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This paper forms part of a research proposal looking at the politics of resistance and its links to the prevailing neo-liberal paradigm of world order. Even within critical theorising in International Relations there have often been only limited attempts to analyse the poor in a 'bottom-up' fashion. This paper seeks to use Robert W. Cox's and Jeffrey Harrod's (1987) concepts of 'patterns of social relations of production' and 'unprotected worker' as a vantage point to reveal the linkages between resistance and neo-liberalism. It proposes that a pilot study focusing on the European Union's Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) with South Africa is a critical case in this regard. It seeks to test the claim that rather than promoting good governance and development, the TDCA is exacerbating an environment that is increasingly hostile to liberal democracy. Since the end of apartheid, a hegemonic project of neo-liberalism has been in progress within South Africa. What this paper adds to the current literature is a discussion of the agency of social forces that may provide resistance to this project. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes South Africa's People’s Budget Campaign as a response to neo-liberalism that has both challenged some of its core precepts and integrated others. South Africa's People's Budget Campaign used the opportunity of the annual national budget to claim a public space to assess the priorities of the government expressed through fiscal policy. It incorporated the neo-liberal stricture to balance government budgets as a starting point to critique the particular funding decisions the government has made, and indeed, to reveal their tendency to reinforce the economic and social power of particular interests within society. The notion of a people's budget or popular budgeting is not unique to South Africa. Social movements in many countries have developed similar campaigns. As civil society has developed more transnational linkages, at the same time that globalization and neo-liberalism together have imposed a relatively homogeneous set of policy prescriptions on a diverse range of nations, there has been growing appeal among social organizations to share their ideas and replicate successful campaigns elsewhere. The paper surveys people's budget campaigns in a range of countries, identifying some of the international links between them. Using this comparative material, it attempts to theorize people's budgets as a contradictory response to neo-liberalism that unmistakably has been shaped by its discourses, but seeks to use those discourses as a starting point for an extensive social critique of both the context and methodology of neo-liberal policy formulation. The policy content and political process of South Africa's People's Budget Campaign is explained in terms of this framework, then evaluated in terms of influencing state policy and transforming the knowledge (economic and political literacy) of those who have participated. The research is informed by a series of interviews with key actors in the process, conducted in 2006. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last two decades have witnessed a sudden increase in the number of transitional justice institutions â€" those legal, quasi-legal, or community based institutions set up to provide accountability for past conflict â€" predicated on the assumption that such mechanisms in fact help societies to come to terms with their violent pasts and are therefore crucial to processes of post-conflict peacebuilding and reconciliation among former enemies. Unfortunately, our understanding as to how these institutions might be causally linked to increased reconciliation remains unspecified and under-theorized in existing scholarship. Drawing on a synthesis of theoretical insights from political science, sociology, and social psychology, this paper investigates how the specific institutional designs of transitional justice mechanisms might serve to impede or to impel positive intercommunal contact, intergroup communication, dialogue, trust, and collective identification â€" all of which may be necessary, though perhaps not sufficient, causal conditions for intercommunal reconciliation. Utilizing the truth-telling model of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an empirical example, this paper explores the potential for institutions of transitional justice to act as sites of critical ‘social learning’ where groups can challenge and overcome antagonistic divisions of ‘Self’ and ‘Other’ that could otherwise incite future returns to violence. It is through this process of re-identification, I contend, that existing antagonisms may be transformed, bringing together Self and Other in superordinate identification as members of a shared moral and political community â€" a community that forms the necessary basis for reconciliation and for a positive, sustainable peace. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international pursuit of human rights has held to a proliferation of institutions, laws mechanisms ideas and practitioners. Decades of conferences and conventions, rulings and scholarship have left a robust legacy of rights discourse and competing conceptions of justice. Interestingly enough, though transitional justice (the practice of accounting for violations of human rights by prior regimes) has “cascaded” into international human rights discourse as post-conflict practice in the last decade there has been little to no discussion of the puzzling divergences between its values and those of the international human rights regime. This paper seeks to outline what is justice in transitional justice. Using content and discourse analysis approach the project looks at the language of peace agreements and launching documents/mandates in three cases: the ICTY of the former Yugoslavia; South Africa’s TRC and the Timorese hybrid courts; the paper asks is there is a distinct justice discourse emerging in transitional justice? It then discusses some of the ways in which this discourse reflects and differs from that of global human rights. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The completion of the Human Genome Project has opened up unprecedented possibilities in healthcare, but also ethical and social dilemmas. Some fear that the health concerns of developed countries will take precedence over those of developing countries, thereby creating a 'genomics divide'. Partly to address such issues, UNESCO has adopted three international declarations on human genomics and bioethics, whilst the Toronto Joint Centre for Bioethics (TJCB) has proposed the formation of a Global Genomics Initiative (GGI). Both UNESCO and TJCB require the support of governments to implement their programs. In her book 'A New World Order', Anne-Marie Slaughter proposes a global governance framework centered on government networks and the disaggregated state. This paper explores whether her framework might be applied to the UNESCO declarations and the GGI. Drawing on empirical data from fieldwork conducted in Kenya and South Africa in 2005 and 2006, the paper concludes that government networks could strengthen these genomics governance mechanisms, but that integration rather than disaggregation at national level would be essential to the success of any such endeavour. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper presents the results of an empirical analysis that links rising rates of HIV/AIDS in South Africa's provinces to increasing incidents of rape and indecent assault in the provinces. The paper concludes that HIV/AIDS has been a contributing factor to the rise in indecent assaults (which includes assaults and rape of children age 0-12), while less of a factor in cases of rape of women over the age of 12. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the domestic politics of international norm diffusion, using the global transmission of transitional justice norms as the empirical context of the research. Applying sociological institutionalism as the principal theoretical framework, I argue that the motivation of states to adopt international models of transitional justice has changed over time. The transitional justice norm - that posits that war crimes and massive human rights abuses must be dealt with in a proper legal setting and not through "victors' justice" or impunity - was institutionalized in large part as the result of a strong domestic demand for transitional justice in countries like Argentina and South Africa. However, as this norm began to diffuse through the international system, states began to adopt international justice but now for very different reasons -- to achieve international legitimacy, to get rid of domestic political opponents, to appease international coercion, or out of uncertainty. A paradox, then, is that the more norms of transitional justice become institutionalized internationally, the more likely states will adopt them, but now for reasons that can be contrary to the original objectives of the transitional justice project. This is important because domestic actors can achieve local political goals that are quite different from those advocated by international rules and standards if they give the appearance they are conforming to appropriate norms. My paper explains why some states adopt and some reject international justice arrangements. I look systematically at a range of motives states put forward in deciding whether to adopt or reject particular international organizational models. I then examine the relationship between state motivation for adopting international justice models and domestic political consequences these models generate. The paper concludes with the discussion of how domestic politics filters international norms and predicts ways in which we can expect domestic variation of system-level norms in the context of international justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa did not properly address sexual violence against women as a political problem. Because sexual violence was not treated thoroughly, it has become a systemic problem in South Africa. I believe that the violence against women was and continues to be disregarded because of the longstanding division of society into public (male) and private (female) spheres. Violence, crime and war belong in the public arena and, even though women and children tend to be the worst victims of these three, they are often left out of the solution to heal the divided public society. When a conflicted society is moving towards peace and reconciliation, I wonder if the violence against women is ignored or overlooked because it is presumed that once the society is reconciled all relevant violence will cease. Ignoring a problem, here sexual violence, may inadvertently perpetuate it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the puzzle that underlies South Africa?s dominant political party, the ANC. Unlike most (earlier) political parties in the West, the ANC took power under conditions of universal suffrage and also at a time when the state had scarce resources to meet the demands of a needy and vocal electorate. Yet, during its first decade of electoral competition and governance, the ANC expanded its voter support over successive elections and has not lost ground to other South African political parties. How has it accomplished such a feat in light of its scarce resources when facing a universally enfranchised electorate? To analyze the South African case, I begin with eighteen variables that I have identified from the political party scholarship that authors have argued contribute to the evolution of political party systems and to the changing fortunes of political parties in multi-party democracies in other regions. I find in the South Africa case I can collapse these eighteen variables into five variables to explain the puzzle and also to determine which variables from the general literature ?travels? to the South African case and what variables the South African case requires that are not found in the literature. My substantive finding is that the five variables coalesce with the effect of making opposition parties appear irrelevant. This, in turn, causes voters who are disaffected from the governing party not to vote, rather than to vote for an opposition party. Additionally, as opposition parties are seen to be irrelevant, many new parties spring up as would-be-leaders become frustrated with the perceived ineffectual leadership of the existing parties. This phenomenon splits the opposition and gives the dominant ANC more power relative to many small parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Political Economy in the post cold-war era has raised the prospects for sustainable economic development and democratic consolidation in Sub-Saharan Africa. Nigeria and South Africa are still plagued by the triple crisis of hegemony, hybridization, and anti-globalization with regard to embedded cultural traditions and the hegemonic imperatives associated with this deepening incorporation and participation in the post-cold war era’s dominant regimes characterized by political democratization and economic globalization. Yet, globalization, economic privatization, and democratic empowerment have been deemed as the critical keys to prosperity, societal stability, and the development of human capital formation in modern Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper examines both the domestic factors and external constraints that have impeded the modernizing and developmental aspirations of these African States. Why do these three African countries continue to experience discernable democratic deficits, convulsive cultural sectarian schisms, and pervasive poverty and acute misery index? A review of the neo-liberal, constructivist and dependency theoretical paradigms will help to conceptualize and illuminate the contextual framework for the comparative study of the patterns, trends, and recurrent features of these modern African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will explore the extent to which the various assumptions about foreign policy behaviour of a hegemonic