnographic inquiry, I used the 'knowledge-constitutive interests' theory as a referent in data text generation and meaning-making. This theoretical lens helped unfold the deep-rooted, hegemony-like singular and absolute scientific knowledge consumption practice. While engaging in reflection-on-/in-/for-actions, I realized the need for curious, contextual and cultural selves and communication as a dance rather than a war for reforming and transforming these deep-seated, hegemonic, pedagogical cultures and identities. Moreover, I also attempt to practise the transdisciplinary STEAM (science, technology, engineering, arts and mathematics) approach for connecting classroom science learning with learners' lives. I believe that it could support reforming/transforming my sit-and-get science teaching. Therefore, I also offer to be involved in a transdisciplinary pedagogy (like STEAM), research and academic writing for transformative curricular praxis and inclusive science learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korean conglomerates’ strategies used to convey their interests as the interests of all. Their hegemonic strategy was one factor in overcoming the authority crisis triggered by bribery scandals in 2016–2017. They adopted strategies such as social contribution activities and implemented hegemonic strategies, involving (1) social movements and non-governmental organizations, (2) the media and publishing sectors, and (3) academia and the educational community. They funded pro-chaebol social movements and controlled the media through advertising and journalists. Conglomerates also used publishing companies to spread their ideas and developed think tanks. They advocated for owner management rights, tax cuts, deregulation, labour flexibility, and managed academics. They engaged in educating teachers, creating economics textbooks, and building university student networks. Although the strategies have yielded results, the resistance has not vanished. Through this study we can consider the significance of the authority crisis, hegemonic strategies, and capital-civil society relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses a rhizomic authoritarianism that generally operates through a complex network of connections. It provides a genealogical reading of the authoritarian rule in Cameroon, with a particular focus on the roles of France and China, using both primary and secondary sources. Specifically, it seeks to enlighten the complex processes through which a transnational authoritarianism has been established in Cameroon over the past six decades, as well as how the formation of strategic alliances between local political actors and international institutions has contributed to the normalization of authoritarian policies and practices that sometimes occur in transregional contexts. The paper's main argument is that the authoritarian system Cameroon has experienced since the late 1950s is rhizomatic in nature and is partially the result of the hegemonic interventions of international powers such as France and China in the country's politics and economy, as well as its development and modernization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the hegemony of developmentalism in early childhood education and care, this article uses a poetic juxtapositional approach to bewilder Piaget's theory of cognitive development. Critical consideration of how the theory of cognitive development has contributed to the imagining of a universal, ahistorical child and childhood(s) are discussed and analysed whilst providing a rationale for a more complex and nuanced understanding of how children develop, drawing on the theoretical concept of clocking practices. This paper analyses data from Piaget's writing in 'The Origins of Intelligence in Children' and micro-ethical events from research with children, teachers, families from an affirmative diffractive stance through the lens of bewilderment. Creative poetic vignettes are included which encourage readers to unsettle dominant and deficit assumptions made about children and their abilities, framed by Piagetian theory. The insights are shared via three propositions: following learning experiences of and with children requires openness, forms of resistance to linear understandings of time are generative, and resist the desire to chase secure meanings and intentions. These propositions and the corresponding questions offer possibilities for seeing children's ideas and contributions through a capability-oriented lens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of pluriversal politics, which encompasses the vast array of alternatives to ecologically destructive and colonial capitalism, is crucial for envisioning emancipatory futures. However, the diversity of the initiatives composing the pluriverse poses obstacles to the unity necessary to dismantle interconnected systems of oppression, thus creating an intrinsic dilemma between diversity and unity. This paper explores the navigation of this challenge within emancipatory and pluriversal projects, drawing on material from ethnographic research on the Neapolitan Commons movement. The case study illuminates how social movement actors achieve simultaneous unity and diversity through the grassroots-developed concept of ‘hegemony of non-hegemony.’ In the Neapolitan context, this framework allows diversity to thrive while maintaining essential unity, crucial for confronting economic and political powers. The findings underscore how grassroots, autonomous, and pluriversal degrowth practices can challenge capitalist growth dynamics through unity in diversity, hence suggesting the unnecessary nature of state-led, top-down, or uniformizing approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore has displayed a continued ability to confound the assumed symbiotic relationships between democratization, economic growth, and liberalism. This paper historicizes the development, use, and understanding of a popular idiom frequently employed in Singaporean electoral discourse – “bread-and-butter” – to explore the relationship between hegemonic discourses, social attitudes, and political contestation in Singapore. Doing so reveals a complex pattern of the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) ideological-discursive