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Objective/Context: This article presents the historical context of the creation of Goiânia, capital city of the state of Goiás, built in the 1930s as a symbol of the expansion of the demographic and agricultural frontier in central Brazil. The city emerged through the Pedro Ludovico Teixeira efforts, appointed state intervener by the President Getúlio Vargas. In the construction process, there was the boosters's discourse, which attributed to the promised "metropolis" the power to create good opportunities for economic growth. For this, they relied on natural resources such as rivers, the presence of rich nearby forests and the fields with a less sloping region. Methodology: The study used archival sources based on technical and memorialist reports, photographs, maps, newspapers and periodicals of the time, as well as bibliography based on the theoretical and methodological assumptions of Environmental History. Originality: The historiography of Central Brazil has often been analyzed from the perspective of the frontier and not from the perspective of environmental history. In this paper, we seek to appropriate these two issues, reinforcing the relationship between the rural and urban processes of the Cerrado environmental history in Central Brazil. Conclusions: The real scenario was different from the announced one, since nature was much more a barrier than a facilitating element of development. In addition, the ideals of modern urbanism were partially abandoned due to the opportunism of selling lots. Also, the growth took place, but not because of the abundance of natural resources, but because of the transfer of the capital that fed it back as it attracted new inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian government has over the past years promulgated a mix of orthodox and heterodox policies for Brazil's economic development. This paper seeks to test whether the existing economic ideas have been prescriptive in formulating the policies, or whether they have been the outcome of the "infusion of private interests" (Katzenstein, 1978) in the policy making process. To this end, the paper charts the origins of the unilateral opening for trade in the agribusiness and contrasts them with the policy process in the car industry, where trade barriers have been erected. The article will identify the channels through which private actors informed the government's interventions and show that the industry bodies have largely prodded the government. The resulting policy maze has left both the representatives of the orthodox as well those of the heterodox approach unsatisfied and has failed to halt Brazil's dwindling manufacturing capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of our paper is to provide analytical arguments to explain why Brazil has not been able to restore its long-term capacity for economic growth, especially compared with its economy in the 1950-1979 period (7.3 per cent per year on average) or even with a select number of emerging economies in the 1980-2010 period (6.7 per cent per year on average, against 2.3 per cent per year on average in Brazil in the same period). We build our idea of convention to growth based on the Keynesian concept of convention. For our purposes, this concept could be briefly summarized as the way in which the set of public and private economic decisions related to different objectives, such as how much to produce and invest, how much to charge for products and services, how to finance public and private debt, how to finance research and development, and so on, are indefinitely — or at least until there is no change — carried out by the political, economic and social institutions. This analytical reference can be connected to the Neo-Schumpeterian National Innovation System (NIS) concept, which emphasizes not only institutions associated with science and technology per se, but also the complex interaction among them and other institutions. In this paper we identify two conventions to long-term growth in the last three decades in Brazil: the liberal and the neo-developmental. We show that the poor performance in the Brazilian economy in terms of real GDP growth from the 1980s on can be explained by a weak coordination between short-term macroeconomic policies and long-term industrial and technological policies. This weak coordination, in turn, can be associated with the prevalence of the liberal convention from the 1990s on, which has emphasized price stabilization to the detriment of a neo-developmental strategy whose primary goal is to sustain higher rates of growth and full employment in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Capital stock is possessing pivotal importance in stimulating the economic growth and development of any country. Inward FDI is considered as one of the important catalysts of economic development particularly for the resource and capital poor countries. In this article we have examined the relationship between inward FDI and economic growth in case of one of the emerging economies of Latin America i.e., Brazil. We took annual time series data for the dependent and independent variables like inward FDI, per capita Gross Domestic Product (GDP), employment, capital formation, and exports for the period ranging from 1996 to 2019. We ran Ordinary Least Square Regression and Random Effect Regression Analysis for gauging the nature of relationship between the variables as well as for testing the robustness of the results. We found that FDI has a positive and significant relationship with GDP and the exports. Whereas, FDI has insignificant relationship with the employment and capital formation. The article holds an important policy implication for the other developing countries of Latin America; they need to attract good amount of inward FDI to achieve the robust economic growth and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper employs a spatial Durbin growth model to estimate the impact of trade openness on regional per capita income in Brazil using a data set of 469 Brazilian micro-regions over the period 2004-2007. We calculate the direct, indirect and cumulative impact on per capita income of trade openness and human capital in these micro-regions. Results indicate that greater trade openness in a region promotes economic development locally, while exerting negative influence on per capita income of the neighbouring regions. Our findings also show that human capital has a positive - direct and indirect - impact on the economic development of Brazilian micro-regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many international analysts claimed that the Brazilian protests of June 2013 were a consequence of the country's rapid economic growth over the past few years, the rise of new middle classes, the heighten of expectations on government, the increase of citizen participation and the weakness of political institutions to handle all the above-mentioned situations. This explanation relied, explicitly or implicitly, on the modernization theory of Samuel