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This article argues that reforms of higher education finance for undergraduates in England introduced by the Blair government in 2006 provided a progressive strategy for achieving the central objectives of higher education of quality (better), access (wider) and size (larger). Reforms in 2012 are a not a strategy but a collection of ad hoc arrangements. They include the good (a higher fees cap, a higher interest rate on student loans, better information and improved support for part-time study), the bad (abolishing most taxpayer support for teaching in the arts and humanities and the social sciences, and raising excessively the threshold at which loan repayments start) and the unspeakable (abolishing Education Maintenance Allowances and AimHigher). The reforms are fiscally costly and hence perpetuate the central problem of capped student numbers, and will not stand the test of time. The concluding section outlines the next White Paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, the 'knowledge economy' was hailed as a key driver of future prosperity by progressive policymakers in developed democracies. According to its proponents, in the knowledge economy, companies and countries alike would succeed by cultivating workers' knowledge – as opposed to traditional forms of capital such as plant and machinery. This had radical implications for public policy, implying that education reform and other supply-side interventions could deliver inclusivity as well as prosperity. Today, however, this benevolent vision of the social and economic impacts of technological progress has been superseded by an altogether more dystopian view, associated with automation and the rise of artificial intelligence, as well as transformations in the digital economy and the evolving nature of globalisation. This paper analyses that transition. It charts the key assumptions of the knowledge economy concept, through an intellectual history that focuses on how these ideas manifested themselves in the rhetoric of the UK Government under Tony Blair. It then shows how evolving understandings of the digital economy, technological progress and globalisation challenge these assumptions, and the policy agenda that was premised on them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces the emergence and demise of the Third Way using Foucault's thought to investigate the governmentality of Third Way politics in terms of its techniques of governing focusing on the construction of the citizen-consumer, the social market, and the reform of public services, especially in the context of Tony Blair's New Labor administration in the UK. On this basis the paper makes some broad comments about education, power and freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an investigation of policy-making by the Blair government on the issue of the UK's European Monetary Union (EMU)/Eurozone membership. The Blair government inherited a 'wait and see' policy from its predecessor, and introduced its own variations in the detail of this policy. In particular, five economic tests were invented and placed at the centre of EMU policy-making, in order to depoliticise the political risks during a general election and referendum while also serving the needs of party management. This paper applies four well-known theories of policy-making to the EMU policy case: the broker state pluralist model, instrumental Marxism, the core executive model and rational choice theory. This paper demonstrates that each model possesses a degree of applicability, but argues that instrumental Marxism seems the most appropriate theoretical model among those examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From his very earliest days in office, Tony Blair believed that if he was to achieve his broader educational reforms then the teaching profession itself needed modernising—it had to become a '21st century profession'. This paper charts the background to this aspiration and the complex range of interrelated policies used to achieve that reform. They included: a changed role for initial teacher education; a more differentiated workforce; strategies to 'focus' professionalism (appraisal, standards and CPD); and a redefinition of professional knowledge. Through these policies, the Government hoped to harness teacher professionalism to their broader reform agenda. The paper concludes with a discussion of Tony Blair's legacy in this field both in England and internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on one example of knowledge transfer conducted by the ESRC Identities and Social Action Programme which involved briefing Tony Blair for his December 2006 speech on multiculturalism and extremism. Two key themes in the report prepared for Blair and his speech-writer are described - the nature of contemporary complex multicultures and the 'fragility' of white English identities. These are contrasted with themes in Blair's speech which, in general, celebrated (white) British national character and took a traditional 'divided communities' perspective on UK multiculturalism while introducing further measures to encourage 'integration'. The paper describes the dilemmas and challenges faced in formulating a report for this