legwork: bread-and-butter issues are discursively constituted around a set of core economic issues and demarcated as the key political concerns of voters, while calls for more liberal or progressive changes in society are bracketed within the sphere of postmaterialist values. By seeking to maintain the hegemonic notion of the party as the guarantor of basic material goods, PAP sets the terms of competition in electoral politics to issues that are its perceived strengths. The party’s continued ability to provide economic goods contributes to its political success, stalling the growth of liberalization and a more competitive political landscape in Singapore. Bread-and-butter discourse therefore reflects and reproduces the preeminence of materialism in Singapore’s politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the twelfth century, certain thinkers in the north of Europe were exalting human reason in a manner that had not been seen since the time of the ancient philosophers. Adelard of Bath, William of Conches, Thierry of Chartres and Peter Abelard all championed ratio in a way that seemed to challenge the hegemony of learning that rested securely with the authority of scripture, the testament of the Fathers and the canons of the established councils. In so doing, it represented a significantly different approach from the firmly established 'authors' (auctores) as certain scholars pursued their learning, and indeed even divine ascent, via other avenues. Even the visionary Hildegard von Bingen set enormous stock in rationality. This paper will discuss the use of reason for the anagogic ascent to the divine in order to trace its roots to a Platonic understanding of the universe in tandem with a highly positive anthropology that allowed for a bold reassessment of human capabilities, as well as a new appreciation of nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the relationship between China's maritime security policy and territorial disputes in the gray zone in the South China Sea. The study examines this relationship through the strategy and means of Chinese maritime security policy, aiming to clarify the factors that influenced this policy to drag its territorial disputes into the gray zone. The article argues that the rivalries between countries in the region fostered by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) operated as an external pressure on China. Furthermore, geopolitical factors and the perception of the Chinese ruling elite have contributed to considering the UNCLOS as a threat to China's maritime interests in the South China Sea. Consequently, the Chinese maritime security policy seeks to shift the status quo in the region to establish China as a hegemonic regional power with its sphere of influence while avoiding an open war with its neighbors and the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of the tribal woman in movies is inextricably linked to patriarchal biases and pleasure aesthetics. What counts in representation here is the depiction of the alienated subject as an eroticized object with show-girl connotations. Even as progressive film makers valorize the sexuality of tribal women, movies like Ayyappanum Koshiyum offer a totally different and subversive perspective. Tribal woman as portrayed in the movie is displayed not as a spectacle but as a woman who defines her own power equations. This paper critically analyses the visual nuances that subvert the hegemonic subaltern female discourse using the example of the Malayalam movie Ayyappanum Koshiyum and attempts to decode the politics of representation that continuously engages in redefining identities through various art forms especially films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenization has been an important nationalist project undertaken by various colonized countries seeking to liberate the existing knowledge systems from colonial hegemony. In India too, one witnesses serious efforts at indigenization that began during the colonial rule as part of the anti-colonial nationalist struggle. This continued after independence with new vigour. It found resonance in the domain of social sciences and the Indian social scientists have been engaged in debates around decolonizing the extant knowledge texts in their respective domains. An essential part of indigenization of social science in the Indian context is their vernacularization, which implies a process of translation and adaptation of the knowledge texts in its diverse local/regional languages. Underscoring the importance of both the processes in decolonizing the social sciences, the paper also highlights the existing and the emerging challenges to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Korea's (ROK) Indo-Pacific strategy is widely interpreted as mimicking the language, tone, and agendas of the US Indo-Pacific strategy. Drawing upon existing theoretical work on hierarchy and international relations, this paper challenges simplistic views of the ROK strategy as a pro-US document by presenting a new model of intra-hierarchical messaging to explain how demonstrations of solidarity with a hegemonic order (compliance narratives) can also contain attempts to reassign responsibilities and privileges within this order (distinction narratives). Applying this framework to the ROK strategy reveals how a strong compliance narrative supporting the US hegemonic system exists alongside a distinction narrative articulating a more profitable role for the ROK that deviates from US expectations. Although this strategy has partly elevated Korean status in the US world order, tensions between these narratives may lead to potential negative outcomes for the ROK, such as empty solidarity or reined in leadership. Nevertheless, the article concludes that it may be in US interests to continue this renegotiation of the hegemonic contract. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Western modernity has systematically made ancestral and indigenous knowledge invisible through their use of scientific logic, making school a space of hegemonic control through the western knowledge taught in the official curriculum. Despite that, in Chile advances in matters of constitutional recognition and cultural value are rare. Ten years ago, on the country's southern coast, the first mapuce bafkehce school was erected with a curriculum designed to reflect and benefit its own territory. The Kom Pu Lof Ñi Kimeltuwe is an institution that, through mapuce bafkehce pedagogy and insurgent education, challenges and reframes kimeltuwun/kimkantun (teaching-learning) practices. This paper provides an account of the insurgent education which took place in Jaqepvjv lof1 while also exploring the central elements that constitute the educational project present in this Lof, known as Kom Pu Lof Ñi Kimeltuwe, located in the Araucanía Region, Teodoro Smith commune, Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the role of Islamic jurisprudence in creating and sustaining forms of social dependency in the oases of Tuwāt (in present-day southern Algeria). Drawing upon a series of fatwā s collections compiled between 1750 and 1850, I examine how Saharan legal scholars reinforced the structural hegemony of local elites and ensured their control over servile and semi-servile groups, particularly the Haratin population. The materials reveal that jurisprudential techniques and arguments were instrumental in fostering practices of subordination, most notably through the defense of exploitative sharecropping arrangements. The tendency of local jurists to uphold individual property rights de facto worked in favor of descent groups claiming genealogical and cultural superiority. It significantly contributed to the maintenance of unequal relationships between individuals and social groups in a society profoundly shaped by the trans-Saharan slave trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we respond to this special issue's critical focus on mental health in education by considering the medicalised and homogenising approaches to the mental health of young people and the severely negative consequences for young people. Our argument is underpinned by the need to destabilise the hegemony of the current dominant discourses and practices of mental health used in education. The problem with these discourses and practices, informed by particular forms of psychiatry and psychology, is precisely their dominance and their popularised proxy take-up of these. We firstly outline this problem, explore the emergence and saturation of a 'damaged self' in education and consider the impact on young people. We offer counter-narratives that involve a reframing of the self in relation to ethics, politics, capability and the arts and can assist in countering the psy-dominance in education. The paper concludes with some reflections on how teachers might work against the damaging effects of the psy-disciplines and instead support young people in finding their counter-narrative selves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses the Kemalist dailies' presentation of veiled female students who protested the discrimination they faced when the hijab was banned at Turkish universities. Although such discrimination has since been quashed, the ideology that produced and legitimised it is still alive. The media, an important means of reproducing the Kemalist hegemony, relativised or legitimised discrimination against these students by discursively constructing them as a destructive force that threatened the secular or der. This construct is based on the Kemalist conception of modernisation, equated with secularisation, where "the limit of the expression of religion in Turkey is the skin of a citizen". The analysed examples reinforce the construct by integrating multimodal elements, including the text itself, typographical elements, page layouts, and accompanying images and caricatures. The paper confirms the importance of analysing linguistic and other semiotic elements of discourse in the research of complex social phenomena like discrimination, hegemony, and ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal in this paper is to analyze the narrator of the novels Papá (2003), La patria (2006), Wërra (2020), Darwin o el origen de la vejez (2022) e Historia íntima del amor masculino (2022), by the Argentinian writer Federico Jeanmaire, from a gender perspective focused on the study of new masculinities. These autobiographic novels are characterized by being narrated in first person by a narrator that functions as a transposition of the author himself, who recalls his life experiences. Particularly, the paper focuses on investigating the relation between the narrator and hegemonic masculinities and its institutions, as well as on attitudes he unfolds in his own emotions or in the romantic love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how neoliberalism impedes the emergence of alternative organizations. Via a mix of (auto‐)ethnography and memory work, it explains how neoliberal values replacing more traditional ones eroded the collective capacity to bring solutions to scarcity problems in today's Lebanon. It points to the stigmatization of the role of mothers, who once were the "guardians" of organizing around commons, and the alternative values necessary for that. It shows how neoliberal values undermined relationships and decisions based on affect, and promoted individualization and market‐based expertise, thereby destroying the authority of traditional motherhood. Also, neoliberalism introduced the importance of branding and accumulation in a manner that made sharing very difficult. These changes in values prevented people who embraced neoliberal culture from benefiting from commoning practices in a context of scarcity. This happens at a time where scholars predict the end of the age of abundance and the importance of commoning as a social arrangement capable of ensuring overall well‐being. The paper concludes with a discussion of the necessity of de‐stigmatizing values that are not compatible with the neoliberal ideology for the sake of leaving open the possibility of organizing differently and adapting to a changing environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why and when do today's Far‐Right groups cooperate across national boundaries? This paper seeks to provide answers to these questions by examining a deviant rather than representative case: the transnational connections between right‐wing intellectuals in South Korea and Japan. Analysing the recent publication of a highly controversial and