From the very beginnings of diplomacy, material culture has been a significant factor in intercultural relations, even if its outward appearance and symbolic meaning have changed over time. What has hardly changed, however, is the genuine multi-sensual nature of diplomatic communication, something that has for a very long time been neglected by historians. The following article applies a material culture approach to diplomatic history, outlining the most important dimensions of materiality in diplomatic encounters. These include the materiality of diplomatic documents, the material equipment of diplomatic actors, the architecture and furnishing of the sites used for diplomatic negotiations, the arrangement of diplomatic accommodation, and diplomatic gifts. It proposes a number of research methods for investigating the material culture of diplomacy and addresses methodological pitfalls, such as separating material practices from political objectives in the course of interpretation. Finally, the article explores the gain in knowledge that the focus on material culture can potentially offer to diplomatic historians. For example, it can provide valuable insights into the financial and economic history of diplomacy. It also enables historians to analyze processes of cultural transfer and cultural hybridization, and globalization in the context of diplomacy. The history of diplomacy and foreign policy in modern times is once again the focus of historical research. With regard to the early modern period it has turned to social and cultural perspectives of diplomacy such as, for example, diplomatic networks, experiences and perceptions of diplomatic actors abroad, their practices of self-staging at foreign courts, and their part in processes of knowledge transfer.1 Historians have studied concepts of the office of early modern envoys. In theory these were shaped by notions of the parfait ambassadeur.2 In practice they were strongly influenced by the state of relations between the political entities involved in negotiation, between the diplomatic principal and his diplomatic agent, by the power relations at a foreign seat of government and also by the variety of tasks the envoys had to fulfill in the course of a diplomatic mission. In particular, this applies to residents as an instrument of diplomacy which, not incidentally, certain Italian rulers started to implement in the fifteenth century, before it spread to other regions of Europe as well, and which still may be considered a factor as well as an indication of an evolving European state system.3 Other scholars focused on the role of diplomatic ceremonial that was increasingly differentiated and regulated after the Peace of Westphalia (1648), even though legal scholars and diplomatic practitioners frequently criticized ceremonial procedures as inefficient and tiresome.4 Regarding the modern period, new approaches to the history of diplomacy were mainly inspired by groundbreaking studies in the realm of international history and international relations, although conventional diplomatic history is still very - and even, once more, increasingly - influential.5 Apart from a persistent dominance of traditional political history in the history of foreign relations in general, two developments may appear responsible for this situation. Firstly, international research was influenced by American scholars who were socialized in a political system in which sophisticated diplomatic protocol and the aristocratic ancestry of diplomatic personnel did not play as decisive a part as it did in many European countries even after the Second World War. Not surprisingly, the cultural history of contemporary diplomacy in the United States focuses on public diplomacy6 and cultural diplomacy7 as spheres of diplomatic activities in a wider sense. Both these spheres are considered to have been essential in postwar U.S. foreign policy regarding, for example, West Germany and several East Asian regions. Not only American scholars claimed a leading role for U.S. dealings concerning public diplomacy and particularly cultural diplomacy after the Second World War. Secondly, German research into the field of diplomacy was strongly influenced by postwar German history - by the formation of two German states, which both tried to distinguish themselves from the Third Reich, albeit with different objectives and in different ways.8 Both had to delineate a version of diplomatic protocol as an indispensable framework for diplomatic activities. This task was especially difficult regarding fundamental issues in foreign policy such as sovereignty, international bloc-building and the existence of two German states at the same time. In West Germany, even a new capital with a distinctly provincial appearance had to be adapted to the needs of nevertheless refined diplomatic procedures. Here, politicians used to complain about time-consuming and annoying protocol regulations, though only so long as they themselves did not feel downgraded by these. As was the case already during the eighteenth century, by ridiculing protocol politicians and diplomats tried to ostentatiously stage themselves as enlightened and efficient office-holders. This approach, combined with an unrelenting focus on great men and great deeds in Germany's political sphere, was reflected by historical research in this field, until prominent representatives of German Sozialgeschichte, above all Hans Ulrich Wehler, started to discredit political history and especially the history of diplomacy as old-fashioned and even reactionary. At the same time the striking dominance of Sozialgeschichte in German historical research in the 1970s and 1980s hampered the establishment of cultural approaches to the history of diplomacy. Only during the last two decades can we observe an increasing number of German studies concerned with the cultural history of diplomacy, for example, with regard to state visits9 