power provide an explanation for South Africa’s foreign policy towards Zimbabwe and to identify the shortcomings of these approaches in explaining or predicting, or as a logical basis for understanding the foreign policy behaviour of South Africa towards Zimbabwe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper provides comparative analysis, based upon field research, into the thinking of South African and Indian leaders and strategists about regional hegemony. Both countries are well-positioned to be hegemons, with GDPs many times larger than the rest of the states in their region combined. South Africa acted as an interventionist regional hegemon during the apartheid era but has been a reluctant hegemon since majority rule was established in 1994 and has often acted within a regional organization, the Southern African Development Community. Exploiting this reluctance, Zimbabwe has challenged South African regional leadership since 1994. From 1947 to 1962, India was a reluctant regional hegemon, due to the pacifist leanings of Nehru. After losing to China in the 1962 border war, India began to assert regional hegemony, especially with its 1971 invasion of East Pakistan and the establishment of Bangladesh. However, Indian hegemony in South Asia has been continually challenged by Pakistan in alliance with China. Through comparative analysis, conclusions are drawn about the exercise of hegemony and the resistance that is most always encountered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between North and South - whether in terms of donor aid, debt, trade, investment, or political relations - is subject to diverse interpretations when it comes to post-apartheid South Africa. Pretoria, indeed, attempts to make its own mark on international politics and economics. This paper addresses several conceptual and practical questions: How important are aid and debt to the power relations that are contributing to untenable social, economic and environmental imbalances in the world? Are elites from First and Third Worlds proposing reforms that are meaningful? What particular role has South Africa played as both recipient and reformer of international financial flows? How does this relate to the broader map of international political ideology that has emerged the past few years, particularly the tensions between the Washington Consensus, Post-Washington Consensus and Third World nationalist revival? Are global justice movements from South Africa and Africa making coherent counterhegemonic arguments, and do their strategies, tactics and alliances have potential? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past two decades, a considerable number of South Africans have been very active in the markets for force, both locally and globally. South Africa has supplied, and continues to supply, this lucrative market of Private Military/Security Companies (PMSCs) with expert personnel offering military/security and related services. Among other things, this resulted from South Africa's past history, where a considerable number of ex-military/security personnel found themselves without any source of employment immediately after the process of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR). The only skills they possessed could only be sold in the local and global markets for force. A sizeable number of ex-military/security personnel established private security companies within South Africa. Others actively participated in mercenary activities, a fact which has been notoriously linked to the now defunct Executive Outcomes. South Africans continue to participate in various armed conflicts in Africa and beyond, providing diverse military/security and related services. Resulting from the South Africans involvement in the markets for force, South Africa responded by addressing both the internal and external dimensions of the privatisation of security through legislation. This paper shall consider how the markets for force have impacted on South Africa's monopoly on the use of force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the conditions under which competing military forces are merged into a single national army after a civil war. I suggest three different dimensions of success: military efficacy of the force, acceptance of civilian control, and re ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines 'indigenous' aspects of development that have become increasingly prevalent in debates about socio-economic transformation and attempts to transcend the regional apartheid legacy in Southern Africa, specifically with regard to indigenisation of the economy as part of a 'Third Chimurenga' in Zimbabwe and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) in the socio-cultural context of ubuntu in South Africa. These events illustrate the process of turning the concept of indigeneity into actual politics - i.e., indigenisation. In Zimbabwe, indigenisation has on the whole constituted a means by which the ruling ZANU-PF maintains a network of patronage upon which its power depends and the official rhetoric about indigenisation has been highly divisive and exclusivist rather than constituting a positive vision about how to reclaim 'African' values and, ultimately, sovereignty. In South Africa, the revival of ubuntu as a cultural value system around which to organise post-apartheid society has on the whole facilitated a more positive approach to indigenisation, although the actual practice of BEE has displayed elitist and exclusivist tendencies and issues of cultural transformation have generated controversy. In both South Africa and Zimbabwe, the perceived need to anchor new policies in socially acceptable (i.e., supposedly indigenous/traditional) contexts has become a prominent feature of post-transition politics and is indicative of the 'indigenous turn' in Southern African politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the challenges posed by the Zimbabwe question in Southern Africa and the implications for South Africa and regional policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the role that South Africa has played (or not) in promoting democracy in Zimbabwe and what implications this has for regional security. The paper argues that South Africa's foreign policy stance of 'quiet diplomacy' mirrors its old sec ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trade policies of Brazil, India and South Africa have significant historical similarities: these countries are original WTO members; they adopted import-substitution industrialization; promoted neoliberal reforms; have been playing important roles in their regional contexts; and, more recently, they have also formed alliances and coalitions (IBSA, G20) in order to increase their capacity to influence the trade regime. At the same time, they are intensifying bilateral and regional ties which are different in scope and degrees of institutionalization. The result is that, despite of having similar roles which are derived from their status as middle powers, these three countries have developed different strategies concerning their trade policy. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze comparatively the trade policies of Brazil, India and South Africa in the multilateral and regional environments. Our contention is that there are significant differences in their conduct on those two levels, in such a way that it is not possible to establish a fixed pattern of trade policy amongst middle powers, at least not amongst these three. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within debates on Global Governance corporate participation in various forms of self-regulation is increasingly being studied. Yet, a variable formerly considered to be important, the home state, has not drawn much attention recently. However, first research results indicate that in explaining the differences in corporate behaviour in self-regulatory initiatives the home state still matters.Two different patterns of corporate engagement can be distinguished: Corporations can either accept and implement existing norms of an initiative which would qualify them as norm-consumers. This rather passive absorption of norms can be contrasted with a second pattern of corporate behaviour, the active engagement in norm formation and norm development within CSR-initiatives. Thereby corporations are taking on the role of norm-entrepreneurs.The paper aims to investigate the conditions for these variations in corporate behaviour, either acting as norm-consumers or norm-entrepreneurs. In contrast to theories of transnational corporations that describe corporations as de-nationalized entities, we argue that the political environment of a corporation’s homestate determines in how far a corporation is willing to take on the role of a political actor. Following the Varieties of Capitalism approach, it will be shown that characteristics of coordinated and liberal market economies are decisive not only for explaining business strategies but also whether corporations take on the role of norm-consumer or norm-entrepreneurs.This argument will be illustrated by empirical findings from case studies of eight companies from four countries (France, Great Britain, Germany, South Africa), representing different types of economies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper claims that the forging of a common identity among India, Brasil and South Africa based on their role as leaders in their respective regions is a relevant yet neglected aspect of their partnership that will ultimately determine the success of IBSA. The argument is that the foundational south identity of the IBSA initiative retains ideological elements drawn from the heyday of the confrontational politics of Non-Alignment which do not adequately (or at least do not fully) represent the contemporary political and economic context of its members. Linked to this is the fact that, while acknowledged as powers by dint of their preponderance of economic and material means, this has not translated into wide-spread recognition within their respective regions. For all these reasons, IBSA relies primarily on an elite defined form of south activism as a key source of legitimacy for its endeavors. The construction of a strong regional identity for IBSA based on its members' strategic positions in South Asia, South America and Southern Africa is, in our viewpoint, a more convincing common ground to legitimize a sustainable diplomatic partnership between the IBSA states. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholars usually define the relations between US and Latin America as neglect or in several occasions as indifferent. For many years Latin America countries there had been great expectations about these relations, especially in late the 90s when the transformations in international system and new domestic politics in the region started an era of optimism. This optimistic view had reflected the economic interests between the United States and Latin American and initiated hemispheric collaboration in trade negotiations. However, ten years later, the positive environment disappeared and the US-Latin American relationship came back to indifference. The proposal of hemispheric integration did not advance for various reasons, but the domestic protectionism pressures in the United State and negative perception of the government officials on Latin American countries affected the negotiations. Moreover, the failure of the economic and social policies applied in the Latin American countries allowed populist politicians to win elections. Leftist parties won elections in Brazil, Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, and Ecuador. The return to the left means some countries, like Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador, with their strong ideological discourse opposite the United States and its free-market. The United States and South America relationship it was affected in the global, regional and domestic dimensions. This paper aims to analyze the South America relationship with the US and to understand the interrelation between systemic and domestic factors affecting the American governmental perceptions of South America. The region shows important internal chances and represents a new direction for other countries in the hemisphere.This project will analyze the American governments official thinking about the South America political process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Boteti River is an ephemeral outflow of the Okavango River. It lies in a remote corner of Botswana where about 25,000 people eke out a difficult existence across a number of widely scattered villages and informal settlements. The river, with its seasonal streams and pans and more or less easily accessible groundwater, is vital to the livelihoods of these people, their livestock, and the wildlife that share this physical space. A combination of factors have led to widespread degradation of the physical resource base â€" both in the river bed itself and in the wider environment. As part of its outreach role, the Okavango Research Centre has undertaken an action-oriented research project in the Boteti to assist people there with the rehabilitation of their resource base. This project is part of a three-country partnership wherein the Desert Research Foundation of Namibia and the Surplus Peoples Project of South Africa are undertaking similar activities in the Fish River (Namibia) and the Buffels River (South Africa). Underpinning this project is the basic assumption that for integrated water resources management (IWRM) to be successful, subsidiarity â€" i.e. effective management by and for primary users of the resource base â€" is essential. This assumption is not simply a ‘fact’. It reflects the general consensus that exists among highly empowered national and transnational actors about the ways and means toward ‘equitable, efficient and sustainable’ use of water resources. For Tony Allan (2001), ‘IWRM’ constitutes the late modern ‘fifth paradigm’ regarding effective water management. Numerous global (e.g. World Water Forum) and regional (e.g. EU) forums have been constituted in the effort to work out effective ways and means of