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The article reports that the U.S. is currently experiencing one of the largest waves of immigration in its history. Mexican nationals constitute a major component this flow, although much of this migration is illegal under present U.S. law. As the number of illegal aliens increases yearly, public officials are increasingly hard pressed to reconcile the stated policy of this country with the facts of the migration. The dilemma is whether to enforce existing laws more vigorously, in an effort to stem the flow, or to recognize that the immigration will persist nevertheless and should perhaps be sanctioned and extend the protection of U.S. law to persons who are now commonly exploited. In the present instance, the problem is all the more complicated by its illegality, which makes it difficult to assess its impact on the welfare both of the native and immigrant populations. Professor Wendell C. Gordon is an institutionalist, with special interests in Latin America and international economies. In his paper he adopts an historical perspective, tracing the origins of the current migration, and argues for the relaxation of laws prohibiting immigration from Mexico.

The article analyzes merchant behavior in ghetto marketplaces. For this purpose, the article presents two position papers taking different perspectives in regard to a possible explanation for the racial-ethnic differences found through previous research. Walter E. Williams, research economist with the Urban Institute, criticizes previous articles on the grounds that they fail to suggest a behavioral model of merchant behavior and because they fail to suggest effective policy measures to modify this behavior. Williams suggests a rational behavior model: that minorities are characterized by more unemployment, higher residential mobility, and lower income, and that merchants use this readily accessible information to determine creditworthiness. Frederick D. Sturdivant, Meshulam Riklis Professor of Business and Its Environment at the Ohio State University, suggests that the economic model employed by Williams is outdated and inappropriate, that the behavioral model encourages racist stereotyping.

The article presents information on position papers on international exchange rates. International economic transactions are effected, directly or indirectly, through the exchange of national currencies. Obviously, therefore, the rates at which currencies exchange in such transactions is of extreme importance. Public debate relating to foreign trade is hardly a recent phenomenon. However, from mid-sixteenth century until the mid-1930's, most discussions presupposed either specie flow or fixed exchange rates with bullion convertibility, even when conditions and national objectives were changing drastically. Then, Henry C. Simons, in a series of essays, provided the context and one side's basic arguments for today's most interesting and lively debate. Certainly in the U.S. where bullion convertibility is no longer a real possibility so that changes in the size of the nation's money stock could no longer be tied critically, in any truly permanent and rigorous way, to changes in the size of the nation's "treasure," the crucial policy question now is what sort of exchange-rate system would contribute more to the attainment of the generally accepted and conflicting goals.

The article analyzes the status of African American women in the U.S. The relationship between sexual and racial oppression uniquely affects the African American woman, who experiences both, and who is sometimes forced to choose whether her interests lie primarily with other women or with other blacks. But despite the difficulty of characterizing the women's movement and its goals, at least one thing seems sure. As part of a general trend toward self-definition, the black woman will undoubtedly determine for herself whether and when to align with white women or black men, or whether to identify primarily with other black women whose interests may sometimes coincide with, but are not exhausted by, the more general interests of others of her race and sex.

The article provides information on several books related to social science. One of the books "The Divorce Court," by Leon C. Marshall and Geoffrey May is a study of the Institute of Law designed to carry forward the investigation. Based on an examination of over 9,000 cases and a less intensive study of 11,000 more cases as a six months sample from Ohio, this study is limited to an investigation of the practical workings of the divorce law of this state. With the exception of certain obvious implications, no attempt is made to reform divorce law or practices. Alexander Hamilton's book "Papers on Public Credit, Commerce and Finance" reports on a national bank with an analysis of the powers and function of the Federal Government. Another book "Democracy and Nationalism in Europe," by Henry L. Stimson, contains the lectures delivered by the author at Princeton University in April 1934, on the Stafford Little Foundation. These lectures have as their main purpose to discover, in the light of history, some ray of hope in the existing chaos and gloom of European scene.

The article discusses urbanization, social diversity, voter turnout, and political competition in U.S. elections. The argument forwarded in the paper is that as voter turnout increases in sheer numbers alone so do the number and degree of political differences within the electorate simply because more people are voting. This makes it more difficult for one candidate or party to be appealing to all voters which, in turn, should make the election more competitive. However, while some studies report a positive association between turnout and competition, other studies have reported no relationship or an indeterminate one. Moreover, these previous studies on the turnout-competition hypothesis have many of the same limitations and comparability problems as those for studies testing the urbanization-competition hypothesis. This paper also tested the hypothesis that greater social diversity within congressional districts would have a positive relationship with greater competition independently of the urbanization level of districts.