provocative book and the transnational politics around it, we emphasise the roles of right‐wing intellectuals and the processes by which divergent political interests converge in changing geopolitical and domestic political contexts. By situating Far Right activities in its broader context of shaping—colonial history, American hegemony and the confrontation with socialist regimes such as China and North Korea—this paper develops a contextual account of the transnational Far Right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper tracks the rise of German dominance since Bismarck’s unification of Germany in 1871 and during the 20th century, when the Germans used their economic, demographic, and military power in addition to geopolitical theories, particularly the vital space theory, to support expansionism. The «German question» evolved in the wake of the two world wars as the European States’ main concern was how to maintain a peaceful, powerful Germany. Following the Ukrainian war, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz declared Germany’s goal to have the greatest army in Europe, modernize military industries, and allocate 100 billion Euros for the defense budget. Accordingly, as strong Germany, historically, has always sought to dominate its neighbors, the paper examines the possible scenarios for the rise of Germany and its dominance over the European Union. What will be the repercussions of Germany’s rise on the future of the European Union and its institutions, and the potential incentives for cooperation and collaboration among European nations? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on Realism theory, this paper provides an explanation of the importance of power in International Relations, by analyzing the behavior of China and Japan in the East Asian region, and also the behavior of the United States of America towards them as the dominant superpower under the current international system. It answers the problem of the transfer of power from the West to the East, and in return supports the assumption that the Great Powers seek to possess relative power as much as possible. The paper also emphasizes that the State should not undermine or renounce its offensive power, as with Japan, because that will put it in front of a dilemma of the growing the power of neighboring States that seek to achieve regional hegemony, such as China. Therefore, all of these transformations show that international relations are a complex field and should not be reduced to a specific ideal field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decades, ecofeminist thought has moved into a 'fourth stage critical ecofeminism' (Gaard 2017, xvi), based on an understanding that humans are unavoidably part of a multifaceted and interconnected global ecosystem. This paper suggests that ecofeminist theory and practice can now grow further into a fifth stage: an era of expanded intersectionality that moves beyond the dualisms and hegemonies of neo-liberal patriarchal and colonial capitalist structures that can limit ecofeminist theorizing and material practice. This fifth stage must be based on an amalgamation of engaged theory, education, and activism, grounded in ancient wisdom and with the understanding that all material-discursive phenomena are interconnected. For this next era of ecofeminism, the terms intraconnectivism and intraconnective education (Siegel 2022) are proposed. Intraconnectivism offers a bridge that connects past theoretical frameworks with ecofeminist presents. It can build a helpful theoretical pathway through and amongst the non-dualistic educational pedagogies that are needed at this time, as well as expand understanding of the role that gender and other identities can play in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines dance reviews of transnational performances of Indian male dancers Uday Shankar and Ram Gopal from the 1930s to the 1950s. Throughout, this research seeks to contribute to methods for decolonizing dance criticism by advocating for embodied spectatorship as well as evaluation that challenges hegemony by validating classical traditions and innovative artistry. Western and Indian critics savored the rasa, meaning the flavor of the performances, and criticism reactivated the felt or sensorial experience in what I term post-performance performative. In India, anti-Orientalist criticism reclaimed traditions that critics in Europe and the United States had dismissed as irrational and unprogressive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on feminist and critical theories of politics and emotions, this paper attends to the hegemony of Social Emotional Learning (SEL) for multiply-marginalized students and explores what exemplary Young Adult (YA) novels can teach scholars, educators, and students about the productive use of anger in the face of injustice. Two acclaimed young adult novels are examined using Critical Content Analysis to illustrate the potential for using such books to critically discuss what anger does in the face of injustice related to race and gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the representations of U.S. statesmen, Bolívar, and San Martín during the centenaries of the Monroe Doctrine (1923) and the Congress of Panama (1926). On the one hand, it examines the characterizations of U.S. leaders and Bolívar, as well as the connections established between them, in the public interventions of various agents and articulators of U.S. Pan-American policy in the Americas during both commemorations. On the other hand, it explores the tensions and exchanges that these operations generated with "Bolivarian" political and literary referents, who insisted on presenting the Liberator as the unique father of Pan-Americanism. Finally, this article focuses on the efforts of some important politicians and intellectuals of Argentine and Chilean origin who tried to attribute to San Martín and other historical figures of the time a significant role in the birth of continental solidarity and cooperation. Ultimately, I argue that these centenaries triggered a series of complex political-ideological interactions among numerous diplomats, politicians, and intellectuals from across the continent, proving that the 1920s was a time of strong hegemonic expectations