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People with learning disabilities are living longer. Older people with learning disabilities should be included in policies and plans that are for all older people. National plans and policies for older people often do not say anything about older people with learning disabilities, and it is hard to know whether older people with learning disabilities are benefiting. People who plan services locally often do not have good information on older people with learning disabilities. Using the Equalities Act 2010 could help people who plan services and write policy to think about older people with learning disabilities but this is not happening at the moment. People who work with older people with learning disabilities should be aware of policy for all older people, so that older people with learning disabilities do not miss out. This paper seeks to explore the opportunities and challenges generated by current policy, guidance and legislation in England relating to older people, in terms of the practical implications for older people with learning disabilities. Using the broad themes housing, employment, social inclusion and isolation, care and support, and promoting better health and well-being, this paper discusses potential practical opportunities and concerns for older people with learning disabilities arising from policy and legislation such as current initiatives regarding integration, personalisation and the dementia policy. Consideration is given to the implications of changing policy and practice for both current and future generations of people with a learning disability as they reach older age. This discussion paper concludes that whilst there is potential for older people with a learning disability to benefit from policy and practice aimed at improving the lives of older people generally, the tendency for policy to be targeted at specific groups without adequately considering the diversity of those groups often leaves those with a learning disability at the margins of being able to make the most of changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discourse of deservingness has been mobilised against certain groups in the UK society navigating UK labour markets, among them refugees and asylum seekers. These discourses, leading to the stigmatisation of the unemployed are coupled with an emphasis on the importance of individuals taking responsibility to develop their 'employability'. Little attention has been paid to scrutinise the contrast between the deservingness rhetoric and policy making with the actual conditions newcomers, and in particular refugees and asylum seekers, are confronted with when seeking employment. Our paper fills such a gap by indicating key contradictions at the heart of labour market integration in the UK. On the one hand, the emphasis on deservingness is coupled with policy discourses that construct an environment shaped by welfare and labour market chauvinism. On the other hand, the policy architecture is fundamentally flawed in a number of ways in terms of the support mechanisms necessary to ensure that newcomers can successfully integrate into the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade there have been repeated calls for the greater taxation of wealth. These calls have had little impact on policy. There has been a global trend to reduce or abolish taxes on wealth. The contrast suggests that it may be better now to explore how taxes on wealth may be made a reality rather than designing new tax proposals. What are the barriers to tax wealth? This paper addresses this by conducting a case study of a high profile plan for introducing a one-off wealth tax in the UK. It identifies a tyranny of the status quo, framing and the policy process as key barriers to tax reform. It uses thematic analysis to study how the plans for a one-off wealth tax were discussed in the media and the UK Parliament. This paper argues that there were important shortfalls in both the way the case for a wealth tax was framed as well as the engagement with the policy process. It claims that a stronger framing would have discussed wealth inequality in greater depth and there was a need for a less equivocal case to Parliamentarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding the historical policy pathways that have led to the constellation of policies that both reflect and shape the current gender order can reveal reasons for the persistence of gender inequality in paid work and unpaid family care. Bringing together existing research and policy critique with Carol Bacchi's framework of policy as 'gendering practices', this paper focuses on the role of policy as a process that constructs and upholds an unequal gender order. The discussion traces how UK social policies have since the establishment of the post-war welfare state articulated and positioned gendered possibilities for combining paid work and childrearing, shaping gendered and classed work-family life courses. The analysis illustrates that British social policy has not been consistently committed to a more equal gender regime but instead maintained a heteronormative family ideal and thus, despite various policy changes, the gendering of 'the worker' and 'the parent' as conceptualised in UK policy has persisted over the last several decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to remove the self-evidence of the concept of severe and multiple disadvantage (SMD) by drawing upon a historical as well as a critical perspective to show its contingency. Design/methodology/approach: This paper will introduce the concept of SMD by examining how it has come to be understood in the way that it has. This paper does so by exploring key texts which have informed the development of the concept as well as its conceptual near neighbours such as "multiple needs". This paper traces some advancements of the concept within practice and further research with a focus on the Fulfilling Lives programme and the Lankelly Chase Foundation. Finally, the author reflects critically upon the concept and the manner in which the concept has become operationalised. Findings: This analysis demonstrates how a particular definition of SMD has come to dominate over the past few years because of the research and practice of key organisations. On the one hand, this has further marginalised alternative definitions and ways of working, but on the other hand these stakeholders have been able to influence the way in which UK policy has taken up the concept within its governmental priorities. Originality/value: To date, research has taken the term SMD for granted which limits the ability to critique its definitions and applications. This is an important and timely contribution because concepts are all-too-often taken for granted and at a pivotal moment when SMD has become nationalised through policy, critique is a political, potentially transformative, act. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era when public faith in politicians is dwindling, yet trust in scientists remains relatively high, governments are increasingly emphasizing the role of science based policy-making in response to challenges such as climate change and global pandemics. In this paper we question the quality of some scientific advice given to governments and the robustness and transparency of the entire framework which envelopes such advice, all of which raise serious ethical concerns. In particular we focus on the so-called Imperial Model which heavily influenced the government of the United Kingdom in devising its response to the COVID-19 crisis. We focus on and highlight several fundamental methodological flaws of the model, raise concerns as to the robustness of the system which permitted these to remain unchallenged, and discuss the relevant ethical consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on insider accounts from UK Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) officials to analyse the relationship between evidence and policy making at a time of rapid policy development relating to Universal Credit (UC). The paper argues, firstly, that evidence selection within the DWP was constrained by the overarching austerity paradigm, which constituted a Zeitgeist and had a significant bearing on the evidence selection and translation process, sharpening the focus of policy officials and analysts on the primacy of quantitative evidence when advising Ministers. Secondly, while methodological preferences (or an 'evidence hierarchy') impacted on evidence selection, this was not as significant as practitioners' perceived capabilities to handle and develop evidence for policy. These capabilities were linked to departmental structures and constrained by political feasibility. Together, these dimensions constituted a significant filtration mechanism determining the kinds of evidence that were selected for policy development and those omitted, particularly in relation to UC. The paper contributes to debates about the contemporary role of evidence in policymaking and the potential of the relationship between future evidence production and use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social impact bonds are payment by results contracts that leverage private social investment to cover the up-front expenditure associated with welfare services. The introduction of private principles and actors through outcome-based commissioning has received a great deal of attention in social policy research. However, there has been much less attention given to the introduction of private capital and its relation to more established forms of quasi-marketisation. This paper examines what effect private social investment has on outcome-based commissioning and whether the alternative forms of performance measurement and management, that social impact bonds bring to bear on service operations, demonstrate the capacity to engender: innovation in service delivery; improved social outcomes; future cost savings; and additionality. This paper draws on an in-depth study of four social impact bonds in the UK context, as the welfare regime at the vanguard of this policy development. The findings suggest that the introduction of private capital in outcome-based commissioning has had a number of unique and unintended effects on service providers, operations and outcomes. The paper concludes by considering whether social impact bonds represent a risk or an opportunity for public service reform both in the UK and further afield. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the relationship between Social Quality and income in later life and represents the first application of the concept to a United Kingdom data-set with an explicit focus on older people. In order to undertake this analysis, confirmatory factor analysis models are employed in conjunction with the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS). This enables various dimensions or domains of Social Quality to be measured and then subjected to further scrutiny via regression analysis. Initially, the paper explores links between low income, poverty and older people, prior to outlining the concept of Social Quality and its four conditional factors. Following the methodology, the impact of income on Social Quality domains is explored. We identify that differences in income in older age provide a partial explanation of differences in individual Social Quality. While there is a statistically significant relationship between income and certain aspects of Social Quality such as economic security, altruism, social networks and culture/participation, other factors such as health, identity and time did not have a statistically significant relationship with income. This indicates that improvements in the income of older people are likely to positively impact on aspects of their Social Quality. Finally, some policy implications of the finding are outlined with particular reference to the potential role for pensions in enhancing aspects of Social Quality in retirement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Street‐level bureaucracy is an increasingly useful way to understand how strategic policy is implemented in day‐to‐day practice. This approach has uncovered the ways