This paper investigates factors contributing to the rapid rise in participation rates among mothers of pre-school children despite their considerable child-care responsibilities. The analysis, confined to trends in participation rates of white married women from 1960 to 1970, compares women with children under six years to all married women. Thus, the paper focuses on those changes with a particularly strong impact on mothers of pre-school children. Women selected for study comprise white married women, aged 14-64, living with their husbands. Data are drawn from the 1/1000 samples of the U.S. population in 1960 and 1970. For these women, the rate of increase in participation from 1960 to 1970 was 51.7 percent for women with children under six years, compared to 29.9 percent for all women. Women are finding it easier to combine child rearing and employment, either because of changes in the type of work available, such as more part-time jobs, or because women with young children find work in the home less time consuming, and the constraint of young children has not diminished, but has been offset by other factors.

The article discusses Mexican American, Negro, and Anglo improvement in labor force status between 1960 and 1970 in Racine, Wisconsin. This paper is concerned with the level of economic absorption of immigrants (compared to the Anglo population in Racine) as measured by changes in their occupation, income, and employment status between 1960 and 1970-71. The paper utilized U.S. Census data for 1960 and 1970 in order to compare Mexican Americans and Anglos in Texas and Negroes and Whites in Mississippi with their counterparts in Racine. Statistics generated from the Texas, Mississippi, and Racine Census data were in turn compared with statistics based on the authors' survey research data. The latter were taken from a longitudinal study of the processes of economic absorption and cultural integration among samples of predominantly immigrant Mexican Americans and Negroes, whose 1960 and 1971 interview data were compared with that of a control group of Anglos, half of whom were themselves immigrants.

The article presents a paper that proposes a four step strategy for locating urban population service facilities. Although developed with regard to a specific problem, dealing with a system of public day care centers, the strategy has considerable generality and is applicable to a wide variety of situations and scales. Since population service agencies typically operate under budget, manpower, and other constraints that restrict the number and size of facilities and preclude serving the entire population, particular attention is given to applying the locational strategy to that situation. This includes illustrating the procedure by examining the need for public day care service among the poor in Columbus, Ohio, and locational options for a system of public day care centers in its Model Cities area. The total costs of implementing the locational strategy described in this paper were substantial. Those related to estimating and mapping the demand or need surface for day care service, which in itself would provide valuable information for a service or planning agency, are relatively small.

The article presents a paper that has attempted to illuminate the problem of the persistence of specific organizational forms, a problem which has received some theoretical attention, but for which few operational clues exist. A notable exception is researcher Arthur L. Stinchcombe's hypothesis stating that when organizational elite structures are compatible with the interests and purposes of relevant external elites who control the resources upon which the organization depends, then the organizational form has a better chance of survival. The example analyzed in this paper was that of a city police control system that by all odds should have died a hundred years ago. The first task of this paper was to show how the Police Control Board, gradually worked out a routine police control operation that proved to be of great comfort and satisfaction to nervous elites suspicious of the city's will and ability to keep the dangerous classes in check. The second task of this paper was to analyze the social backgrounds of commissioners in order to show that they could hardly be anything but acceptable to elites since they themselves were recruited from elites and brought an elite perspective into the organization.

The article presents a paper that summarizes the present status of output measurement in urban government--the state of the art as well as the use being made of it--and discusses briefly prospects for its use and further development in the immediate future. The paper is concerned with measurement of both the quantitative and qualitative aspects of local government services. Two services, solid waste collection and recreation, are used to illustrate problems of measuring output and how they are being resolved. An important quality factor of solid waste collection is the resulting cleanliness. To measure this output the Washington D.C. government has implemented a method of inspector ratings of street and alley litter conditions. Three general conclusions regarding the present state of output measurement in local governments emerge from the two surveys. First, most governments collect some data on quantitative outputs. Second, some local governments collect data on qualitative aspects of output. And third, the state of measurements varies dramatically by service or program area.

