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This paper argues that to understand the impact of former U.S. President Donald Trump on the U.S.-Mexico border, his presidential agenda needs to be compared with other presidential administrations from the 1990s to the present. It looks at presidential policy agendas, as seen in executive orders, legislative policies, binational initiatives, deployment of the National Guard and military, presidential visits, and use of the bully pulpit with visits to the border region. These are compared to border operations indicators, highlighting formal and informal crossings of people and movement of goods. Though Mr. Trump has been specifically negative and aggressive toward the border, the securitization of the region has been part of presidential agendas since the 1990s. A key takeaway is to think about and discuss these results to ensure the border is livable, manageable and ready for the challenges of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Chicago sociologist William F. Ogburn's (1886–1959) views about technological unemployment, which were intimately connected to his analysis of the social impacts of technological developments and resulting social problems due to cultural lag. We trace the development of his views as seen through his well‐known 1922 book, Social Change with Respect to Culture and Original Nature, his important contributions to the President's Research Committee on Social Trends (1933), and his lesser‐known pamphlets designed for a broader audience—Living with Machines (1933), You and Machines (1934), and Machines and Tomorrow's World (1938). He used these pamphlets to educate the public about the dangers of new machines and technological unemployment. In doing so, he drew upon sociological analysis in his professional scholarly writings and his long‐standing personal interests in social betterment and social reform. Our analysis also calls into question the adequacy of existing scholarship on Ogburn that has emphasized his commitment to a statistical, dispassionate, and "objectivist" approach to social science research. We call for a revised, richer, and more complex view of Ogburn's work and legacy as one of the nation's leading social scientists during the first half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effects of the financial crisis of the 1930s on the path of aggregate output during that period. Our approach is complementary to that of Friedman and Schwartz, who emphasized the monetary impact of the bank failures; we focus on non-monetary (primarily credit-related) aspects of the financial sector-output link and consider the problems of debtors as well as those of the banking system. We argue that the financial disruptions of 1930-1933 reduced the efficiency of the credit allocation process; and that the resulting higher cost and reduced availability of credit acted to depress aggregate demand. Evidence suggests that effects of this type can help explain the unusual length and depth of the Great Depression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Camilla Stivers' historical account in Bureau Men/Settlement Women, this paper traces social equity within public administration to the Progressive Era and specifically to the New Deal when it became an explicit federal government commitment across policies, programs, and administration. By taking an approach focused on gender, the paper makes visible a "network" of progressive women administrators, including Jane Addams, Florence Kelley, Frances Perkins, Josephine Roche, and Mary McCleod Bethune, all of whom were dedicated to social justice as a core administrative value. The aim of laying out this broader and deeper historical context for public administration is to encourage contemporary public administration scholars to draw upon this context in their own teaching and inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents evidence that firms had labor market power during the early 1930s. Using plant-level data from the Census of Manufactures between 1929 and 1935, I construct a Herfindahl-Hirschman Index of local labor market concentration at the State-Economic-Area-by-industry-by-occupation level. I find that local labor market concentration has a negative relationship with wages which is consistent with labor market monopsony power. The results are robust to excluding local labor markets with one firm, excluding industries with local product markets, as well as the inclusion of industry characteristic, SEA, and occupational time trends. I find evidence that New Deal minimum wage policies weakened monopsony power. I also find suggestive evidence that high unemployment rates during 1930 reduced workers' bargaining power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the contemporary politics of the minimum wage came to focus on whether the minimum wage kills jobs. It begins by showing that the debates over the minimum wage shifted from an initial rhetoric in the 1930s that accepted the inevitability and in some cases desirability of unemployment in order to eliminate child labor and sweatshops and reconstruct the economy along high wage lines, to one where the existence of minimum wage–caused unemployment was called into question. Policymakers in the Department of Labor borrowed from the newfound authority of economics in the post-war American state to make the argument for substantial increases to the minimum wage in the 1950s and 1960s because they found that it had no negative effect on employment, but in so doing lashed the fate of the minimum wage to the empirical question of whether or not the minimum wage resulted in lower employment. In the 1970s and 1980s, the fate of the minimum wage was bound up by the question of the impact of the minimum wage on teenage employment. A new wave of external research by economists questioned the rosy findings of Department of Labor experts, pointing to teenagers as potentially bearing the economic brunt of minimum wage increases. This debate would be hashed out in the 1981 Minimum Wage Study Commission, as economic theory and policy rhetoric came together in the same place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present Keynes's view on state planning in an orderly manner, as elements of his vision appeared scattered