that individual health and social care practitioners work within institutional constraints to influence policy implementation at the micro‐level. Nonetheless, despite the diversity of settings where these street‐level bureaucrats (SLBs) work, little attention has been focused on the impact of place on policy delivery. This paper draws on empirical research to examine the ways that delivering government domestic abuse policy in the intimate space of the family home shapes the delivery of strategic policy in the everyday. Drawing on qualitative research with Health Visitors (HVs) in the UK in 2016, the study findings illuminate the ways that the material, socio‐spatial and idealised boundaries of the family home shape the implementation of policy. Key themes in the HV's narratives emerged as they described themselves as both a danger and in danger in the family home. In challenging the ontological security of the home (Giddens 1990) – privacy, security and control are key concepts here – HVs described how they shape their actions to achieve policy outcomes while simultaneously managing threats to the home, to professional identity and to self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People are living longer, and policymakers are talking about 'active ageing'. Active ageing can mean older people being still physically active, still working and still being involved in their local communities. Most policy makers do not talk about people with learning disabilities and active ageing, but this paper does. We also say that people with learning disabilities should be involved in inclusive active ageing research. People (with and without learning disabilities) are living longer. Demographic ageing creates challenges and the leading policy response to these challenges is 'active ageing'. 'Active' does not just refer to the ability to be physically and economically active, but also includes ongoing social and civic engagement in the communities of which older people are a part. Active ageing should apply to all citizens, including the experiences of older people with learning disabilities. This literature based paper explores the focus of active ageing discussions in relation to the general population drawing comparisons with the experiences of older people with learning disabilities. It points out that older people with learning disabilities and their experiences are largely missing from broader policy discussions of active ageing. The paper concludes by arguing for inclusive research in active ageing which takes account of the concerns and interests of older people with learning disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Finnish Baby Box provides parents of newborns with a wide range of infant clothing and other basics. • The cardboard box in which the infant can sleep was emphasized by the media and commercial companies outside Finland. • The box preventing SIDS was advanced by private companies and the media. • This was less the case in Wales and Scotland, a result of their being governed by authorities with a "left" orientation. For over 80 years the Finnish state has provided expectant mothers with a cardboard box containing an extensive collection of clothing, bathing products for the baby, nappies, bedding and a small mattress. Numerous jurisdictions have implemented it in some form. We investigated through a critical case study methodology whether its translation into the liberal welfare states of Canada, UK, and USA experienced message distortion (the box as a means of preventing SIDS), commercialization, watering down of content; and separation from the complex of Finnish welfare state policies that support families with children. We find that only Scotland and Wales recognized the decommodification and equity roles played by the baby box. This study identified numerous barriers to building progressive public policy in Canada, UK, and USA: the structures and processes of the liberal welfare state, commercial interests that skew public policymaking and media logic that limits news reporting to the concrete and simple, eschewing complex analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Service providers in Western welfare states have to engage with an increasingly differentiated citizenry. The arrival of new migrant communities triggers debates, negotiations and struggles over the needs of these communities and how service providers can engage with them. In this paper, we look at these processes of developing local social inclusion policies that target migrant communities through the perspective of Nancy Fraser's ‘politics of need interpretation’. More specifically, we analyse Roma engagement strategies in Manchester. We do so by reconstructing how the presence of Romanian Roma emerged as a public issue leading to various engagement strategies and how different actors competed over the interpretation of the needs of the Roma community and the best ways to respond to them. We use Fraser's notion of ‘parity of participation’ to draw attention to the position of the Roma community itself in the process of interpreting needs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Accessible summary:: “Learning disability” replaced the outdated term, “mentally handicapped” in the UK over 20 years ago. Recently, some services and professionals have been using the term “intellectual disability” instead. In America, “intellectual disability” has been chosen to replace the old term, “mental retardation.” There has been lots of explanation why this has happened. In the UK, there has not been much explanation. It is important to know what terms mean and why they are being used because their use affects the lives of people with learning disabilities. This article looks at what different people in the UK think about term “intellectual disability.” Abstract: Background: The term “intellectual disability” is increasingly used to refer to people with learning disabilities in British learning disability policy, practice and research. This change is undoubtedly a reflection of the changing international context. The inclusion of the term “intellectual disability” has