context, in particular issues about developing a narrative in a highly contested field, complicity with power and credentials to speak. It argues, too, that although ostensibly an exceptional opportunity, more mundane acts of knowledge transfer might be more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Priming is often mentioned in studies of media effects in Britain, yet empirical tests of its extent and nature are lacking; most evidence of priming effects is from the United States. Moreover, research on British elections concludes that the media have little impact on the public’s perceptions of issues, including in the 2005 election. In this paper we argue that priming by the British media has been misconceived and thus not studied adequately. We demonstrate that the issue of the war in Iraq was primed by media coverage in 2005, both as a consequence of the volume of coverage of the issue and its tone. The influence of Iraq was not just long-term, via its impact on confidence in the Labour government or Tony Blair’s reputation, but was also affected by media coverage during the campaign. We also demonstrate that the media’s coverage of Iraq in 2005 influenced voters’ evaluations of Blair by polarizing consumers of the same news. Finally, we find slightly more of an impact of the tone of coverage of Iraq in 2005 but it is moderated by the editorial stance of the newspaper—the editorial stance of British newspapers still seems to matter, suggesting that the dealignment of the British press has not eliminated the influence of reading a newspaper that endorses a party, no matter how qualified that endorsement may be. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The election of the Conservative-Liberal coalition in May 2010 provides the opportunity to start to map out the record of the Labour governments between 1997 and 2010. This paper deals with the specific question how the Brown/Blair governments performed on public expenditures when compared to the records of UK Labour governments since 1945. Did the public expenditure record of the 1997 represent a departure from that of previous Labour governments? This is important to ascertain since there are strongly held beliefs that New Labour was not committed to Labour's historic commitments of income redistribution and universal benefits. The analysis that follows is constructed around five major public expenditure programmes that reflect Labour's priorities. These include total expenditure, expenditure on health, education, housing and social security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the campaign strategies of the Labour Party in Great Britain during the elections of 2001 and 2005. Using comparative analysis, this research investigates the factors that contributed to the election results. Beginning with the issues that the party raised in both campaigns, evaluating the polls before the elections, and counting the leadership of Tony Blair, the author will try to come to a conclusion by comparing the two elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Realising the potential of new technology' was one of the central educational themes of New Labour's 1997 election manifesto, with 'information and communications technology' (ICT) established subsequently as a prominent feature of the Blair administration policy portfolio. As such New Labour can claim rightly to have made an unprecedented and sustained political commitment to technology in education, directing over £5 billion of funding towards educational ICT during the 1997 to 2007 period. Yet the fact remains that the New Labour ICT agenda has failed to achieve the much promised technological 'transformation' of the UK education system. With this in mind the present paper develops the argument that New Labour's concern with educational ICT was driven primarily by concerns over enhancing competitiveness in a globalising economy, creating a lifelong learning system fit for a successful knowledge economy and modernising the formal education sector. Thus whilst New Labour's ICT agenda may well have had the short term impact of increasing the physical presence of ICT resources in all education institutions, its longer-term educational legacy was compromised by the wider macro-level issues it purported to address. As such the legacy of this high-profile segment of policy-making should be seen primarily in terms of establishing ICT as an ideological presence in the UK education system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issue between British national newspapers and Prime Minister Tony Blair's government in Great Britain. It examines the press/politics relationship since 1997 and shows how eight national dailies presented New Labour in government and the Torries in opposition, in and between general elections. It also addresses several questions in which answers explain the inconsistencies and contradictions that characterize the performance of certain newspapers throughout the period and their alignment at election time. The author then presented his conclusion that neither the mail, nor the more or less half-hearted pro-Blairs papers, nor the telegraphs which alone constituted the "Tory press" in 2001, had an intimation about what happen to Tony Blair in only few years' time.