in which history became a powerful and effective resource in the attempt to reorganize and/or secure the hierarchies of the inter-American order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses and expands the concept of a 'political moral economy' to better understand elite attempts to justify and promote capitalist development strategies linked to the proliferation of 'smart technologies' such as big data, mobile communications, and the construction of hi-tech cities. Drawing on an Ideology and Discourse analysis perspective on hegemony introduced by Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe, it aims to show how market-based 'smart development' across the African continent has discursively incorporated resistance moralities associated with popular critiques of elite corruption, foreign exploitation, and local economic marginalisation for its overall political success. To do so, it will focus on the case of 'Leapfrogging development' discourses and the planned construction of the Technopolis Konza in Kenya. The key advance of this article is showing how dominant ideologies – and the domestic and foreign regimes of elite power they support – can be strengthened through processes of 'moral legitimisation' and 'moral disciplining'. Specifically, this moral dimension of hegemony involves the ongoing incorporation and strategic redeployment of existing and emergent normative discourses for the purpose of providing political legitimacy to these governing ideologies and further attempting to normatively regulate populations in accordance with their core values and interests – even in the face of their practical and ongoing failures as policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The close scrutiny of social movements in Morocco during the last decade shows that contentious politics changed dramatically from overt high-risk acts of indignation and public defiance in the streets during the Arab Spring to low-risk, tactical boycott campaigns on Facebook and single-issue movements during the last four years. The purpose of this paper is to suggest how we might read, interpret and understand the politics of contention in Morocco in terms of political opportunities. This article argues that political opportunities can be best apprehended using some context-dependent variables and showing the causal correlation between claims as an independent variable and outcomes represented by three dependent variables, namely recognition, policy change and repression. The aim is to map the field and study the political opportunities available to social movements through their contingent antagonistic interactions with the state. The study of variables revealed how structural features of the state and its conjunctural aspects shape political opportunities in Morocco. Though tactical variations were at play, the article delineated relatively constant mechanisms in these interactions. The article analysed data collected from social media and state television using a mixed method approach (netnography, grounded theory and critical discourse analysis). The results show that the Moroccan regime has been reluctant to respond positively to the social movements' claims and to implement any qualitative changes in policy, and reacted in most cases by smear campaigns, discrediting counter-narratives before using coercive means. The Moroccan state is more preoccupied with promoting its image internationally, though. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the policies of international cultural exchange of socialist Yugoslavia are reflected at the level of biennial crossroads, using the example of the Ljubljana International Biennial of Graphic Arts (IBGA). Our research is based on the analysis of archival materials, existing literature, and interviews with the participants of the Biennial in the studied period. The Cuban example is highlighted in this paper to examine the example of the renowned designer and graphic artist Félix Beltrán to show that there was no firm international cultural policy on the Yugoslavian institutional level. With the transition to market socialism and the liberalization with which Yugoslavia began to approach the Western capitalist economy, something similar happened at the level of international cultural policy. The West held the leading position in global cultural politics, which managed to preserve capitalism and make it part of the culture with its hegemonic cultural code. This also announced the beginning of the decline of international socialist history, which was very noticeable in the field of cultural crossings, such as biennials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how musicians sympathetic to MDC appropriate, exploit, and ultimately seem to fall victim to the narrative traps present in Chimurenga music and its role in Zimbabwe's political history. In this paper MDC's Chimurenga music videos and songs are analyzed to bring out deep lying meanings and placed in a historic context. The paper analyses how the visual and lyrical content contest the 'authorized' version of Chimurenga to the extent of creating a new understanding of Chimurenga discourse and Chimurenga music. The selected video text helps identify lines of appropriation and contamination/mutation as it traces and contextualizes the evolution of the MDC war song up to a point it generically becomes similar to the traditions of Chimurenga established in the 70s. It is crucial to look at how a sense of 'memory' is 'extracted' as well as how it is re/packaged, re/distributed and received or contested in the service of MDC's counter hegemonic propaganda. In this vein, we do not seek just to point moments or points of appropriation but also instances of mutation/violation that the MDC music videos usher into the narrative of the Chimurenga discourse especially in a post-colonial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dialogue with Della Porta’s work on protests as critical junctures and drawing on the comparative analysis of four case studies in Europe (Barcelona and Dublin) and North America (Baltimore and Montréal), the paper develops a neo-Gramscian perspective on the impact and legacies of urban resistance to austere neoliberalism after the Global Economic Crisis (GEC) of 2008–9. Framed by the