The article presents information on the schedule of the eighteenth annual meeting of the Southwestern Social Science Association. The first paper, titled Labor Relations in the Southwest, was presented by Edwin A. Elliott, regional director of National Labor Relations Board, on March 26. The second paper, Struggle Between Fascism and Communism in Europe, was presented by E.E. Hale of University of Texas. The other papers for the day were National Banks and Bank Failures and Private Affiliates, by George L. Anderson; Europe's Efforts at Peacemaking, by W.C. Askew of University of Arkansas; French Opinions of the Confideracy, by L.M. Case; A Study of the People of West Texas, by Gus Ford of Houston; The Geography of Ancient Carthage, by Edward E. K&eacaute;so; The Distribution of Mexican Population in the U.S., by Bea Mantooth; Retail Trade as a Primary Urban Function in Oklahoma, by Allen Belden; Survey of Youth in Arkansas, by J.C. London; Survey of Welfare Activities in Oklahoma City, by Fred A. Replogie.

The article presents some observations concerning confederate ordnace during 1861. The paper discussed in the article has as its purpose only the sketching of certain interesting features of the source of supply and the maintenance of the arms and ammunition of the Confederate army during the very early period of the war. It does not propose to show, in any measure, the whole of the sources, nor all of the interesting features of supply for the short period which it covers. Certain commonly understood features of supply, such as the seizure of arsenals and posts by the states, are merely mentioned. Only a few incidents are chosen from certain phases of the story as representative of a greater number which might be given in detail. In the main, the paper covers incidental situations during 1861 and only previews incidents of the later period, where completeness of the topic is essential. It was no easy task to furnish an army, when there was on hand no infantry accoutrements, no cavalry arms or equipment, no artillery, and above all, no ammunition; nothing save small arms, and these almost wholly smooth bore which were altered from flint to percussion. At the head of the Ordnance Department the new government placed Josiah Gorgas of Alabama.

The presents a paper that analyzes the nature of power. The authors say that the word power itself is ambiguous. So, in this paper, by power they do not mean a faculty, such as thinking or willing. Neither do they mean simple capacity, nor do they mean the mechanical force or energy. Rather, by power they mean the power that is social in nature and that involves, in some way, the imposition of one's will on others. Power involves something more than merely directing or intentionally influencing the actions of others. This something more is the ability to impose one's will on others even though they are opposed to this imposition or the ability to impose one's will on others whether they approve or not. Thus, government is considered to have power over its citizens because it can impose its will on them even though they are opposed to this imposition, because it can punish them and because it can give them certain commands and cause them to obey these, even though they do not want to do so, by threatening to punish disobedience. Power, therefore, may be defined as the ability to impose one's will on others even though they are opposed to this imposition. A final point to note about the power that lies in the ability to give and compel obedience to commands is that one can exercise it without having personal contact with the persons over whom one exercises it. The three specific types of power are: economic power, political power and absolute power.

The article discusses management-labor relations in context of the 1951 New York Wildcat Dock Strike. The problem with which this paper is concerned is the effect of the structure of a labor union upon management-labor relations. The industrial system that has been chosen for study is the longshore industry in the Port of New York. Since the system is highly complex, the attempt of this paper is to provide a framework within which the system may be understood rather than to present the complete picture. The existence of the longshore industry is due to the fact that the water- front constitutes a transportation break and therefore necessitates a loading and unloading process. A social system is necessary to perform this function. The effect of the structure of the International Longshoremen's Association upon its relations with the New York Shipping Association will be shown by the analysis of a particular act, the October-November 1951 wildcat dock strike in the Port of New York. The ILA and the New York Shipping Association concluded negotiations on October 8, 1951.

This paper examines fertility differentials by income among Mexican Americans, taking these problems as points of departure. The paper first considers alternative hypotheses relevant to the income-fertility relations. Then it proposes a decomposition of the income variable as a preliminary strategy for dealing with the problem of measuring income posed by the economic theory. Finally, it examines the relations between the income components and fertility, as well as their interaction with other variables, and discuss the results in terms of their implications for the economic theory of family formation. The analysis of the relations between social status income and relative income and fertility is based on data from the 1969 Austin, Texas Family Survey, which consisted of a sample of 348 Mexican American couples, married three years or more, in which the wife was no older than 35, married once, and the husband was no older than 50. The unusual restrictions on duration of marriage were made in order to concentrate on that stage in the family life cycle when couples would have had a reasonable opportunity to have had children and possibly to have considered family limitation.