The Research Assessment Exercise (henceforth abbreviated to RAE) was introduced in 1986 by Thatcher, and was continued by Blair. So it has now been running for 21 years. During this time, the rules governing the RAE have changed considerably, and the interval between successive RAEs has also varied. These changes are not of great importance as far as the argument of this paper is concerned. We will concentrate on the main features of the RAE which can be summarised as follows. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Media coverage of the contemporary British Labour party routinely suggests party leaders, notably Tony Blair, have been overly reliant on using focus group as a means of obtaining voter feedback. The paper explores this popular understanding by considering bow and when qualitative forms of opinion research began to play a significant role in developing campaign strategy. Following their incorporation into party planning during the mid-1980s, focus groups provided an increasingly influential (and at the time more discreet) source of data and support for the leadership's Policy Review later that decade. Following the 1992 election defeat selective findings from the party's qualitative research programme became integral to the public relations' initiatives of Labour's self-styled "modernisers," particularly in their largely successful attempt to delegitimise and then marginalise the role of the party's once formidable affiliated anion supporters in internal affairs. Crucially this contributed to a climate that enabled the key moderniser Tony Blair to emerge and win the leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cancer is a major cause of death and ill health, accounting for roughly one in four deaths in the UK. Concern with cancer services was expressed in the 1990s when it was reported that the quality of cancer care was patchy and variable, and clinical outcomes varied in different parts of the country. The Calman-Hine Report (1995) produced specific recommendations for the reorganizing and reconfiguring of cancer services, but although the Conservative government, which commissioned the report, endorsed its suggestions no additional funding was provided to implement the proposed changes, and consequently there remained variations in provision across geographical areas and between patients with different cancer types. However, since 1997 the Labour government has targeted cancer, appointing a Cancer Tsar, announcing a package of measures to“fight the war against cancer”, including the publication of a) and with Tony Blair pledging to end the postcode lottery for cancer treatment. This paper explores the concept of the“postcode lottery of cancer care”, why it exists and whether measures taken since the Calman-Hine Report and the Cancer Plan will address it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Third Way' politics of Blair's New Labour government of the United Kingdom has popularised a number of policy reforms centred on a supposedly new discourse of 'devolution', 'inclusion', 'partnerships' and 'community'. These notions reflect a re-emergence of the ideas and values of civil society, participation and localism. Key drivers of this discourse are: new conceptions of citizenship; a retreat from the social state to a politics of community; and a questioning of both 'big-state' interventionist and competitive market approaches to public policy. These trends have resonance in the Australian context. The welfare reform agenda of the Australian Commonwealth government together with community building and engagement initiatives of State governments have been sites for these policy directions. Much of the debate surrounding these policies excludes or minimises the fundamental role of an active state by focusing on an uncritical conception of community. Drawing on the notion of network governance, an alternative framework for re-conceptualising state-community relations and delivering improved community outcomes is posited. The paper concludes by suggesting possible social governance methodologies for actioning this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first Blair administration faced clamorous criticism from some lobby groups for its handling of rural issues. Yet Labour has presented itself as a ‘one–nation’ party representing both urban and rural areas. This paper examines the basis of recent claims about the parliamentary representation of rural Britain, and analyzes the results of the last two General Elections. It illustrates how the malleability of the category of ‘rural’ allows for contrasting claims about rural representation, and highlights the continuity of party representation among those constituencies located outside the main urban areas in the 1997 and 2001 parliaments, despite regular rural protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary. The institutional structure and urban policy preferences of the Blair administration have now emerged from the British government's comprehensive spending review. In a series of recent publications, notably from the Department of Transport, Environment and the Regions (DETR) and the Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) report Bringing Britain Together, the government places a welcome emphasis on the importance of working with communities and in community economic development. Unfortunately though, these initiatives contrast with a simultaneous commitment to fiscal restraint and work-based labour market policies, which seem to mark continuity. The extent to which the urban policy agenda and institutions are open to influence from community organisations promoting social justice claims that differ from those of government is therefore unclear. This paper uses Healey's 'collaborative planning' approach to explore the potential for the engagement of one such community organisation, Local Exchange Trading Schemes (LETS), to test the extent to which the new policy institutions are open to influence 'from below'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]