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The article presents a paper that has attempted to illuminate the problem of the persistence of specific organizational forms, a problem which has received some theoretical attention, but for which few operational clues exist. A notable exception is researcher Arthur L. Stinchcombe's hypothesis stating that when organizational elite structures are compatible with the interests and purposes of relevant external elites who control the resources upon which the organization depends, then the organizational form has a better chance of survival. The example analyzed in this paper was that of a city police control system that by all odds should have died a hundred years ago. The first task of this paper was to show how the Police Control Board, gradually worked out a routine police control operation that proved to be of great comfort and satisfaction to nervous elites suspicious of the city's will and ability to keep the dangerous classes in check. The second task of this paper was to analyze the social backgrounds of commissioners in order to show that they could hardly be anything but acceptable to elites since they themselves were recruited from elites and brought an elite perspective into the organization.

This paper analyzes the manner in which ethnicity has affected the course of American and Canadian party politics. Specifically, the paper tries to demonstrate that although the social processes involved in the migration of large numbers of ethnics have been relatively similar in both societies, the manner in which the social reality of ethnicity has affected the political structures therein has been quite different. Thus, although successive immigrant groups became the chief political resource of the great American urban party machines, they were able to use the existing political structures for their own purposes. Ethnic groups have derived psychological and more tangible benefits, such as public and party office positions, and have strongly affected the foreign and domestic policy positions of the two major parties. In contrast, Canadian party leaden historically have been able to exploit ethnic cleavages, but rarely have had to play the game of ethnic politics in the maimer of their American counterparts. In fact, ethnicity continues to strongly affect American political structures even as it moves into the realm of an index of more important social facts, while Canadian political structures have remained relatively impervious to ethnic groups despite the fact that ethnicity continues to be a factor of major importance in Canadian social organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the paper titled "Prestige and Esteem As Power Components: An Experimental Analysis," by E. Gartly Jaco. This paper is appealing for a number of reasons. It is an empirical study, but one with theoretical implications and relationships which are clearly delineated. This represents research as it should be. As an empirical test of the basic concepts of prestige and esteem, the research is not an effort to stand alone, but rather to contribute to the building of a body of knowledge relating to personal power and its exercise. As such, a number of theoretical conclusions are drawn, providing the suggestion and the basis for further research. For example, the contention that prestige sets a limit on the range of esteem a person may achieve requires additional examination of the dimensions of power and the relation of those dimensions to social stratification. Jaco's suggestion that, in a static society, personal power tends to be concentrated in prestige, while in a highly mobile society it may be centered in esteem, also deserves further consideration.

Ethnosemantics has been described as the study of vocabulary as a guide to the way in which members of a particular culture divide up their universe. Making a selective we of the ethnosemantic approach, the paper examines the relationship between language (nomenclature), social organization and physical-spatial urban form. The particular sphere in which this relationship is investigated is provided by the colonial third culture. By examining the etymology of thirty four key items in the terminological system of the colonial urban settlement and of colonial urbanization in India, insights are gained, not only into the `urban universe' of the colonial community and into the origins of the still-existing physical-spatial urban forms into which this was translated, but also into the structure of social, economic and political relationships which such forms reflect. The ethnosemantic approach to the study of the colonial city is suggested as a useful heuristic device, both for the contribution it makes towards understanding selected aspects of `urbanism', as also for the insights it gives into policy-relevant issues of urban redevelopment. The approach has relevance for urban analysis m other cultural settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two basic hypotheses are tested in this paper. First, the frequency of social trips will decline with increasing travel distance between the interacting participants. Secondly, an individual of a given Socioeconomic status will be more likely to choose as a social contact someone of similar status, his frequency declining with progressively dissimilar status levels. Although the findings at the census tract level were less clear-cut than expected, they tended to confirm the hypotheses. Conclusions based on detailed neighborhood surveys strongly point up a distance decay in social travel and an interaction of individuals by socioeconomic status. Based on friendship origins, the neighborhood data show both a distance and a social network component. Factor analysis of the social ties matrix suggests the effects of distance bias and residential status on social interaction in the city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to argue that the widely accepted `class-culture conflict model' is not adequate in describing the relationship between children of different social classes to the social structure of the school. It leads to a number of inferences about the psychological dispositions of working-class children which are questionable. In an empirical study of pupil attitudes towards in general, and the English lesson in particular, it was predicted, in contradiction to what might be expected using the `class-culture conflict model', that these social classes would not differ in respect of general orientation to school but that working-class children would evaluate the English lesson more positively than middle-class children. Hypotheses were also entertained in respect of the influence of type of school on positive evaluation. The results largely confirmed the predictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the contribution of the Tavistock Institute of Human Relations to the development of industrial sociology. Four major contributions are discussed: the development of an `open socio-technical systems' model of the industrial