here and there from the 1920s until the publication of his General Theory. One could argue that Keynes' ideas on planning were influenced by Soviet planning; the Great Depression and Roosevelt's New Deal; and in parallel, the theoretical transition Keynes was going through. His conception consolidated when he established that it was necessary to control investment and income distribution, although he believed planning should walk hand in hand with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world economy is experiencing a deep recession amid a still unchecked pandemic. But the commitment to recovering better will not materialize if, as happened after the global financial crisis, the advanced economies resort to a policy mix of austerity, liberalization and quantitative easing. Such an approach will only worsen a whole set of pre-existing conditions and in particular, high inequality, excessive debt (both public and private and weak investment—that will lead to a lost decade, particularly for developing countries. What is needed instead is an expansionary plan for global recovery, that can credibly return even the most vulnerable countries to a stronger position than before the crisis. This paper sets out some of the key elements of such a plan and argues that its implementation will require systematic reforms to the multilateral trade and financial system if a more resilient recovery is to turn into a sustainable and inclusive future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Democratic Party's electoral success during the 1930s has long intrigued politicians and scholars. To gain new insight into that success, this paper examines the striking heterogeneity in county-level support for Roosevelt. Even though the Depression's effects and the New Deal's benefits were famously widespread, only some parts of the country responded with large and durable partisan shifts. One reason is that several factors, including pre-New Deal economic hardship, Dust Bowl conditions, and New Deal spending, appear to have had effects that were largely transitory (i.e., faded by 1940). A complementary reason is that swing electorates can, and did, swing both ways. By contrast, several other variables -- notably economic and demographic factors discussed in the previous literature -- are related to relatively durable shifts. Finally, heterogeneity in marginal responses may have mattered greatly to national-level Democratic success. By demonstrating which factors were transitory and which were more durable, this paper illuminates the New Deal Realignment and, more generally, the influence of economic conditions and distributive policy on voter behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on constructivist theory to assess the contemporary debate around inclusion within peace-building and state-building processes and on inclusivity as an emerging norm within international policy processes. Within the wider context of an ongoing but still incomplete normative shift in terms of how peace building is both understood and practised, it focuses on the case of the New Deal for Engagement in Fragile States, and makes the case that the inclusivity agenda marks a significant shift towards fulfilling a longstanding commitment to respecting national ownership of peace-building processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores some aspects of the present crisis, including the problem of how to think about crises in the current conjuncture. It has four main parts: the first and second explore the changing imagery of markets as disenchantment sets in; the third considers what sort of crisis is taking place; and the fourth and final part of the paper considers how innovations and interventions directed at solving the crisis are being framed. It concludes that being 'after neo-liberalism' may not be the same as the disappearance of neo-liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, following the lead of the US, several OECD countries have introduced ‘workfare’ policies that link receipt of unemployment and related social benefits to compulsory participation on state-administered work and training schemes. The UK’s New Deal (Welfare-to-Work) for Young People is one of the largest and most developed of these workfare programmes. Official evaluations of the UK’s New Deal for Young People claim that it has been a national success, but overlook local variations in its results. This paper uses the Government’s own performance measures, data on local unemployment flows, numbers of New Deal participants recycled through the scheme as second starts, and interviews with both local policy managers and participants, to demonstrate that these local variations have been substantial. These different indicators suggest that the programme has been noticeably less effective in many inner urban and depressed industrial labour markets. In such areas the ‘recycling and churning’ of participants through the programme are more significant, and suggest that local labour market structures play a significant role in shaping policy outcomes. The paper argues that recent additions to the New Deal to improve job search and matching fail to address this local variation, and that a longer-term approach is required that seeks to improve not only the employability of individuals, but also the local employment opportunities open to them. One key implication is clear: that local labour market conditions can exert a significant influence on the outcomes of national workfare type policies, not only in terms of geographical variations in the problem to be solved, but also in shaping and constraining the local nature of policy outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