This paper, which focuses substantively on the demography of the militant segregationist vote in the post-Brown years, uses the state as the principal unit of analysis and seeks to test V.O. Key's argument on an explicitly comparative basis. The significance of the topic extends beyond the question of the applicability of Key's general theory of southern racial politics to elections in 11 different states. The paper has attempted to show that a parsimonious theory of the politics of race, Key's black belt hypothesis, is still highly relevant to an understanding of southern politics. Even if attention is restricted to the size of the black population and urban-rural differences, much can be learned concerning the structure of electoral cleavages. Comparative analysis of the core militant segregationist vote within and between the 11 southern states demonstrated that consistent support for selected militant segregationists in the post-Brown era typically increased along a demographic continuum from large metropolitan centers to rural counties with high black populations. The geographic sectionalism of the segregationist vote was clearly established through maps; and most of the deviant segregationist counties were explained by variables related to the black belt hypothesis.

This article presents a study, discusses the trends in fertility of Mexican Americans. The present paper will examine trends in Mexican American fertility in comparison to Anglo American fertility from 1950 to 1970 in the southwestern states. Attention will be devoted primarily to cumulative fertility rather than current fertility since the former measure is the only one available for all the time periods and areas studied. The principal obstacle to investigation of the dynamics of the Mexican American population is the inconsistency in definition and identification of the population over a substantial time span. The Mexican American population has been variously defined operationally by race in the 1930 Census, by Spanish mother tongue in the 1940 Census, by Spanish surname in the 1950 and 1960 Censuses, and by questions on origin or descent in the November 1969 Current Population Survey. Information compiled in the 1970 Census will allow tabulations of data according to varying combinations of mother tongue, Spanish surname and Spanish origin or descent. At the time this paper went to press, the materials published from the 1970 Census relating to the Mexican American population consisted only of data for the population of Spanish language or Spanish surname.

The article presents information on various reports and research papers. The Report of the National Resources Committee entitled "Regional Factors in National Planning and Development" presents a thought-provoking, excellent and concise discussion of certain major problems facing American federalism today, the solution of which is not only necessary under modern conditions but hardly susceptible to attack from the old point of view of state versus national jurisdiction. Charles O. Fenwick, in his paper "Cases on International Law" steered a middle course among the opinions as to what should go into a case book. "La Victima," by José Heriberito López is the easy and intensely interesting narrative of two dictatorships in Venezuela. Douglas Waples and Harold D. Lasswell's "National Libraries and Foreign Scholarships" intends to show especially the resources of national libraries in the field of social science as well as to evaluate the various libraries on a comparative basis as far as financial aspects, political implications and books of certain countries are concerned.

This article presents information on program schedule of the Southwestern Social Science Association annual convention, held in April 1949, at Fort Worth, Texas. The first session of the convention began at 9 a.m. on April 15, 1949 on the topic of accounting. Some papers presented in the session are: "Accounting of Social Security," by Z.E. Avery; "A Uniform Plan for Teaching Elementary Accounting Within the College or University," by Zeb Freeman; and Corporate Reorganizations Under Chapter X of the Bankruptcy Act," by Reginald Rushing. Panel discussion on regional research related to agricultural economics was conducted o the topic "Financing Regional Research," and "Organization for Regional research." Some other papers presented on topics like economics, geography, government are: "Inflation and Government Policy," by H.L. McCracken; "Competition As a Concept and a Guide to Policy," by F. Howard Forsyth; "New Gulf, Texas: The World's Largest Sulphur Mine," by John I. Stroup: and others.

The article presents information related to the Southwestern Social Science Association. Professor J. Linus Glanville, Second Vice-President of the Association, at Dallas, died on November 18. Glanville was one of the southwest's outstanding historical scholars and has been an active supporter of the Association for many years. The Executive Council of the Association announced that the 1948 meeting will be held at the Baker Hotel in Dallas, on March 26-27. The Executive Council will hold its preliminary session on the evening of March 25. Five new panel sections have been selected for the 1948 meeting of the Southwestern Sociological Society. Members of the society who will have projects for review in the spring are asked to advise the section chairman in whose panel the papers might appear. Society members are also asked to inform section chairmen if they are aware of possible papers from other members of their departments or other members of their faculties. Section chairmen are particularly interested in giving scholars who have recently moved into the Southwest full opportunity to participate in these sessions.