been particularly pronounced in countries such as the USA. By contrast, this change has been relatively silent in England. Methods: In light of this, the paper explores the discussions of 12 focus groups conducted with professional and lay groups working in or influencing learning disability research and practice in England. Each focus group was asked the following two questions: Have you heard of the term “intellectual disability” and how do you feel about the term “intellectual disability?.” Discussion and Conclusion: Thematic analysis of the discussions identified four dominant themes: dislike and disbelief; ambiguity; tautology; and fear. It is concluded that more explanation is required in order for researchers and practitioners in England to understand this semantic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Population ageing is a key challenge confronting European policy makers. Ageing is a complex issue, requiring a value-driven approach to law and policy. However, there has been limited consideration of what values are driving ageing law and policy in the European Union, or if these values are appropriate. Drawing on an empirical study of United Kingdom (UK) legal policy documents, this paper identifies and critiques the primary values and objectives driving ageing law and policy in the field of employment. It is argued that the values driving UK law and policy are often contested, contradictory and under-defined, and there has been limited thought given to how they should be prioritised in the event they conflict. Thus, there is a serious need to reconsider the approach to age and employment taken by policy makers, and to clarify better the key values on which law and policy rest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the New Labour governments' approach to amending the regime for the protection of heritage assets in England. Design/methodology/approach – The paper critically reviews New Labour policy documents alongside contemporary research-based literature. Findings – The terms heritage, conservation and sustainability are increasingly regarded as synonyms. While providing initiatives for the built heritage, New Labour urban policy was set in the context of domestic economic and political restructuring and increased international environmental awareness. This has made managing the heritage environment at both national and local levels more challenging, an aspect that has been exacerbated by the New Labour government's introduction of performance targets and new operational languages. Originality/value – The paper offers an applied consideration of three specific aspects of recent heritage protection direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long-range temporal choices are built into contemporary policy-making, with policy decisions having consequences that play out across generations. Decisions are made on behalf of the public who are assumed to give much greater weight to their welfare than to the welfare of future generations. The paper investigates this assumption. It briefly discusses evidence from sociological and economic studies before reporting the findings of a British survey of people's intergenerational time preferences based on a representative sample of nearly 10,000 respondents. Questions focused on two sets of policies: (i) health policies to save lives and (ii) environmental policies to protect against floods that would severely damage homes, businesses and other infrastructure. For both sets of policies, participants were offered a choice of three policy options, each bringing greater or lesser benefits to their, their children's and their grandchildren's generations. For both saving lives and protecting against floods, only a minority selected the policy that most benefited their generation; the majority selected policies bringing equal or greater benefits to future generations. Our study raises questions about a core assumption of standard economic evaluation, pointing instead to concern for future generations as a value that many people hold in common. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been a great deal of collective rumination about social scientists' role in society. In the post-1997 UK context, public policy commitments to ‘evidence-based policy’ and ‘knowledge transfer’ have further stimulated such reflections. More recently, Michael Burawoy's 2004 address to the American Sociological Association, which called for greater engagement with ‘public sociology’ has reverberated throughout the discipline, motivating a series of debates about the purpose of sociological research. To date, most such contributions have been based on personal experience and anecdotal evidence. In contrast, this paper responds directly to Burawoy's suggestion that we should ‘apply sociology to ourselves,’ in order that we ‘become more conscious of the global forces’ driving our research ( Burawoy 2005 : 285). Drawing on an empirical research project designed to explore of the relationship between health inequalities research and policy in Scotland and England, in the period from 1997 until 2007, this paper discusses data from interviews with academic researchers. The findings suggest that the growing pressure to produce ‘policy relevant’ research is diminishing the capacity of academia to provide a space in which innovative and transformative ideas can be developed, and is instead promoting the construction of institutionalized and vehicular (chameleon-like) ideas. Such a claim supports Edward Said's (1994 ) insistence that creative, intellectual spaces within the social sciences are increasingly being squeezed. More specifically, the paper argues we ought to pay far greater attention to how the process of seeking research funding shapes academic research and mediates the interplay between research and policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the poor state or ‘sickness’ of ‘government science’ —a science characterised by its statistical or operational research character, its purported usefulness to government departments in the effective implementation of public policies or