and to public10 and cultural diplomacy.11 Some examinations of certain objects in specific historical situations notwithstanding, the material culture of diplomacy has hitherto hardly played an important role in historical research regarding both early modern and modern times. Only a very few monographs have been published which explicitly focus on the early modern material culture of diplomacy in its entirety: for example, Helen Jacobsen's book on the Material World of the Stuart Diplomat.12 This situation may seem even more surprising if we look at early modern times as a period in which central elements of today's diplomatic system evolved: for example, permanency and reciprocity, diplomatic privileges, standards of diplomatic communication and diplomatic documentation, etc.13 At that time, ostentatiously staging and exchanging artefacts was considered of major significance in foreign policy negotiations all over the world. Even today, material practices play a role, which many, though not all politicians - and, significantly, many scholars studying contemporary diplomacy - tend to underestimate. To give just a few examples which refer to different dimensions of the material culture in recent diplomacy: In 2009, tensions arose between Great Britain and the United States when a bust of Winston Churchill was removed from the White House.14 Though officials on both sides at first tried to downplay the event, it led to a whole series of more or less unfortunate attempts by the White House to settle the conflict. For example, officials initially refused to comment, then produced visual evidence that the bust was still there (wrong bust), then admitted the transfer but shielded the new president, Barack Obama, from any responsibility while rejecting any political significance to the incident, and then ceremoniously unveiled the same bust inside the United States Capitol. In 2011, the imbalance of gift exchange between French president Nicolas Sarkozy and Obama caused speculations on the state of relations between both states. Among other things, Obama received fine crystal, an Hermes golf bag, table lamps on silver pedestals, and a sculpture of Alexander the Great's horse - in short: a mixture of very traditional and very modern diplomatic gifts, worth in total more than $41,000.15 They were supposed to represent the distinguished French luxury industry as well as the almost monarchical largesse of the French president. And what did the King of Bling16 receive in return? A collection of DVDs. In 2015, the Iranian president Hassan Rohani declined to take part in a state dinner in Paris, since the menu included red wine.17 He even rejected the compromise that French authorities quickly offered to smooth intercultural tension: a petit-dejeuner served without alcoholic drinks. In Rohani's opinion, any kind of meal described as petit would be unable to adequately reflect either his position as head of state or the prestige of his country. The chapters in this volume focus on the challenges and pitfalls of intercultural diplomacy in an increasingly globalized world, one in which diplomatic actors are nevertheless expected to quickly adapt to diverse political systems, legal cultures, languages, religions, and customs. Whereas scholars of the early modern period18 have analyzed intercultural negotiation processes for some time - though there is still plenty of room for new research projects - scholars concerned with the modern period19 still largely neglect this dimension of diplomacy. Moreover, even if they do address the intercultural dimension of diplomatic encounters, they hardly do so systematically and with regard to theoretical concepts such as hybridity, transnationality, intercultural contact or material culture. This modus operandi may explain why master narratives, such as the Westernization and Europeanization of diplomacy, which were established with regard to European history, are still immensely powerful, even though Eurocentric approaches to diplomacy and international law are being more and more criticized.20 The same applies to simplifying juxtapositions such as, for example, old diplomacy and new diplomacy.21 To define the potential fields of investigation and to illuminate the methods which we should apply while researching the material culture of diplomacy, I address the following methodological questions in the subsequent sections of this introductory chapter What do I mean by diplomacy in the present context (I)? What do I understand by the material culture of diplomacy (II)? What methods can historians apply while researching the material practices, what problems might arise by doing so and how might these be solved (III)? And, finally, what do we actually gain by researching the material dimensions of diplomatic interaction in early modern and modern times (IV)? By analyzing selected material dimensions of diplomatic interaction in early modern and modern times and in diverse regions of the world, the papers of this volume are meant to explore the potential gain in understanding the dynamics of early modern und modern diplomatic procedures which the approach of material culture may have to offer to historians. In doing so, they are not meant to completely rewrite the history of diplomacy which would not be possible anyway at this early stage of research into this field. Rather, they attempt to demonstrate how complex material dimensions of diplomatic interaction in both periods could be and in how deliberate a manner diplomatic actors tried to exploit artefacts to promote negotiations in foreign policy as well as to serve specific political objectives that their rulers or they themselves pursued. This applies particularly to intercultural negotiations, in which political actors sometimes simply had to rely on material aspects because they were unable to understand anything their hosts said. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]