The article presents the authors' reply to the criticism of their paper "Notes on the Color of the Volunteer Army," published in the December 1969 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." In their paper they argued that a predominantly black army would probably not result from the shift to an all volunteer military system (AVMS). They also argued that the shift to the AVMS might actually have detrimental effects on the employment prospects of African Americans and other disadvantaged groups. The criticism of the demand side of their analysis is based on an implausible assumption that if conscription is abolished, it seems likely that the price of human capital will rise relative to the price of nonhuman capital and labor. What is dubious is the additional implicit assumption that the wages of human capital will also rise relative to the wages of unskilled labor. In fact the opposite assumption seems far more plausible. If one takes the remuneration of officers as indicative of the salaries paid to educated or skilled military employees, and the salaries paid to low ranking enlisted men as indicative of pay scales for unskilled military labor, it can be argued that the salaries of officers currently approximate the free market more closely than the wages of low ranking enlisted personnel.

The article presents information on the paper titled "Prestige and Esteem As Power Components: An Experimental Analysis," by E. Gartly Jaco. This paper is appealing for a number of reasons. It is an empirical study, but one with theoretical implications and relationships which are clearly delineated. This represents research as it should be. As an empirical test of the basic concepts of prestige and esteem, the research is not an effort to stand alone, but rather to contribute to the building of a body of knowledge relating to personal power and its exercise. As such, a number of theoretical conclusions are drawn, providing the suggestion and the basis for further research. For example, the contention that prestige sets a limit on the range of esteem a person may achieve requires additional examination of the dimensions of power and the relation of those dimensions to social stratification. Jaco's suggestion that, in a static society, personal power tends to be concentrated in prestige, while in a highly mobile society it may be centered in esteem, also deserves further consideration.

The article focuses on issues related to women and crime in the U.S., during the period between 1960-1970. In spite of the paucity of theory and research on crime and women, one fact seems evident — crime rates for women are increasing. Although the phenomena discussed here seem insignificant when compared with the more pervasive impact of male criminality, these trends in female crime should be documented and analyzed for the development of social theory. This paper attempts to document trends as well as to offer a possible explanation for the observed patterns. The data used in this analysis, abstracted from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's "Uniform Crime Report: 1970," are comparable for 1960 and 1970. In attempting to assess changes not only in volume of crime by women, but also shifts in violent and property crimes, the lack of population bases is problematic. Only those units which used the same data reporting system in 1960 and 1970 are included. Since no evidence permits a conclusion that these units are unrepresentative, they are treated as generally representative of the nation as a whole.

The article examines the relationship of a modern society to counter-revolutionary war within the context of author Sun Tzu's "moral influence." The paper will inquire into the relationships between the military institution and society, the value systems, and the imperatives of revolution and counter-revolution in the context of a developing society. On the premise that a revolutionary war is to a greater degree "political" than conventional conflicts and is more likely to be a conflict characteristic of societies in the throes of industrialization and political change, the issues involved rest on political-psychological factors rather than military posture. The fundamental issue is whether a democratic society, in possession of modem weapons and generally adequate sources of supply, can successfully engage in counter-revolutionary warfare in support of an existing regime in a developing society. These issues are much broader in scope than policy, strategy, and technology; they involve questions of values, legitimacy, and perceptions.

The article focuses on issues related to equality for blacks and women in the U.S. The relative size of a minority group directly influences the course of its progress toward equality with the majority and the consequences of this progress. Looking at the differences in comparative occupational distributions for males and females, and blacks and whites, we suggest that the degree of structural change required to incorporate blacks and females into the occupational system is quite different, based on the relative numbers in each group. Since an analogy is only a resemblance in some aspects between items which are otherwise unlike one another, the notion of similarity must not be carried too far. Specific differences which have also been neglected are discussed. The intent of this paper is simply the reintroduction of information which has been neglected in recent lines of research. Viewing women as a minority provides the framework for understanding much of the current research on women's roles and the "women's movement."

The article presents a paper that systematically examines corporate interlocks among major U.S. corporations from the standpoint of the theory of bank control. Sociologists Robert Fitch and Mary Oppenheimer have produced the latest major restatement of this theory. Fitch and Oppenheimer argue that through the concentration of banking and the convergence of interests among banks, the stockholdings of bank trust departments, the dependence of non-financial corporations on external financing, and the practice of interlocking directorates, a few major banks are able to control the policies of major U.S. corporations. Probably most unfavorable for the theory is the finding that being a bank is only modestly associated with interlocking. This fact could be made consistent with the theory if it was argued that many interlocks occur for reasons unrelated to bank control. Also detrimental to the theory is the finding that all except the very largest insurance companies interlock more like non-financial corporations than banks.