projects, and the contracting of the apparently necessary research to agents whose expertise usually exceeds that which is available within a department. The paper refers to cases of ‘sickness’ drawn from the author's own experience, contractual and non-contracted. It pays particular attention to the case of the continuing Safety Camera Partnership Project: its mishandling by the Department of Transport and the consequent level of public concern. The current prevalence of such cases has deep historical roots, going back to the role of Viscount Haldane before the First World War and the neglect of the principles he later formulated. The paper concludes with a practical suggestion for how to avoid ‘sickness’ in any particular project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of evidence-based policymaking (EBP) has gained renewed currency in the UK in the context of the current Labour Government's commitment to modernise government. Thus, a key driver of modernisation is seen as evidence based policy-making and service delivery--'what matters is what works'--in the context of a performance management strategy for regulation of public services. The aim of this paper is to critically examine the assumptions underpinning EBP asking, in particular, the extent to which the increased emphasis on the role of evidence in policy-making is indicative of instrumental rationality which erodes the normative basis of policy-making and undermines the capacity for 'appropriate' practice. The potential for theory-based evaluation to deliver on its evidential promise is critically examined and, based upon an expanded notion of 'practical reason', it is argued that we need to extend the scope of our concern from 'what works' to what is 'appropriate' in addressing complex and ambiguous social problems, embracing ethical-moral concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As lifelong learning becomes a greater focus for policy at local, national and supranational levels, a question emerges as to how to engage in policy analysis. This is a debate, which is already taking place in relation to policy analysis in other sectors of education. However, this has had little influence on policy studies in lifelong learning. This paper reviews the wider debates and argues for the productiveness of a discursive approach to policy analysis. In particular, it argues that the notion of metaphor can be deployed in such analysis to good effect. This is illustrated through an initial analysis of the UK government's 1998 Green Paper, The Learning Age: a Renaissance for a New Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the decision of the House of Lords in Re F in [1990] clarified somewhat the law concerning the treatment of the mentally incapacitated adult, many uncertainties remained. This paper explores proposals discussed in a recent government green paper for reform of the law in an area involving many difficult ethical dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Longitudinal costly evaluations will always be important in order to understand the factors that impact on child, family and community well-being over the long and medium term. However, in a policy era that accords major importance to the achievement of outcomes, e.g. payment by results, 'outcome theology' can pose threats to service access and professional morale in family support. It is essential therefore, to ascertain the short-term outcomes of services in order to capture the trajectory of progress by families under stress. This paper critiques the concept of 'the outcome'. It traces the development of this trend in policy and describes an alternative but complementary approach, which is based on capturing interim outcomes in family support services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the concept of migrant integration is a contested one, national, sub-national and local governments over the past forty to fifty years have professed support for integration in various forms. However, practical measures have been rare, with broad race-relations policies from the 1960s being the primary means of ‘inclusion’. Under New Labour, refugees were identified as a migrant population with particular challenges and they have been the only migrant group subject to specific integration programmes. Nevertheless, policy and rhetoric about asylum seekers and refugees more generally have tended to operate against integration and have made it increasingly difficult for refugees to rebuild their lives. This paper examines refugee integration from the perspectives of the refugees themselves, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. It also looks at the governance of integration in Scotland and highlights Scottish distinctiveness vis-à-vis the UK. The article suggests that the consequences of broader UK Government policy around asylum and refugee issues negates any positive support in the form of refugee integration programmes and actively inhibits integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article analyses the conditions under which commissions succeed in influencing policy change. The paper tackles three questions: What do governments gain by establishing a commission? What are the tools employed by commissions in order to make their recommendations and ensure that their output will have political significance? And how do commissions influence policy outcomes? Five different types of influence are introduced and tested by focusing on the role of pension commissions in France, Sweden, and the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues both that devolution is central to our understanding of developments in social policy in the contemporary UK and that social policy is a key means through which we can develop a critical understanding of the process of devolution itself. Much of the devolved powers available to the governments in Edinburgh, Belfast and Cardiff centre on social policy innovation and practice. Devolution was widely welcomed as opening up the potential for the development of radically different social policies. However, the discussion of devolution has been