New Labour is keen to use legislation to encourage what are seen as desirable family practices, and to discourage other, less-favoured, forms. What this means in policy terms has now been codified in its 1998 Green Paper, Supporting Families. In this paper, we examine the validity of this enterprise in terms of its underlying assumptions about social behaviour and economic decision making. We argue that the government implicitly assumes a universal model of 'rational economic man' and his close relative the 'rational legal subject', whereby people take individualistic, cost-benefit type decisions about how to maximize their own personal gain. Change the financial structure of costs and benefits, and the legal structure of rights and duties, in the appropriate way and people will modify their social behaviour in the desired direction. However, recent research suggests that people do not act like rational economic man in making decisions about their moral economy. Legislation based on this assumption might then be ineffectual and the proposals in Supporting Families seem to be one example. This is what we have labelled the 'rationality mistake'. In Part I of this work, we focus on the financial proposals in the Green Paper and on the New Deal for Lone Parents in particular. We then go on to counterpose this with the results of recent empirical work on how and why people actually do make family decisions. In Part II, to be published in the next issue, we focus on chapter four of Supporting Families, on strengthening marriage, and again compare New Labour's proposals with recent empirical work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Franklin Delano Roosevelt is arguably one of the greatest of American Presidents. His encounter with the polio that crippled him at an early age and its transformative impact upon him are here discussed with particular reference to his relationship with his physician, Dr. George Draper. This transformation liberated energy in Roosevelt to lead and to show empathy for others in ways that both challenged the political and social status quo in the USA as well as helped save the world from the threat of Fascism in World War II. This essay seeks to demonstrate how an investigation of the life and struggles of this famous patient is one avenue for relating the study of the humanities to medical education. An earlier version of this paper was presented as the Heberden Lecture in the History of Medicine at the New York Academy of Medicine in 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The critical election of 1932 represented a turning point in the future electoral successes of the Democrats and Republicans for over three decades. This paper seeks to measure the importance of the New Deal in facilitating the Democrats' control of the federal government well into the 1960s. We test whether long-differences in the county-level electoral support for Democratic presidential candidates after the 1930s can be attributed to New Deal interventions into local economies. We also investigate more narrowly whether voters rewarded Roosevelt from 1932 to 1936 and from 1936 to 1940 for his efforts to stimulate depressed local economies. Our instrumental variable estimates indicate that increasing a county's per capita New Deal relief and public works spending from nothing to the sample mean ($145) would have increased the long-run support for the Democratic party by 2 to 2.5 percentage points. We further find that the long-run shift toward the Democratic party after 1928 was not a function of the Roosevelt landslide victory in 1932. Roosevelt's ability to win over voters during the 1936 and 1940 elections with New Deal spending, however, did matter for the long-term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1900 to 1950, malaria rates declined rapidly in the southeast United States. At its peak, malaria infected over 30% of the population. Malaria declined over the period for several reasons: improvements in public infrastructure; development of new insecticides; improvements in agriculture that promoted drainage; increases in incomes; and changes in migration patterns. This paper focuses on public works constructed by the Works Progress Administration (WPA) during the 1930s and subsequent interventions during the 1940s. To estimate the relationship between these malaria programs and malaria rates, I construct a panel of annual county level malaria rates in Georgia from 1932 to 1947. Between 1932 and 1940 the malaria rate in counties that received WPA malaria projects fell from 25.9 deaths per 100,000 to 5.3 deaths per 100,000. The empirical estimates suggest that WPA malaria projects led to 9.1 fewer deaths per 100,000 or roughly 44% of the observed decline in treated counties. Additional public works constructed by the MCWA during World War II, and the introduction of DDT after 1945 completely eliminated malaria in Georgia by 1947. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This project is a socio-historical study exploring how linguist Robert Young’s documentation of Navajo supported the federal government’s political and economic agenda for the Navajo reservation during the New Deal. I examine Robert Young’s papers and publications to show how his work in support of John Collier’s philosophy of cultural pluralism and goal of preserving Native cultures also helped support the federal government’s efforts to create a Navajo polity patterned after the US government. Young’s documentation of Navajo helped to create a standardized register for use in political and educational institutions, helped to teach and model the federal government’s concept of the ideal modern Navajo citizen, and attempted to create a Navajo public sphere modeled on the American public sphere. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

There have been many studies on the impact(s) of the New Deal in the South, but few works analyze the role of nationalism within the New Deal's southern programming. The New Deal was predicated on economic nationalism, which encouraged consumerism to combat the Great Depression. The South's laggard economy and largely impoverished rural population were viewed as obstacles to creating this new consumerist society; New Deal planners, therefore, set out to ''rehabilitate'' the region. This paper concerns one of the New Deal's southern reform programs, a series of community farms that relocated landless farmers into government-built communities. The purpose of these communities was to economically, socially and culturally prepare poor southerners for participation in the new society being created via the New Deal. For southern farmwomen, the New Deal's rehabilitation of the South meant greater enforcement of extant gender roles and a restructuring of farm life that marginalized women's labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper puts forth (and documents) an argument that the escalating US military spending at the expense of non-military public spending is steadily undermining the critical national objective of public-capital formation (both physical and human) and that, if not stopped, the resulting trend will stint long term productivitiy and economic growth, as it erodes both physical and soft/social infrastructure. An equally high opportunity cost of the colossal Pentagon budget in terms of forgone or neglected public infrastructure is vulnerability in the face of natural disasters, as evidenced, for example, by Hurricane Katrina’s devastation of the City of New Orleans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agricultural policy in the United States is often structured around conflicts and relationships within particular production regions. These regional solutions may evolve into national policies. This paper explores a historical example of this, the development of fluid milk policy and the fluid milk economy in the Chicago milkshed between 1900 and the New Deal. This example is particularly interesting because it was part of the rise of the post-World War II modern food system. Both urban and rural groups were important in this development. Urban groups took a particular interest in milk production and regulation due to its importance as a nutritious but highly perishable staple. Rural groups responded to urban attempts to control production practices by organizing cooperatives. Negotiations and strikes resulted in an agreement in 1929 that was positive for farmers, the Chicago Department of Health, and other major entities in the milkshed. It attempted to place regulatory barriers around the milkshed. However, it soon failed due to improvements in transportation technology and new distribution systems that allowed for cheaper retail prices. The group then proposed a marketing plan to the USDA, which became the ancestor of the federal milk marketing order program. This story sheds light on the manner in which local interest groups and internal politics within the U.S. Department of Agriculture combined to shape New Deal agricultural legislation. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article details the history of Slossfield Hospital, an African American hospital and community center founded in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1937. During its New Deal-era existence it provided African American physicians institutional support for their medical practices. Additionally, as a community center, it addressed the socioeconomics of good health. This paper uses Slossfield as a case study to explore how some African Americans included the socioeconomic in their definition of public health during the New Deal, as well as to understand how these ideas were subsumed by more mainstream ideas about public health promulgated by black and white physicians and the local and federal governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Using county-level data on federal New Deal expenditures on public works and relief and Agricultural Adjustment Administration payments to farmers, this paper empirically examines the New Deal’s impact on inter-county migration from 1930 to 1940. We construct a net-migration measure for each county as the difference between the Census’s reported population change from 1930 to 1940 and the natural increase in population (births minus infant deaths minus non-infant deaths) over the same period. Our empirical approach accounts for both the simultaneity between New Deal allocations and migration and the geographic spillovers that likely resulted when economic activity in one county may have affected the migration decisions of people in neighboring counties. We find that greater spending on relief and public works was associated with significant migration into counties where such money was allocated. The introduction of our modern farm programs under the aegis of the Agricultural Adjustment Administration appears to have contributed to a net out-migration that sped the transition of people out of farming. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The U.S. New Deal raises issues of class, race, gender, region, social movements, and institutional constraint in the context of a societal-wide economic and political crisis, and has not surprisingly generated a considerable body of work by political sociologists over the past twenty years. In particular, the New Deal has served as a major empirical context for developing, testing, or applying broader theoretical models of political change in the United States. In this sense, it is a paradigmatic example of the "historical turn" in the social sciences. This paper examines the theoretical and empirical controversies that have persisted between four competing theoretical models of New Deal political change: (a) those emphasizing the importance of social movements from below in generating momentum for political reform, (b) those high-lighting the centrality of business influence on successful New Deal reform initiatives, (c) feminist models, and (d) historical institutional models. I then turn to a survey of more recent work on some of the topics that have been the most widely debated in more recent scholarship and pose some questions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows that conditional cash transfers under Aid to Dependent Children (ADC), a main program of the 1935 Social Security Act, reduced infant, children and adult mortality. I take advantage of the transition from mothers' pensions to ADC and the large differences in ADC payments and eligibility across 104 cities, 2,260 counties, and 49 states to estimate the impacts of cash transfers on mortality rates, by age, sex, race, and cause between 1929 and 1944. I find that ADC's expansion reduced infant and adult mortality by between 10 and 20 percent. This finding, based on an event-study design, is robust to a range of specifications, difference-and-differences, an instrumental variable strategy, a range of fixed effects, placebo tests and a border-pair policy discontinuity design. The largest mortality reductions came from drops in communicable and infectious diseases, such as influenza, pneumonia and tuberculosis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]