postulated ‘interregnum’ in the hegemony of neoliberalism, it argues that the conjunctural politics of the period are defined by a continuing conflict between passive revolutionary subsumption and generative anti-systemic politics, which plays out in acute form in the international urban arena. The paper accordingly contributes to the journal’s work on the relationship between protests and social structures, situating urban movements in multi-scalar socio-economic, political and cultural contexts and developing reflections on the conjunctural significance of anti-systemic struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarly work has focused on the erasure and mistreatment of bisexuality in histories of sexuality. Such erasure is not only observed in academic work but also in the lived experiences of people who identify as plurisexuals. The present paper brings together studies on bisexuality, hegemony, and sexual politics to explain the discursively produced demarcation between sexualities and forms of sexual expression, and it supports a focus on monosexuality as a theoretical construct that productively addresses issues of discrimination and marginalization that people identifying as plurisexuals endure. What is put forward and challenged through this paper is the functional potential of monosexuality to maintain a sociodicy whereby the nuclear family and its contingent material implications remain not only unchallenged and normative but also inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of schools in developing a sense of common British identity has taken centre stage in the face of 'racialised' accounts of violence during the twenty first century. In this paper, we argue that certain British education policy documents can be understood as hegemonic interventions seeking to resolve ambiguities surrounding constructions of British identity. We do so by examining the Department for Education (DfE) 'Fundamental British Values' (FBV) guidance within the context of its relationship to the Prevent Duty anti-terrorism programme as well as the 'Political impartiality in schools' guidance released by the DfE in 2022. Utilising Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and applying Laclau and Mouffe (2014/1985) conception of hegemony with Hall's (2021/2000) claim that 'Britishness' is an empty signifier, this paper argues that the ambiguities of 'Britishness' present a number of opportunities for power to be exercised and consolidated. Finally, we explore the possible implications for demands to 'decolonise the curriculum' within schools' existing duties and propose possible structural limits placed upon these demands by said duties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its independence in 1956, Sudan faced major internal and external challenges that affect the national construction process. These challenges have cast its shadow not only over Sudan's past and present, but its future as well. The ongoing war in Sudan today is but a pivotal part of these challenges. This paper discusses the war in Sudan in terms of its nature and objectives, without tracing its operational paths and the militaristic conflict, as this may increase the distortion of the war, its objectives, and the stakeholders behind it. This paper focuses on understanding the nature of this war and its background, and Western hegemony over Sudan whether political and constitutional tools, or military tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper critically reviews communicative and agonistic planning theories from the viewpoint of a systemic turn in deliberative democracy theory. While the approach reveals complementarities between the theories, it also argues that each theory is vulnerable to criticism because of an 'institutional gap'. The theories are found to complement each other in addressing planning conflicts at different dimensions. Communicative planning theory deals with conflicts between different stakeholders' interests in planning processes. Agonistic planning theory, in turn, concentrates on conflicts from a more ontological dimension, related to the (implicit) conflict between hegemonic and marginalized discourses and related identity-forming processes of inclusion and exclusion in planning policies and governance. The institutional gap of communicative planning theory is argued to reside in its focus on situational deliberation that largely ignores the institutional dimension of rules and norms of democratic conduct. Agonistic pluralism, in turn, does engage with the dimension of democratic institutions, but in an overly critical manner, making it difficult for agonistic planning theory to address the dynamic interplay between institutional reconfiguration and policy stabilization in planning. This is argued to be the institutional gap of agonistic planning theory. The paper calls for further work in the field of planning theory to incorporate a systemic approach to deliberative democracy and thereby tap into the dialectics of institutional and situational dimensions of planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical paper intends to analyze those works that claims that Political Administration works as a science research object representation, a dialectical totality or a phenomenon. To do so we had performed a systematic and integrative literature review in selected papers of the field. We found out two different strains of thought. The first, more phenomenological, starts from a concept of political administration that reflects the shapes assumed by the state development strategies. The second, of Marxist inspiration, develops a historical and critical notion of political administration as the form of managerial manifestation of the strategies class hegemony and its fractions. The findings here are that both still are in its early development stages: both lacks of theoretical and empirical mediations, alongside concrete findings about the phenomena or dialectical totalities described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to present a critical analysis of Neo-Gramscianism, a theoretical framework rooted in the works of Antonio Gramsci, especially regarding its understanding of hegemony. This paper use critical theory by Frankfurt School as a foundation in criticizing the