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Focuses on the contradictions of the proposed reunification of Taiwan with China. Conditions possessed by Taiwan as a country; Problems encountered by Taiwan in terms of relations with China; Actions that should be taken by Taiwan to promote peace in the Taiwan strait.

This paper attempts to provide a concrete response and analysis to the decline of Chinese identity in Taiwan. Our focus is on the problem of 'Chinese identity' and how this identity is gradually fading, as is evident in long-term public opinion polls conducted by various academic institutions in Taiwan between 1992 and 2012. This paper provides two perspectives to analyze the phenomenon. One is that the occurrence of political events impacts identification, and creates a lasting effect on younger generations. These events seem to have a greater and more continuous impact on the younger and better educated generations. Second, the gradual passing with age of the first generation of waishengren (people of Mainland Chinese origin who came to Taiwan after World War II and their descendents) has contributed somewhat to the decline of Chinese identity, but not enough to be a critical factor. Therefore, this paper provides a preliminary explanation that political events play a key role in influencing the decline of 'Chinese identity' in Taiwan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does it mean to say a state is angry? To answer this question, this paper theorizes a diplomacy of anger. Specifically, the diplomacy of anger involves a vehement and overt state-level display of anger in response to a perceived violation. Although the diplomacy of anger threatens precipitous escalation in the face of further violations, it can be ameliorated by conciliatory gestures and will subside over time absent new provocations. What is more, the diplomacy of anger can also exercise a reciprocal influence on the emotional dispositions of those that practice it. The diplomacy of anger thereby contributes to constructing particular issues as sensitive and volatile, and thus outside the realm of standard bargaining interactions. To examine the analytical purchase of this approach vis-à-vis standard accounts of coercive diplomacy, this paper looks in-depth at the 1995–96 Taiwan Straits crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper reviews the security challenges from several perspectives, the first and perhaps most important being the geo-strategic reality that Taiwan will always be only 90-odd miles from mainland China. This irreversible fact means that Taiwan will always be in the shadow of growing mainland power. The paper then briefly comments on how PLA modernization, largely focused on the 'Taiwan issue' does pose real challenges. The paper addresses some of the issues surrounding how the ROC is addressing its defense, and contrast, unfavorably, the lack of ROC military focus compared to what is going on in the mainland. The paper also makes an attempt to assess opportunities from a security perspective. The key question is opportunities for what? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, Taiwan and China conducted over twenty rounds of negotiations through the semi-official Strait Exchange Foundation (SEF) and the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait (ARATS) concerning the following issues: notarized papers, registered mail, illegal immigration, fishing disputes, airplane hijacking, and post-1997 shipping links between Taiwan and Hong Kong. Regrouping these issues into rights, law-and-order, and shipping, this study analyzes the differences in the negotiation processes and outcomes through variations of value-interest alignments and their perceived impact on future policy objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growth of Taiwan's manufacturing investments in China has bred an emerging cross-border industrial park development. This paper investigates the processes involved by exploring the interactive relations between the nation-states and actors concerned. In the context of the cross-border political tensions between Taiwan and China, the roles played by the two states are extensively examined. A case study of Kunshan Science Park in Suzhou is also discussed in detail. It is concluded that the industrial park development across Taiwan Strait is socially constructed through the interactions of vertical and horizontal governance within interfirm, intrafirm and extrafirm networks, upon which the states and related political economies across the Strait have imposed particular influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taiwan Strait region has many miles of coastline, and the Taiwan Straits Tunnel (TST) project faces many potential pollution problems as construction proceeds through sensitive areas. Conventional approaches for pollution mitigation require further examination. The recent development of nanoscale particle technology has shown distinct advantages for contaminant attenuation and ground improvement. This paper is focused on trace metals and is part of the overall effort to develop the nanoscale particle technology. Trace metals in ground and surface waters represent a continued threat to human and ecological health. One of the difficulties in removing toxic concentrations of trace metals from solution is the variable oxidation state and amphoteric nature of multiple constituents. In particular, while cationic metals (e.g., Pb 2+ , Cd 2+ , Ni 2+ ) may be rendered less mobile under high pH conditions, anionic metals (e.g., AsO 4 3- , CrO 4 2- , SeO 4 2- )may become more mobile. The objective of this research was to evaluate the sorption of both cationic and anionic trace elements, including arsenic (As), cadmium (Cd), chromium (Cr) and selenium (Se) under batch conditions. Mixtures of a local residual soil were tested alone and in combination with lime and zero valent iron. It was hypothesized that lime would raise the pH and precipitate positively charged metals while zero valent iron would create reducing conditions favorable to the immobilization of negatively charged metals. Results indicate that the use of lime and/or zero valent iron can increase the sorption capacity of soil. Compared to the baseline soil, sorption capacity increased with addition of lime for arsenic and cadmium while it decreased for chromium and selenium. In the case of zero valent iron addition, sorption capacity increased for cadmium, chromium and selenium, while showing no change for arsenic. When both lime and zero valent iron were used, the sorption capacity increased for all metals tested. These results suggest that the combined use of lime and zero valent iron may serve as an alternative treatment technology for removing trace metals from contaminated water systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the complex role of intellectuals in the nationalist movements in Taiwan and, by implication, their role in making war and peace across the Taiwan Strait. Ideal typical organic intellectuals, while following the ethic of responsibility, are willing to use dubious means, including extremisms like distortions, exaggerations and even war, in advancing their nationalist causes. These means can be politically effective, but they are ethically problematic. Professionals want to remain neutral and objective in their study of nationalism, and critical intellectuals want to focus on fairness and justice to all, especially to the disadvantaged groups, in any national developments or arrangements. The professional and critical intellectual groups follow the ethic of ultimate ends, but both are marginalized in the nationalist movements in Taiwan. They largely stand on the sidelines, watching history happen. They are ethical but seldom effective, unless they become partisan and are willing to use dubious means. Such action, however, would turn them into organic intellectuals. These three roles of intellectuals also represent three aspects of intellectuality. They are ideal typically in the sense that intellectuals may transit among the roles. Nonetheless, how intellectuals balance these roles and handle the dilemmas between ethics and efficacy affects the direction of cross-Strait relations, especially with respect to war and peace in the region. This article is based on a historical-comparative analysis of the role of intellectuals, interviews of intellectuals in Taiwan, and a textual study of their writings. It hopes to shed some light on the nationalist developments across the Taiwan Strait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]