averting what is called an impending ‘world water crisis’. Various decision support tools have been developed; capacity building networks have been established; funding mechanisms have been put in place; competing national and global forums have been set up; and an endless array of websites and listserves have been created. In other words, there is now a vast global communications network in place to facilitate IWRM. Where does that leave the people of the Boteti River Basin? As activist academics, we function as a nodal point in this local/global communication network. We are the bearers of ideas and ideologies. We navigate between extreme environments â€" from the village kgotla (communal gathering) to the expert-led international workshop; from dusty and disorganised District Council offices where the most reliable form of communication is the telephone, to donor conference offices with all of the latest technology at your fingertips. We speak to and for local people and we speak to governments, NGOs, IGOs and donor agencies. Whereas we are interested in facilitating IWRM, this is more akin to a religious belief than the application of scientific method to a readily amenable problem.This paper articulates the various ways in which the attempt to implement IWRM in a remote African river basin is made more difficult by a vast communication divide, and the methodologies of communication brought to bear in an effort to achieve what we believe to be important ends. This divide takes many forms. For instance, many people in the basin are illiterate, so affecting outreach strategies: how do you disseminate knowledge when only a few people can read? There are also cultural barriers to communication: graphs and tables and maps are unconvincing to people who would rather ‘see for themselves’. Technological barriers are also significant, particularly where there is no electricity... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we propose a theory of emerging powers and apply it to the case of IBSA, a forum of cooperation established in 2004 by India, Brazil and South Africa. We contend that emerging power is a strategic identity that derives from the inability of a hegemon or of a group of core powers to effectively impose their preferred order to the world. That inability creates a strategic position that a small number of countries can fulfill. Fulfillment of that position depends on their ability to contribute significantly to the establishment of a “minimum governance coalition.” The significance of that contribution, in turn, depends on the legitimacy they bring to global governance, the veto power they hold in the functioning of formal or informal governance mechanisms, and the regional balancing power that they bring to the resource mix on which global governance relies.We show that IBSA is a coalition of emerging powers trying to monopolize developing countries access to global governance; and 2) that their internal differences matter less to their alliance than the contribution that they make to each others’ claim to membership in the global governance club. The article is divided in two sections. The first one presents the model. The second proposes an explanation of IBSA’s emergence and of its relative success in terms of that model. This application is not a test but an illustration of the mechanics of emerging power emergence and participation in global governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

C.A.W. Manning was a founding member of the English School of International Relations (ES), a leading theorist of the notion of international society, and for more than 30 years professor and head of department of the leading centre for the study of IR in the UK (LSE). His influence on the field in the UK was profound. He was responsible for appointing both Martin Wight and Hedley Bull to lectureships in the department, and his lectures on 'The Structure of International Society' influenced both them and many others who later entered the field. Yet in the historiography of the ES Manning is almost entirely neglected. Part of this neglect is due to the bad reputation that Manning acquired after his retirement from the LSE as an unofficial UK spokesman for the aprtheid regime in South Africa. Manning assumed the chairmanship of the British South Africa Society, a body which actively defended that country's right to pursue its policy of apartheid. This paper seeks to explain how such an astute and subtle observer of the international scene could defend such an abhorrent system as apartheid. It examines the naure of Manning's political and emotional loyalties, and asks whether his preferred model of international society was at root a means of defending an imperialist and white dominated world order. It concludes with some general reflections on the moral limitations, actual and potential, or our own age, and the intimacy of the link between cultural background, life-experiences, pedagogy, and scholarship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses first the insights from the literature on international sanctions for an assessment of the effects of such measures in the case of South Africa under apartheid (1948-1994). It is shown that empirical studies draw in general a pessimistic picture of the effectiveness of international sanctions as a foreign policy tool of influence. Furthermore, testing the effect of international sanctions has to deal with several theoretical and methodological challenges. The case specific consideration of international South Africa sanctions is not much more illuminative, because nearly every theoretical argument about the potential impact of sanctions on a target state was made with respect to South Africa. Therefore, I present an alternative research design for the evaluation of international sanctions against South Africa under apartheid, focusing rather on the outcome of individual foreign policy measures in the international relations between sender and target than on their impact on the political situation in the target state. The study combines a case study approach and the analysis of data on international events as reported in the open press. This approach proves to be fruitful to investigate international South Africa relations following the patter "who did what to whom", although it has to put up with several restrictions. Further work in the project involves therefore additional data on the bilateral relations between sender states (selected Western countries) and target state (South Africa). A social network analysis of available event data will also be applied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Mobilizing Liberal Democracy: The Role of Civil-Military Institutions and Political Education in the Transition to Democracy in West Germany and South Africa" prepared for the "46th Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses a theoretical approach to civil-military relations in Iraq and Afghanistan. It examines the restructuring of the South African National Defence Force during the period 1994-2000, and the German Bundeswehr from 1949 to 1956.