organization; the study of industrial work groups, particularly with reference to different forms of social organization within the same technological limits; the elaboration of ideas concerning management organization; and discussion of the sources of resistance to change in organizations, and means for handling them. Much of the research has been carried out in combination with consultancy and this has affected the sorts of problems examined and the modes of explanation attempted: the emphasis has necessarily been on social problems as defined by the `directorate' of an enterprise; there has been little discussion of industrial conflict and industrial relations, and insufficient attention to the structure of the wider society; sociological and psychological/psycho-analytical problems and explanations have not always been kept sufficiently distinct; and insufficient attention has been given to the work of others in this field. Despite important limitations the contribution is a distinctive and valuable one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analytical framework is proposed for the systematic study of occupations in their social environments. This paper explores the ways in which occupations influence and are influenced by specific social contexts, taking into account both subjective and factual elements of the environment. Drawing upon past research on social stratification and current social developments, the framework is systematically illustrated, with emphasis on the dynamic nature of the connective relationships between occupations and publics. Neglected areas of research and theory are derived using the framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years considerable attention has been focused on delineation of the concept of alienation and on measurement of its relationship to modern social structure and function. This paper reviews the alienation literature, largely empirically oriented, for the last decade. Included with works of primarily theoretical and methodological importance are substantive studies of the relationships between the alienated individual and his social order. Suggestions for further research are given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper began with an attempt to formalize the Davis-Moore functional theory of social stratification. It was found that the theory could be represented by a static model consisting of two algebraic equations with appropriate constraints on the functions. Then the tools of path analysis were used to evaluate the empirical adequacy of the Davis-Moore and Parsonian functional theories of social stratification as representations of cultural beliefs about stratification. Because of the likely presence of measurement and sampling errors, it was impossible to reject definitely either of the models. However, the estimated path coefficients were more consistent with the Parsonian theory than the Davis-Moore theory. This led to an inquiry into the conditions under which one model would be a better representation than the other. It was argued that the Davis-Moore scheme would provide a more accurate representation of cultural beliefs under conditions of high organizational interdependence whereas the Parsonian framework would give a better representation under conditions of low interdependence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between size and structure is a general problem in the study of social organization. Organization can be seen as a system of relationships among differentiated activities performed by units of a population. Viewed as arising out of the exchange relations among these units, the structural characteristics of organizations should be affected by population size. As specific expressions of this general concern, size has been included in every taxonomy of group properties and has been related to goals, effectiveness, succession, and job satisfaction in studies of formal organizations (Merton, 1957:310-326; Berelson and Steiner, 1964:364-367; Tannenbaum, 1961; Meltzer and Salter, 1962; Simpson and Gulley, 1962; and Grusky, 1961). But perhaps the greatest amount of theoretical and research attention has focused on the relationship between size and the administrative component as one structural aspect of formal organizations (Melman, 1951; Terrien and Mills, 1955; Tsouderos, 1955; Bendix, 1956:221-223; Haire, 1959:287-296; Anderson and Warkov, 1961; Lindenfeld, 1961; Haas et al., 1963; Hawley et al., 1965; Starbuck, 1965:495-502; Rushing, 1966; Raphael, 1967; Hall et al., 1967). The findings produced by this research along with other inquiries into the effects of size on structural characteristics have been inconclusive. This has led some to conclude that "… size may be irrelevant in determining organizational structure" (Hall et al., 1967:912). Such a conclusion, however, may be premature. It is clear from both our own work and that of others that the effects of size may vary by type of organization (Akers and Campbell, 1968). Further, a clearer understanding of the size factor, especially as related to the administrative segment, requires a systematic investigation into other structural features of organization. In particular, Blau and Scott (1962:227) have suggested that complexity, as a second structural characteristic, may be an intervening variable between size and the administrative component, as well as being itself directly affected by organizational size. While other studies have treated complexity in a variety of ways, none has attempted systematically to explore the interrelationships among size, complexity, and the administrative component in a relatively large number of voluntary organizations. It is the purpose of this paper to examine these interrelationships for one kind of organization. Specifically, we want to consider: 1. the relationship between organizational size and the administrative component, controlling for complexity. 2. the relationship between size and complexity controlling for the relative size of the administrative component. 3. the relationship between complexity and the size of the administrative component controlling for organizational size. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To discuss the merits of this last hypothesis is beyond the scope of this paper, which has the much more limited aim of examining the empirical support for Lipset and Bendix's original argument. How firmly can we rely on their empirical generalization that the overall pattern of social mobility appears to be much the same in industrial societies? To answer this requires a reanalysis of their data. Although a complete assessment of this generalization would require the examination of all the available material, I have made here no attempt to incorporate more recent findings than they consider. Needless to say, this review is not meant to be negative but, rather, reopens an issue which may have been prematurely closed. Indeed it may even be that readers of Lipset and Bendix have imbued their findings with greater finality than was indicated, since in their original monograph they stress the tentative nature of their interpretation. As an interpretation their study remains masterful, and this critique should be seen in this context. One final qualification is that since the chapter in which this analysis appears was in fact written by Lipset and Zetterberg, it may be more proper to refer to this thesis as the Lipset-Zetterberg thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of community power, influence, and leadership have rapidly increased in popularity and in number during the decade since Hunter's epochal study of Regional City in 1954. Foci of the various studies since then have ranged from the delineation of traits of leaders or power figures to conceptualizations of types of community power structures. Some few studies have been concerned with the relationship between attributes and actions of community leaders and community social structure. Outside the field of sociometric research the distribution of influence and the effect of community social structure upon this distribution has received little more than passing attention. The usual leadership research is concerned with the study of ways in which leadership affects the social structure of the community. This study will attempt to take the reverse orientation, that of how social structure affects leadership. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationship between the distribution of influence and community social structure. More specifically, this study is concerned with the relationship between consensus on leadership and community homogeneity. Homogeneity of community socioeconomic characteristics is assumed to be a basis for the shared values, attitudes, beliefs, opinions, and interests which serve as the basis for community consensus which may be manifested in agreement on nominations (choices) of community influentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tins paper represents a first step in exploring a theory of intraorganizational stratification. In pursuing this objective we will take the rather pronounced status hierarchy in a psychiatric hospital as our point of departure. The main focus is upon the social distance patterns that exist between the occupants of formal positions in the hospital, and the manner in which the manipulation of social distance as reward and punishment and as a status protection mechanism is a significant aspect of interstatus relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a great amount of criticism of structural-functional theory, particularly with respect to its supposed inability to deal with social change. Should structural-functional theory be unable to account for the sources of social change, then it is indeed guilty of an implicit ideological commitment to the status quo. If it can be shown that this theory is capable of dealing with social change, then we can accept Merton's statement: … it is the evaluations which permit the pouring of ideological content into the bottles of functionalism. The bottles themselves are neutral to their contents, and may serve equally well as containers for ideological poison or for ideological nectar. The position taken here is that Merton's statement is correct, provided that an important accommodation is made. This accommodation consists in the explicit incorporation of the dialectical process into structural-functional theory. The dialectical process implies a conflict model of society; it is in the tradition of Marx, who argued that without conflict there can be no progress. It adopts the proposition that conflict is empirically both a normal and an essential element in the social structure. In the simplest terms, the dialectic tells us something about the sources of a particular kind of social change. We are not content, as is Dahrendorf, with advocating a conflict model of society as an alternative to functionalism. The goal is nothing less than to reconcile the two approaches. Dahrendorf has himself recognized that the conflict model cannot provide all the answers since society is "Janusheaded." It is extremely difficult to talk about the prediction of empirical outcomes when one is required to look first at an integration model and then turn to the conflict model. It is necessary to construct one model which will qualify the integration model of society so as to give weight (the exact amount is an empirical question) to the disruptive elements in society. A considerable portion of this paper will be devoted to disengaging the dialectic from its ideological moorings and making it trim for sociological analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary sociological writings abound with references to anomie, and the topic is fast becoming a major theoretical vogue. Yet many users of the concept fail to define it adequately or to place it in any larger theoretical context. As originally coined by Durkheim, the term anomie is a French translation of the Greek anomia, which means "no laws." The commonly used English equivalent of "normlessness" catches the literal meaning of anomie, but it fails to convey any single clear idea to many sociologists. We glibly use the concept without bothering to clarify its meaning. Furthermore, the simple notion of "lack or norms" is relatively worthless, since such a condition rarely if ever exists in any society. Durkheim discussed the idea of anomie at some length both in The Division of Labor in Society and in Suicide. Because the same term is used in both works, and because the concepts presented are similar in many ways, most sociologists have assumed that they were identical. In fact, however, Durkheim gave us two quite distinct conceptions of anomie. This paper is an attempt to separate and clarify these two meanings of anomie, and to relate both of them to more inclusive theories of social organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been almost twenty years since Davis and Moore published their famed theory of stratification. During this period, the discussions which it has engendered have been numerous and highly instructive. It is now time to address ourselves to problems which concern the testability of the theory and its experimental validity. This paper reports the results of an empirical study of one of the basic issues raised by Davis and Moore. A major proposition of their theory argues that in the final analysis, social stratification arises in a society because of differential rewards for performance in the social positions therein. These rewards can be of several types. For our purposes, two are of major importance: symbolic and economic rewards, hereafter referred to as "prestige" and "reward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The general theory of symbolic interaction, specifically self theory, is focused upon the importance of language as an instrument of definition and communication. People are seen as responding not directly to a resistant outer reality but to meanings of objects which are defined within a cultural system and social