The article focuses on three hypotheses related to psychological antecedents and political participation. Following psychologist Julian B. Rotter's lead, it might be possible to explain involvement or lack of involvement with politics on the basis of a person's felt reward expectancies. Externals are politically uninvolved because they consider it futile to try to influence government by their own behavior. Internals, because they feel themselves in control, are politically involved. This link between politics and locus-of-control as first explicated by writer Melvin Seeman who described locus-of-control as an important corollary of powerlessness and powerlessness in turn was seen by him as a dimension of political alienation. Although Seeman stressed the importance of control-relevance, he tended not to determine which areas were control-relevant for the individual. Instead he designated a piori certain ones as control-relevant. The paper address to the problem of operationalizing this feature since control-relevance is of crucial importance to any political analysis.

The paper describes some population redistribution policy alternatives by examining the mechanisms used to influence population distribution patterns in the Netherlands, Great Britain and Israel. These nations were selected for study because they have public policies which, among other goals, seek to affect population redistribution and because the basic approaches to redistribution in these nations. Relevant policies in the Netherlands seek to reverse the net in-migration flow to the highly urbanized western part of the country. The British policies seek to alter long-term regional differences in population growth rates, due primarily to internal migration streams, which have resulted in the agglomeration of about two-thirds of the population in a zone of approximately 200 miles extending from London in the south-east to the Manchester metropolitan area. Israeli policies have been directed toward a reduction in the large proportion of the Jewish population living in the three major metropolitan regions of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and Haifa.

The article presents a specific hypothesis about the way in which families typically make their labor supply decisions. It describes the traditional economic model of family labor supply and a model which incorporates male dominance. The model implied by the hypothesis yields labor supply functions and testable implications of the functions. It estimates the labor supply functions and test the implications. The empirical results do not support an hypothesis of male dominance in the labor supply decision, indeed, the evidence is inconsistent with the general framework for nonwhites. The paper extends the analysis of the empirical results by examining additional labor supply coefficients. Male-female role differentiation is reflected in the coefficients, although to a lesser extent than might be expected. It is suggested that the absence of evidence for male dominance and the weak evidence for sex roles may be due to the sample selection. The model provides evidence, albeit indirect, on sociological theories of decision-making.

The article analyzes structural differentiation and continuity in the organization of a municipal government in the U.S. The relative importance of three factors shaping community development are considered in the paper. This includes the often neglected force of local tradition deriving from historical political cultures and early institutional forms, the growing power of the state in attempting to rescue an interdependent private economy from social injustice, and the pressure of urbanization on local government to provide more services and to splinter into the characteristic metropolitan mosaic. The analysis suggests that the nation-state, not the metropolitan community, is the final inclusive system and the appropriate unit of analysis for assessing the environmental determinants of organizational change in the urban community. The analysis also supports the inference that organizational change in functional assignment to governments varies over time by function. It has stressed on the importance of historical residues in the organization of city government.

The article focuses on conceptual confusion on terms such as attitudes, beliefs, norms, opinions, sentiments and values and attempts to dispel the appearance of conceptual confusion by offering a system of classification of subjective outlook terminology that may be consistently applied in all the social sciences. Constructing classification systems is a difficult task, for one must constantly balance the complexity of the surrounding world against the simplicity of description needed to understand it. This task is particularly acute when dealing with the almost overwhelming intricacies of human worldview and the classification of outlook according to hierarchy, tripartite content and appetitive-normative orientation represents an attempt to walk this thin line between over-complexity and over-simplicity. The main contribution of this paper lies not in the introduction of new concepts or in the discovery of new principles, for the ideas presented here are largely derived from the scholars quoted and cited.

The article presents data gathered in a large central city, New Orleans, Louisiana and identify a more politicized conception of the councilmanic office and a more politically experienced and ambitious type of candidate pursuing the office than previous studies of small suburban municipalities which have described the office as "nonpolitical" and occupied by amateur or citizen-politicians. Many studies have suspected a different councilmanic role in different systemic settings, especially large central cities, the limited data on councils within such cities have been quite consistent with that nonpolitical characterization. The paper provides a further diversification of research settings, one that contains a number of systemic differences from those previously studied. New Orleans is not only a large central city, but also one that possesses a more politicized, unreformed set of structural characteristics. It also provides for its councilmanic incumbents quite well, and has seen its former councilmen attain impressive political advancement.

