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This research paper discusses the reality of electoral governance in Algeria, after the issuance of law No. 21-01 regulating elections, which was issued on March 10, 2021, and the subsequent legislative and local elections in the same year. The paper questions the extent to which governance indicators are applied in the electoral affairs in Algeria through the aforementioned past election entitlements, and the extent to which they are free from aspects of corruption or fraud. The integrity and credibility of elections is considered essential in the democratic process of any country, given that it produces future elites capable of managing people's concerns and hopes, and formulate development strategies that are in the interest of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Assia Djebar’s autobiographicalNulle part dans la maison de mon père(2007) portrays a conflicting relationship with her father which breaks with the sympathetic image in her earlyL’amour, la fantasia(1985). This paper examines their complex relationship by exploring the main character’s sense of place, represented by the home and the school, where dominates the authoritative figure of her father. The latter’s identity emerges as that of the assimilated native, constructed by the ideological forces of French colonialism and fostered by its state-controlled education. The conclusion shows that the protagonist’s feeling of female invisibility, spelt in the very title of the novel, and her discomfort at her father’s subaltern and mimic identity underline the historical, political, as well as cultural impasse of the French colony in Algeria, and function as an indirect indictment of the presumably positive legacy of the colonial past. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between the 1940s and the 1950s, a crucial period of change for Algerian nationalism and state formation, Berber activists within the anti-colonial nationalist movement challenged the political line of the nationalist party, theMouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertés Démocratiques. This opposition focused on the need to redefine the concept of identity: activists did not reject either Arabic or Islam—the dual linguistic-religious core of national identity for Algerian nationalists—but they identified with a broader idea of an ‘Algerian Algeria’ that could incorporate various components of society. Through the study of archival sources, this paper analyses the origins and consequences of the 1949 controversy within Algerian nationalism known as the ‘Berberist crisis’. Particular attention is paid to the idea of the nation proposed, assessing whether and how Berber activists participated in the political debate and state-building. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The "oil curse thesis" links a country's oil largesse inter alia to the durability of its authoritarian regime. And it contends that abundant oil revenues enable autocrats to stymie democratic transition by obviating taxation from citizens, buying off their political acquiescence, bolstering the repressive apparatus and thwarting the formation of civil society. This paper revisits the relevant literature by qualitatively testing its predictions on an in-depth case study of the Algerian regime in the face of the political crisis and riots of 2011. Going beyond the deterministic argument on "oil wealth-authoritarianism", it carefully examines the strategic interaction between country-specific factors and oil wealth and studies how the confluence of these factors has shaped the survival of the authoritarian regime in Algeria since 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks if Ibn Khaldun's cycle - his study of how civilisations rise and fall - is relevant to the modern world. Two introductory sections set the stage for the reply: a series of early nineteenth century American paintings is used to explicate the theory, which is then put in historical context. The theory is applied to two countries - Algeria and South Africa - where the sense of national solidarity changed radically at the end of the twentieth century. The decay of Algeria's nationalist and socialist identity and the rise of South African non-racial citizenship show how flexible and subject to rational calculation asabiyah can be in the modern world. Group feeling can be redefined most successfully in situations of prosperity, as well as when state institutions have the capacity to check and balance executive power. But as recent United States history indicates, we remain vulnerable to the misuse of those institutions: the paper concludes by suggesting that even countries once proudly confident that they had broken the Khaldunian cycle may, in fact, be facing decay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]