concept of hegemony argued by Robert Cox. While Neo-Gramscianism offers valuable insights, this study seeks to unveil its inherent limitations. Departing from the question of, “Do the concepts provided by Neo-Gramscian about Hegemony solve the problem of marginalized communities?” and using Frankfurt School’s critical theory as the analytical framework, the analysis highlights several key flaws. Firstly, the epistemological failure it reflects, the overemphasis on two-way hegemony or by consent has overlooked a significant factor, which is the inevitable resistance of subaltern class. This movement would presumably trigger the elite class to force their power onto the subaltern class, which would engage the two classes in a series of material and ideological struggles, and eventually will result in the persistence of domination. Secondly, this critical analysis also assesses the internal fallacies of Neo-Gramscian with Horkheimer’s criteria on Critical Theory. This paper concludes that the promised two-way hegemony initiated by Robert Cox fails to solve the problem of marginalized communities, since it is inherently not a Critical Theory, by its utilization of power relations, top-down approach, and most importantly, centralization of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the reception of decolonial and neo-Marxist thought in a jihadist critique of the modern state. The author argues that a study of Abū Qatāda al-Filisṭīnī, a prominent theorist of modern Jihadism and Salafism, reveals his nuanced interaction with theories of hegemony, ideology, and decolonization. An examination of Abū Qatāda's critique of modern state institutions and ideology shows that he engages with philosophical critiques of sovereignty, hegemony, capitalism, and the nation-state and utilizes both neo-Marxist and decolonial thought. This paper explores how Abū Qatāda theorizes the modern state as a colonial project, leading him to rationalize jihad, or violent resistance, as the only solution to realize paradigmatic change. It further shows how Abū Qatāda justifies opposition to the modern state and hegemony with seamless deployment of scripture and Islamic jurisprudence and insists that his political project builds on premodern Islamic theories of knowledge and government necessary for decolonization, albeit often without offering details. This study reveals a feature of jihadist thought that has remained largely unnoticed in the literature and is the first to explore the interactions between Salafism and critiques of the modern state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the war in Ukraine and its consequences, particularly the effects of the financial sanctions imposed by the United States, and its allies, on Russia. The conflict is examined in the context of a deeper structural change in the international order, with China and Russia as key players. We deploy a dialectical perspective, using Gramsci as a starting point to posit that simple quantitative changes can cause long-term qualitative differences in power relations. While the United States' economic hegemony is unlikely to cease soon, the war in Ukraine and it's economic repercussions could lead to unexpected results and transformations in the United States' geopolitical position. We discuss how sanctions can be a double-edged sword, affecting all actors involved, and how actions that seek to restore order may accelerate processes of structural change in international power dynamics. The paper provides examples of how the responses to the conflict are affecting various other dynamics of world order by rearranging national interests, national security, and the political economies in Europe, China, and the Global South. We conclude that the "ruses of nature" manifest as contradictions in human actions and that the relationships between significant human actions and social forces can show how social impulses may accomplish the opposite of their original intent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globally, Indigenous scientific frameworks and methods have been damaged and derided by 'western' science, a strategy of the colonial project. Contemporary Australia is no exception, with the transmission of the suite of scientific values and practices formed over millennia in and for this place being actively prevented by legislation, government policies and colonial opprobrium. This paper shows how two crucial Indigenous science(s) frameworks, used alongside two Indigenous research methods, can transform hegemonic scientific research and fieldwork priorities and practices. This transformation occurs because of the focus of each framework. The first, centring country, requires decentring the human to bring forth the needs of the web of relationships that is country. The second framework, relational accountability, is about tending to a broad range of relationships, are often kin-based and including the other-than-human, with yindyamarra (or local equivalent). Relational accountability also offers an inbuilt ethic of care superior to institutional ethics protocols. By describing these frameworks and methods and discussing how and when to use them, this paper supports their greater understanding and more widespread use, particularly by Indigenous practitioners, so we may continue to (re)build what colonisation has damaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the urgency of addressing the climate crisis gathers pace, the role of hydropower is likely to attract increased interest for its claimed sustainability, despite fragmenting fragile river systems and evidence of significant emissions when constructed in tropical contexts. Building upon existing post-development, political ecology and civil society literature, this paper examines civil society opposition to hydropower projects in Cambodia. The paper introduces the term 'hydropower hegemony,' as an analytical tool for examining not just the tactical dimensions of civil society opposition to hydropower, but also the importance of ideological contestation. This analysis is applied to two case studies, Lower Sesan 2 and the Areng Valley in Cambodia, but with relevance for populations in peripheral areas and countries facing the expansion of hydropower projects. The case studies illustrate a spectrum