The article presents the conference paper titled "Participating in Conservation? Governing on the Ground in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park." It examines the participation of local residents in conservation and development projects. It discusses the creation of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park in Mozambique in 2001 which was significant for the implementation of a bigger transfrontier park across South Africa.

The article presents a paper that examines the rise and declaration of the cooperative strategy known as trilateralism by regional leaders within the South. It gives an overview of the theoretical approaches to middle powerdom and the South, reconsiders the domestic, regional, and international factors that have conditioned the foreign policies of Brazil, South Africa and India, investigates the formation and execution of trilateralism, and concludes with an analysis of the initiative's outlooks for success in the present environment.

Many studies in international relations have examined the role of transnational actors as primary agents of domestic change with a special emphasis on the role that foreign norms play in transforming local contexts. However, the condition of the local opposition to international norms is rarely explored. Author critically analyses the generic assumptions that guide this flawed research program and disaggregates several strains of theorizing about transnational norm diffusion. This paper offers innovative ways to investigate the conditions of local opposition to international norms in the context of the adoption of the antiretroviral therapy for HIV/AIDS in South Africa. The nature of substantive components, setting and choice mechanisms have to be reconsidered. Author empirically shows how different norm entrepreneurs reinvented the idea of treatment and how they put it in overarching political context. The analysis also explores alternative empirical arguments about the persisting turbulence of HIV/AIDS politics in South Africa and the piecemeal outcomes of norm acceptance. In the conclusion, author underscores the loopholes in the recent constructivist literature on norm diffusion and develops several ideas to improve it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that everyday actions at the intersection of religion and the economy are culturally and historically contextual and that this will shape the development of Islamic finance worldwide. This suggests that Islamic finance, presented as a set of financial products, is shaped by dynamic interpretations of Islam as they are expressed spatially and contextually. This is demonstrated in the case of South Africa's Muslim communities. Financial institutions are participating in the construction of Islam as they develop Islamic financial products and services, inculcating Muslims with the idea that faith-based services are an essential component of their lives as devotees. But South African Muslims are responding to these projections of Islam in an array of ways that does not necessarily promote the institutionalisation of Islamic finance. I will be engaging with the work of Abdullah Tayob, a leading scholar of Islam within South Africa. Tayob presents the idea of 'Public Islam' and 'Muslim Publics' as discursive spaces that construct Islam in the public sphere and society. Public Islam refers to highly diverse innovations of Islam as ideas and practices. Actors from divergent backgrounds compete to define Islam for new and changing political spaces. Debating within this broader discursive space, the situated, communitarian and political aspects of these discourses are conceived of as 'Muslim Publics.' Islamic finance is both Public Islam, as Shariah compliant financial products are introduced into the market and contribute to the construction of Islam in the public sphere, and Muslim Publics, as Muslims debate the meaning of these financial products in their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the application of restorative justice in the African nations of South Africa, Rwanda and Sierra Leone. Views of Desmond Tutu, chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in South Africa, on reconciliation; Restoration of gacaca, a method of conflict resolution, to deal with the people who participated in the genocide in Rwanda; Establishment of a TRC in Sierra Leone.