largely dominated by an approach that focuses on institutional and/or organizational differences marginalizing, in the process, the wider social relations of welfare around which social policy is organized. In bringing the study of devolution into the heartland of social policy analysis, it is argued that we can begin to develop a more critically informed appreciation of social policy across the entire devolved UK. Through critical social policy analysis we can both evaluate and explain the complex interrelations between devolved governance and the continuing reproduction of inequalities and social divisions throughout the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2001 foot and mouth disease (FMD) epidemic cost over £8 billion and wreaked havoc upon the British countryside. The paper examines the institutional response to the crisis and the subsequent inquiries. Drawing on the 'garbage-can model' of organisational choice and ideas of 'policy framing', it argues that the institutional response to FMD was tightly focused on agricultural interests. Subsequently, a compartmentalised approach to lesson learning has been partial in its coverage. The result is that important lessons, of a more holistic and integrated nature, have been overlooked despite the replacement of the Ministry of Agriculture with a new Department for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper two disparate areas of social science theory, actor–network theory and policy networks, will be brought to bear on the problem of explaining the rapid development of an area of medical science and health policy in the UK. There has been a surge of interest in the treatment and management of personality disorder from within both the psychiatric profession and government ministries, and particularly those personality disorders deemed to be severe or dangerous. This has resulted in the development of a new psychiatric classification, the ‘dangerous and severe personality disorder’ (DSPD), and the funding and development of a new service to deal with it. Major new mental health legislation has been set in train to provide legal backing for the pre–emptive detention of patients with such a diagnosis, despite widespread uncertainty over its status, reliability or predictive capability. In the process of presenting and analysing this development, actor–network theory and policy networks will themselves be reviewed and compared, and common and incompatible elements, foci and mechanisms identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the right to health care. Various expressions of this right may be distinguished. These include both individual rights and social rights which could be based upon international treaties and constitutional rights. They may be found in national health legislation and, in some cases, in jurisprudence. To analyze the consequences of limiting the right to health care, a framework for judicial review has been developed which encompasses these expressions of the right to health care. The framework was used to examine legal and health policy developments in three Western and two Eastern European countries. In Italy and the Netherlands the right to health care is protected constitutionally (but on differing legal bases) while the United Kingdom does not have a written constitution. In contrast, Hungary and Poland have for many years seen the state take responsible for the provision, administration and allocation of health care services and the right to health care was guaranteed theoretically but not in practice because of the lack of (financial) means. However, the Polish Constitution explicitly anticipates possible limitations of the right to health care. What all these countries have in common is a cost containment perspective where the future will bring even tighter limits on what resources patients may consume. Despite differences in legal structure between these countries, where they seem to converge is on the consequences of putting limitations on the right to health care. The courts in Italy, the Netherlands and the UK have formulated conditions drawn from the acceptance that this right has to be judged within the context of limited resources. It may be concluded that finding a compromise between the right to health care and cost containment policies could also be an issue, Eastern European countries will have to face in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the possibility that aspects of recent thinking on governmentality could be applied to the delimitation of rights and elaboration of controls in the policy and practice of British immigration over the period of Conservative rule. First, the complex of external strategies which interact to control and inhibit migration, including the discursive assertion of sovereign boundaries in the face of moves towards a frontier-free Europe are reviewed. Then, turning to official expressions of concern over public funds, the centrality of this rationale in the drive for correspondence between benefit regulations and immigration rules is documented. This drive, it is argued, is a key tactic in the development of internal controls, both as a basis for interagency cooperation and the means by which service providers can be encouraged to police migration. Finally, the paper shows how the rationality dictating these changes has itself been questioned and further elaborates the limits of "governmentality" in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The German party debate concerning European Community policy-making is a low key affair which contrasts greatly with the situation in Britain. This paper examines the form of the debate in the Federal Republic and argues that the nature of the European institutions, of the German party system and, particularly, of internal party policy-making account for this situation. Three short case histories are used to show the operation of the `German model' of party policy-making. The conclusion is that the parties seem to lack any clear function in their activities in connection with the European Community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]