of approaches to contestation, from reform to confrontation, and their intersections with the rapacious Cambodian state. The analysis also challenges reductionist characterizations of civil society in Cambodia. Despite the presence and success of confrontation with the state, we suggest that civil society's increasingly reformist approaches are ultimately reinforcing hegemony, hydropower and otherwise, rather than challenging it, by inadvertently taming and domesticating burgeoning opposition to dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a methodological framework to understand criminal laws as cultural artefacts—as manifestations of structures, processes and struggles which are part of the broader social (re)production of meanings, values and affects. The first section sets out the groundwork for a cultural examination of criminal law, deploying insights from cultural theory to understand criminal law's function in securing civil order. The paper then maps and critically analyses the cultural structure of the law of joint enterprise, which it argues is conditioned by a danger formation centred on the racialised and hostile construction of the image of the urban gang. The third section investigates the implications of this danger formation to the possibility of legal change through a cultural reading of the UK Supreme Court decision in R v Jogee. The paper concludes by reflecting on the value of a cultural understanding of criminal law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from neo-Gramscian theory, the paper explores how urban austerity governance mediates crises of neoliberal hegemony. Focusing on the decade after the Global Economic Crisis of 2008–2009, it compares four European cities disclosing five intersecting characteristics of urban political economy that contributed to sustaining and disrupting austere neoliberalism. Austere neoliberalism was sustained through three characteristics: economic rationalism, state revanchism and weak counter-hegemony, but undermined by both weakening hegemony and the combustibility and generativity of urban struggles. Hence, although state revanchism is a prominent feature of urban politics, and novel counter-hegemonic forms are elusive, struggles for equality and solidarity remain contagious, tenacious and vibrant. Urban governance is a crucial arena for studying the interregnum, signposting multiple ways in which neoliberalism survives, mutates and dies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, U.S. government agencies have defined the Chinese presence in Latin America as a challenge, which has organized foreign policy towards the region. Departing from a neo-Gramscian approach, this paper investigates the bibliographical production of U.S. think tanks and seeks to understand the construction of consensus about the Chinese presence in Latin America. The methodology is based on content analysis and we identified two main narratives: in the first, the Chinese presence is presented as a threat to U.S. regional hegemony; in the second, the Chinese adaptation to liberal precepts is sought. There are therefore nuances in how the Chinese power is perceived, although the discourses remain restricted to the promotion of capitalism and neoliberalism under U.S. leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s, an era in the wake of opening-up policy after the cultural revolution, witnessed an unprecedented passion for Chinese critics to read, embrace and import Western theories, among which French narrative theory deserves a particular mention. To a large extent, it is French narrative theory that has led to the upsurge and explosion of Chinese narrative studies, which prevails in the 21st century. This paper, first of all, connects the boom of Chinese narrative studies with French narrative theory which was translated and warmly received in Chinese academia in the 1980s. Second, it attempts to examine the travelling, the impact and the after-life of French narrative theory in China, arguing that inspired by their French predecessors, Chinese narrative theorists have cultivated their increasing interest in the narrative form of literary works and developed Chinese narratology with special reference to Chinese narrative traditions. Third, it investigates how Chinese narratologists foster theoretical dialogues with their French colleagues by challenging and revising some narratological concepts. Finally, it calls for a narratology beyond French structuralism by proposing comparative and transcultural perspectives on narrative studies with the aim to draw scholarly attention to those neglected and peripheral narratives and to subvert the hegemony of Anglo-American narrative theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Behaviours that deviate from social norms are often labeled as scandalous, especially if their protagonists are women. In the 19th century, the hegemonic social model was that of separate spheres (public/private). However, some women manifested behaviours that defied tradition. Whether in their private or domestic life, in their activity in the cultural world, at university, in the workplace, and even in politics, they caused scandal and rejection. These behaviors were sometimes condemned by public morality and even by legislative and judicial authorities. This paper analyzes --through literary, newspaper, legislative, and judicial sources-- how nineteenth-century Spanish society received these changes, whether it accepted or opposed them, and how they influenced the model of the new woman and the debate on the woman question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to define and critically examine the concept of touristification and its socio-economic and territorial implications, particularly focusing on the Costa del Sol (Málaga, Spain). It employs the method of systematic literature review. The paper concludes that touristification is a product of the prevailing capitalist logics, of which hegemonic tourism is a further expression. Thus, contemporary tourism becomes a channel for the accumulation and reproduction of capital, entailing a process of dispossession, gentrification, and the transformation of geographic spaces to the benefit of these capitalist logics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]