organization. G. H. Mead, in his discussion of the way persons develop self concepts and the accompanying ability to take roles effectively, speaks of the degree to which persons develop a "general other." This general other is an organized structure of attitudes believed to be common to all and is defined in terms of a universe of discourse growing out of the symbolic interaction of a community of individuals. Replies to the Twenty Statements Test, described by Kuhn and McPartland, display this quality. Self-identifying statements which people make fall along a rough spectrum of reference which can be broken up in various ways. The distinction which Kuhn and McPartland have reported is between what they call consensual and nonconsensual statements. Consensual statements are defined as those statements which would be generally understood by persons in the larger society without explanation. Nonconsensual statements are defined as those requiring interpretation before their social relevance can be assessed. The consensual statement is language behavior directed to the general other, while the nonconsensual statement is language directed to a more limited audience. H. S. Sullivan's contribution in developing the notion of the "significant other" consists in accounting for the fact that persons often do not seem to internalize standards and norms from the whole society but from segments of it on some selective basis. In this paper, the number of consensual statements made in response to the Twenty Statements Test will be called the locus score. Respondents are assigned to "high" and "low" locus categories as they make more or less than the median number of consensual statements. Expanding upon this frame of reference, it seems reasonable to propose that the locus quality found in self-conceptions of a given person is also characteristic of his conceptions of other objects. This hypothesis is based on the assumption that the self is the core of a set of interrelated attitudes, and that the level of reference employed by the respondent in his attitudes toward the self would therefore be applicable to other attitudes as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an ecological analysis of urban mortality rates in the U.S. According to the authors much of the work taking account of the health factors has been done in a comparative perspective with the general conclusion being that improved health conditions and services and not pure economic factors have been the main influence in lowering mortality in the developing nations. The purpose of this paper is to examine the ecological correlates of neighborhood mortality levels in a large urban center. The focus is upon the identification of the relative contribution of demographic, environmental, and social organizational variables to the explanation of differences in urban subarea death rates. The authors take as their starting point the works of those social scientists who have clearly demonstrated the relationship of ecological phenomena to differential urban mortality. Past studies have shown the importance of a large number of specific variables in explaining differential aggregate community mortality levels. These specific variables may be grouped into three gross categories, such as demographic, environmental, and social organizational.

The article presents a discussion related to a paper on prestige and esteem as power components. Power has been defined as the determination of others' behavior in accordance with one's own ends. The acquisition of power by an individual is through his role as well as through his social position. That is, power attaches in actuality not merely to the status or office but also to the individual independently of his position. Power can therefore be regarded as functionally related both to roles and to social positions. Power has, however, been viewed as either a dimension of status, or as existing separately and apart from social position. Viewed in its overall as well as its fundamental function, power can perhaps most feasibly be considered as the universal social process of which social position is one particular dimension or sub-universe. Such an approach to power readily lends itself to quantitative analysis. Two scales have been offered as components of an individual's social position. One scale of rankings, termed "prestige," is made up of the invidious value attached to the status or office. The other scale of ratings, called "esteem," is the invidious value attached to any given role or combination of roles.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that "total institutions," specifically state operated mental hospitals, contain two cultures: (1) that brought by the inmates and (2) that found in the "institution." Attempts to develop a therapeutic milieu in mental hospitals have been largely directed to `modification of the social structure and have largely ignored cultural norms. There appears to be an implicit assumption that a therapeutic community may be achieved through a social structure with certain universal characteristics. A study of selected background norms of patients in one such "therapeutic milieu" revealed significant differences from the norms of behavior maintained on the ward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most universal complaints of hospitalized patients in Western society is that they do not have enough communication with hospitalized functionaries. This paper briefly reviews the meaning and function of communication to hospitalized patients and some barriers to that communication. Possible reasons for lack of communication between patients and hospital functionaries are examined from the standpoint of their relation to the ends of the hospital as a social organization and the possible anticipated and unanticipated consequences of such a policy for the therapeutic process. Finally, a series of propositions are developed in regard to communication between nurses and hospitalized patients, and physicians and hospitalized patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the abstracts of various research papers published in the December 1960 issue of the journal " Journal of Health and Human Behavior". One of the abstracts talks about pat terns of role dominance and conflict in parents of schizophrenic patients. The main purpose of this study was to test the hypothesis that there is an association between the sex of the dominant parent and the premorbid adjustment of the schizophrenic son. Another abstracts talks about innovation, integration, and marginality. It is suggested that innovations of different kinds find readiest adoption among individuals in different positions of the social structure. Another abstracts talks about research needs in the vocational rehabilitation of the deaf. The research needs are analyzed in terms of psychological assessment of the deaf; the language, problems of the deaf; the sub-culture of the deaf, with particular emphasis on the barriers to social participation by deaf persons in the hearing community.