As the prospect of global nuclear disarmament is debated in policy circles, scholarly inquiry can offer insights into possible future nuclear scenarios. Why might states give up their nuclear weapons? Might the major nuclear powers denuclearize? This article presents a novel sociological explanation of nuclear choices to shed light on the potential for nuclear disarmament. It explores how South Africa's elimination of its nuclear arsenal two decades ago resulted chiefly from its new vision of international standing as achievable by cooperative diplomacy and upholding global rules. However, the nuclear powers show few signs of following suit. Indeed, nuclear reversal would require the major powers to abandon the nuclear arms they hold as essential to their global power stature. Overall, the research shows that major power aversion to deficient power status will make global nuclear zero difficult to achieve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For South Africa, 2010 marked a renewed presence in the international community both as the host of the FIFA Football World Cup, and as a continued economic and political powerhouse on the African continent. In light of this, some concern was and continues to be expressed about the mass media's ongoing coverage of the contentious racial discourse, and often violent rhetoric, used by Julius S. Malema, current president of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). Should more aggressive and confrontational political posturing in a newly emerged democracy be silenced, or should such perspectives be allowed the magnitude of coverage awarded to Malema, so as to encourage public debate? Labelled a 'moron' by Times Magazine, and eventually held to order by the ANC leadership in May 2010 for bringing the party into disrepute, Malema poses a controversial figure in international and local circles. While the role he plays may merit attention, it is the sheer volume of media reports, and the nature of their content, that demands examination and reflection. In the interests of maintaining stability within diverse societies, it is arguable that the media should be more aware of peace journalism practices, and should attempt to adhere to some of these principles when producing material for public consumption. This study is informed by a content analysis of English South African print media conducted over an eighteen month period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the increasing influence of theocrats and other religious actors on policy-makers and masses, recognizing the agency of the clergy is crucial. This article uses the "epistemic communities" framework to place the religious 'agents' in contemporary politics. An epistemic community is defined as 'a network of professionals with recognized expertise and competence in a particular domain and an authoritative claim to policy-relevant knowledge within that domain or issue-area' (Haas, 1992) and until now, this framework has been used to explain how scientific communities affect policy-making. Using the cases of South Africa and Northern Ireland, this article claims that religious actors work as epistemic communities in conflict tranformation with their role in the transition from exclusive to inclusive public theologies in divided societies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While traditionally fair trade has been about consumer goods, Fair Trade in Tourism South Africa (FTTSA) has developed a certification program to promote globally-sanctioned Fair Trade in Tourism principles - fair share, democracy, respect, reliability, t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-TRC period in South Africa has been characterised by an creeping impunity for apartheid era human rights violations. Initial moves to prosecute those who failed to receive amnesty has been replaced by disguised amnesties, pardons and political i ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African state is faced with a dilemma peculiar to those states that are attempting to build a democracy within a society that maintains nonliberal practices and epistemologies. The binary logic of traditional and modern (re)produces representati ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious institutions in Angola have a proven track record in basic human security, that is, health and education. The second mile would be direct involvement in politics as a catalyst to accelerate long overdue democratic reforms. There is increasing consensus that religious organizations, primarily Christian, should play a more active political role which would eventually lead, in the long run, to more human, social, economic, and political security than direct material aid projects have ever been able to deliver. But is such role desirable in the context of Angola's exceedingly centralized regime? Would not Christians simply be co-opted by an almighty state bureaucracy? Very recent studies (Freston 2008; Ranger 2008) have shown a wide range of positive, negative and ambivalent results of contemporary Christian involvement in different national contexts in various Latin American as well as sub-Saharan countries, among them, South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Mozambique. How similar or different has the Angolan experience been? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given its apartheid past and its efforts to democratize and ensure human rights for its people, one would expect South Africa to project an international identity which included strong support for international human rights norms and be increasingly embed ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both scholars and policymakers widely agree today that the end of apartheid in South Africa inthe first half of the 1990s can be seen as a result of a conjunction of important changes and developmentson the international, regional and national level. But the interplay and relative weight ofthese developments on the different levels has been highly disputed in the scholarly field. Thispaper demonstrate in an empirical analysis of political developments on the international, regionaland South African domestic levelâ??as displayed in a large set of event data coded frominternational newswires for the period from 1977 to 1994â??how these developments were interrelated.A VAR model suggests that domestic developments within South Africa account mostly forthe countries rather peaceful democratic transition in the early 1990s. However, internationalpressure shows a significantâ??if only minorâ??impact too. The case study therefore reveals distinctivelyhow historical political changes such as the abolishment of the racist apartheid systemin South Africa often depend on a conjunction of change promoting developments on differentpolitical levels. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) was premised on the belief that genuine reconciliation is needed in the process of building a non-racial and non-sexist democracy. Prior to the TRC, ‘gender was seldom explicitly invoked as a lens into human rights abuse or an organizing principle for the commission’s work.’ I view the TRC as a trailblazer, as subsequent truth commissions in other countries have been inspired to incorporate the gender component. Therefore, even though the TRC experience was not an ‘immaculate conception’ of a gender sensitive approach, it needs to be commended for its initiative which provided a context of learning for the later truth commissions. The study of Truth and Reconciliation Commission, however, is relatively under-theorized from the feminist perspective. The value of this perspective lies in its ability to throw light on the experience of both women and men. Moreover, the conceptualization of gender by feminists has been a context to raise issues of structural causation. A feminist critique of truth and reconciliation commissions has the potential to make the transitional justice mechanism more inclusive and democratic. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leaders of the South African apartheid regime decided to build nuclear weapons first and then devised strategy. Rebel bases and African capitals would be threatened or attacked and a "three-stage" strategy of nuclear blackmail would entice the United States to intervene against Soviet-backed forces. The strategy demonstrated that international and regional and even domestic threats had blurred in the thinking of white South African politicians and strategic planners, who were influenced by a psychology of extreme nationalism and paranoia. The South African case can be generalized to contemporary instances of nuclear weapons development and strategy formulation and fits into a pattern, in which elites develop nuclear weapons, doctrine, and strategy as the international environment shifts and as regime thinking does not adjust. The apartheid regime's proclivity to allow hardware to determine doctrine, strategy, and even policy raises disturbing questions about how to sustain deterrence, given today's complex strategic geometry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critics of democratic peace theory have identified several cases of clearly democratic states threatening or using force against each other. What they have failed to notice is that usually if not always, pressure to escalate came from the political right. Neither realism nor non-normative theories of democratic peace explain this. I argue that the key lies in conservative nationalism. Liberals respect the autonomy of fellow democracies. They also believe war is unjustified except for defensive or humanitarian reasons. Since democracies rarely commit large-scale human rights violations, at any rate at home, liberals see no grounds for attacking them. Right-wing nationalism, however, can short-circuit both normative mechanisms, even within democracies. I show the pattern and conduct a preliminary test of my arguments by examining the crises over Venezuela, Fashoda, South Africa and the Ruhr. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) of South Africa has the ability to foster a human rights culture. It cites the hypotheses under the Research Initiative on the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC) including the ability of the TRC to contribute to long-term reconciliation and sustainable peace through the implementation of its recommendations. It suggests that scholars and policy makers should revive the recommendations of the TRC by focusing on the peacebuilding process.

Regime change is a moment when states make fundamental decisions concerning their past and what to do with the monuments, memorials, sacred places and other symbols of past regimes. These decisions both reflect and shape post-conflict peacebuilding. In some cases, such as the former Soviet Union and the French Revolution, the answer is mainly removal or destruction and signaled a break form the past. In South Africa removal and destruction have been used very little. Rather the post-Apartheid South African government has emphasized three strategies of transformation as part of post-conflict peacebuilding: appropriation, meaning associating the older holidays, symbolic places and buildings with the new regime's practices and institutions; modification in which the older symbolic locations and events are redefined in ways that are more cultural and less political so that they are compatible with South Africa's current self-definition as "the rainbow nation;" and addition, the creation of new symbolic sites where the story of oppression, struggle, and triumph are told. The key to these policies is the development of an emotionally meaningful, more inclusive, non-racial narrative that both addresses the traumas of the past and defines a common future for its diverse population. Finally, the South African experience is placed in the context of other peacebuilding efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nuclear rollback of South Africa, Ukraine, Belarus and Kazakhstan is an empirical anomaly for realism, and realist scholars have avoided addressing the issue in their writings. Other research programs have taken up this intellectual space left open by realism and have provided explanations of nuclear disarmament. In this essay I advance two realist hypotheses to account for nuclear disarmament, which can be considered a defensive realist position on state behavior. States without a global secure second strike capability (SSSC) implement a rational strategy by giving up their nuclear arsenals; however absence of SSSC is a necessary but not sufficient condition for nuclear disarmament. The absence of a dyadic existential threat is also a necessary condition for a state to give up its nuclear weapons. I argue that a defensive realist explanation, based on absence of SSSC and existential threat, is jointly necessary and sufficient for nuclear disarmament. I present a typology of states that possessed and continue to possess nuclear arms, with respect to each state's threat environment and SSSC. I further analyze the cases of Israel and North Korea to test my hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the opportunities and constraints of European Union (EU) agenda-setting in the negotiations between the EU and South Africa using an adaptation of Robert Putnam's two- (extended to three-) level game model. It provides an outline of the negotiations leading to the Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA). It details the strengths and weaknesses of using the adapted version of the three-level game model.