The article focuses on the racial segregation by playing position in sports. The paper suggests that involvement in specific sport roles by members of minority groups may be self-induced, rather than due to overt or subtle discrimination by white leaders within the sport system. The socialization process for individuals in minority groups appears to have a differential pattern and outcome. That is, differences in socializing agents, social structure and group-influenced personal traits and expectations exist and should be considered in any attempt to describe and explain black involvement in white social institutions such as sport. With their entrance into amateur and professional athletics, blacks were extremely successful in a wide variety of sports, especially baseball, basketball, boxing, football and track and field. Anthropologists, physical educators and psychologists, who compared blacks and whites on anthropometric and motor performance measures, generally concluded that there are few, if any, physical differences which could account for this supremacy. Alternatively, investigators have suggested that the success of the black in athletic competition is related to either environmental forces, cultural influences, or sociological and psychological differences.

The article focuses on how black athletes cope with the dual elements of the student-athlete role. There is a substantial amount of descriptive literature which graphically details the many problems facing blacks within the intercollegiate sports arena. In spite of this store of information, there is a paucity of data on the academic success of black student athletes as indicated by their rate of graduation from the same colleges and universities which were so intent on securing the services of their athletic talents. The paper examines the graduation patterns of black student athletes in the case of University of Illinois. Black Illinois student-athletes had, as ascertained from our interviews, two basic goals: obtain a degree and play professional sports. Sixty-five percent, however, failed to earn a degree and only 14 advanced to a career in professional sports. The limited accomplishments were predictable, when viewed in retrospect. Entering the University of Illinois with deficient scholastic preparation they then had to cope with the negative aspects of the athletic, academic and social environments.

The article focuses on whether racial "stacking" in professional football is the result of discrimination. One area of discrimination against blacks and other minorities are in opportunities, salaries and other forms of remuneration. Another alleged area of discrimination is racial segregation by playing position. The paper demonstrates that there is racial stacking by position in professional football. Black positions are not considered leadership and thinking positions. A playing career at a non-leadership position is, therefore, assumed to be inadequate training for a career in coaching, providing at least one factor that keeps blacks out of this occupation. Racial segregation by playing position also minimizes the number of blacks who can be on the field at one time. It aids in achieving a quota system whether management intends one or not. Blacks thus compete with each other for a limited number of positions, reducing the possibility of racial conflict among team members and relieving coaches of decisions that might be interpreted as racist if a white player of equal or inferior ability were selected over a black player.

The article focuses on the author's response to the paper "Theories of Policy Outputs, and Assessing Measurement Error: Comments on Liebert," by Terry Nichols Clark, that appears in the December 1974 issue of the journal "Social Science Quarterly." Many theories, including the original decentralization theory by Clark, employ expenditures as an indicator of local effort in generating public goods, pertain to the effects of the structure and dynamics of community-based political actors working through municipal government, and are concerned in some way with all of that government's programs. Clearly, for this general paradigm, some procedure is needed to reduce or eliminate extraneous effects on expenditures by such phenomena as differential state assignment of governmental functions or functional inclusiveness. With this there seems to be agreement, as well as with the finding that the relationship reported by Clark between his measure of decentralization among reputed elites and aggregate municipal expenditures drops nearly to zero when an indicator of functional inclusiveness is introduced as a control.

The article focuses on an examination of urban mortality using age-adjusted death rates. Authors Kent P. Schwirian and Anthony J. LaGreca attempted to assess the relative impact of demographic, environmental, and social organizational factors upon differential death rates. Their data led them to conclude that mortality may be explained largely in terms of subarea differences in age structure, social status levels, and housing conditions. With respect to ecological theory per se, and more specifically the ecosystem frame of reference, Schwirian and LaGreca have made a significant contribution. Prior to their analysis there was little research on the impact of ecological variables on mortality, especially within the perspective of neoclassical human ecology. The paper aims to demonstrate that the use of a crude, rather than an age-adjusted, death rate at best confounds the theoretical issues of the causal model, and leaves unanswered any question concerning the precise empirical impact that environmental and social variables have on urban mortality.