P. Huntington, despite the fact more than forty years have gone by since the first appearance of Political order in changing societies (1968) -Huntington's most famous book on the political impacts of modernization. The purpose of this paper is to question whether Huntington's causality model actually explains the Brazilian protests. In order to do this, ethnographies of the protests that pay particular attention to their causes are contrasted with the model raised by Huntington. Based on the above, the scopes and limits of the modernization theory to explain contemporary social movements are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil attracted relatively little innovation-intensive and export-oriented foreign investment during the liberalization period of 1990 to 2010, especially compared with competitors such as China and India. Adopting an institutionalist perspective, I argue that multinational firm investment profiles can be partly explained by the characteristics of investment promotion policies and bureaucracies charged with their implementation. Brazil's FDI policies were passive and non-discriminating in the second half of the 1990s, but became more selective under Lula. Investment promotion efforts have often been undercut by weakly coordinated and inconsistent institutions. The paper highlights the need for active, discriminating investment promotion policies if benefits from non-traditional FDI are to be realized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the relation between economic growth and labor market dynamics in Brazil between 1981 and 2009, making a comparison with the United States. Among the findings, one can mention that economic growth in Brazil has been related to a massive incorporation of labor force in labor intensive activities, whereas, in the United States, to a substantial improvement of labor productivity in high-technology activities. Despite the favorable economic context in the 2000s, huge inequalities between these countries have widened since the structure of the Brazilian labor market remained with few or no changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exchange rate, exports and growth: an investigation on the hypothesis of Dutch disease in Brazil. This paper investigates the hypothesis of Dutch disease in Brazil by the existence of a negative relationship between commodity exports and the real exchange rate, and the effects of export specialization in commodities on the Brazilian economic growth from 1999 to 2010 based on VAR model. The evidences suggested an expressive importance of commodities exports in explaining the real exchange rate changes. Moreover, commodities exports shocks were relevant to explain Brazilian economic growth rate changes, which supports the "curse" of natural resources literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last years, Brazil has gained international visibility especially due to the capacity of its economical development and the progress of its public policies on fighting poverty. Though there reason for celebration exists with respect to the country's recent achievements, Brazil still has a lot to do if it wants to gain international prominence. In this paper we address two issues that are fundamental for Brazil to achieve real leadership: education and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper submits to critique the Brazilian proposal to create a new paradigm for international cooperation from its role in MINUSTAH. We compare some aspects of Brazilian projects in Haiti with U.S. projects. We analyzed documents of the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of developing and emerging economies have adopted an inflation targeting framework for monetary policy during the last two decades. This article investigates the politics of inflation targeting by focusing on the case of Brazil. I argue that the decision to implement an inflation targeting system in 1999 did not only reflect the concerns of political leaders with maintaining electoral support and external credibility. In addition, the choice of this new policy approach was informed by a shift in the technical consensus among Brazilian economists about the most effective way to tame inflationary pressures in a context of high capital mobility. The shift to inflation targeting thus reflected a process of social learning among technical elites, facilitated not only by the failure of the previous policy but also by the successful experience of other inflation targeting countries. Moreover, the evidence presented here suggests that, as the first country to adopt inflation targets in the context of an IMF-supported program, Brazil became a test case and a natural experiment for the redefinition of IMF conditionality and surveillance mechanisms. The paper thus sheds light on a process of reciprocal learning, whereby the IMF not only contributed to collective learning but also learned from the Brazilian case, subsequently becoming an active promoter of inflation targeting among developing countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The State and its reasons: the 2nd PND. This paper intends to contribute to the debate on the reasons why the Geisel administration (1974-78) chose — as it faced an adverse conjuncture — an accelerated growth agenda which was materialized in the 2nd PND (National Development Plan). In order to do so, it resorts to a methodological definition which is based upon an institutionalist approach and favors the interaction between the political and the economic variables. Contradicting the literature that interprets the strong presence of the State and the regional decentralization of the 2nd PND as signs of neopatrimonialism, it is advocated that this category of analysis is inadequate to explain the government's choice, although this aspect is embedded in the Brazilian social-historical formation. The political rationality of the plan must be investigated in the conjuncture itself, marked by the liberalization project, which does not clash with the plan's economic rationality — on the contrary, it is complemented by it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the cultural neutrality of modernization and globalization policies that are imposed by major international monetary agencies. The authors propose that the structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund are predominantly guided by the concept of developmental association. Guided by this concept, the dominant countries and agencies perceive all developing countries to be merely cultural variations of the same problem that assumes all countries require the same solutions. Through an analysis of the failures of World Bank programs in Brazil and other developing countries, the authors argue for greater recognition of the problems inherent in imposing cosmopolitan and global solutions on local contexts. The authors conclude that globalized solutions for local contexts are inappropriate when they are formulated out of ignorance of the local culture and context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]