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During the front-loaded presidential primary season in 2008 many observers pointed out that, for the first time, Latino voters would have a chance to play a meaningful role in selecting the presidential nominees. First among the "Latino states" was Nevada which hosted a nominating contest on January 19, moving up to third in the nation among Democratic contests. However, Nevada held a caucus similar to Iowa, not a traditional primary election, and no research exists to inform our expectations about Latino participation in a caucus. On the one hand, Latinos may turn out in record numbers, for a chance to have Latino voices heard in a presidential primary. On the other hand, the structure of the caucus could disadvantage Latino voters, as it requires higher levels of political knowledge, English skills, and free time. For all the talk of inclusion, Latino participation might be quite low in the Nevada caucus. Add to the mix the hotly contested nine casino caucus sites, potentially catering to Latino voters in Nevada's hotel and service industry. This paper addresses head on the question of Latino participation in a presidential primary caucus. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using official validated vote records from the Registrar of Voters, we examine voter turnout among Latinos and non-Latinos following the 2001 redistricting effort. Specifically, we compare turnout rates for Latinos that were districted out of, or into, a Latino district. In California, district boundaries shifted significantly in areas where the Latino population was becoming a majority to protect incumbent non-Latino office holders. In most instances, these Latinos were shifted to neighboring districts that already had Latino representatives. If the chance to elect a Latino candidate is a mobilizing force, we expect that Latinos shifting into Latino-held districts will be more likely to vote than in previous years. We test this proposition by modeling voter turnout in 2002 (election under new districts) to determine if Latinos that moved into Latino districts are more or less likely to vote. In this naturally occurring experiment, there are four possibilities confronting a voter after redistricting: (1) Moved from non-Latino to Latino district; (2) Moved from Latino to non-Latino district; (3) Stayed in Latino district; (4) Stayed in non-Latino district. All other things being equal, we find that Latinos who moved from a non-Latino to Latino district were significantly more likely to vote, while non-Latinos who moved for the first time into a Latino district, were less likely to vote. Probit models are estimated using county registrar records from California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Verba, Schlozman and Brady (1995) propose a model of political participation that moves beyond socioeconomic status and highlights the importance of civic skills, engagement and recruitment. In addition to developing a set of civic skills that make it easier to write letters to Congress, volunteer for campaigns, and attend demonstrations, engagement and recruitment are important explanatory factors in political participation. While the Voice and Equality data extensively tests the impact of this model in self-reported acts of political participation, little work has extended the theory to official validated records of voter participation, especially among Latino and Asian American voters. This paper argues that Latinos and Asians will be more likely to be psychologically engaged and recruited where more Latino and Asian candidates are on the ballot, which in turn will result in a greater likelihood of voting. Using individual level data for the universe of more than 5 million registered voters in Los Angeles and Orange counties, we estimate probit models for voter turnout in the November 2002 general election. We introduce a unique measure for engagement and recruitment: the number of Latino and Asian candidates that appear on the ballot for all levels of office in the two counties, providing a unique count of the number of Latinos and Asians each voter had the opportunity to elect (engagement) and be contacted by (recruitment). Using these variables as proxies for engagement and recruitment, we find that the probability of Latino and Asian voting increases as the number of co-ethnic candidates on the ballot increases. For both Asians and Latinos, the effect is stronger among foreign-born naturalized voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the influence of homeownership upon public policy attitudes and quality of life assessments for individuals in Southern California. We find that status as a homeowner does appreciably influence individual attitudes. Further, our results show that homeownership status may trump race/ethnic identification in attitude formation in Southern California [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently there has been a resurgence in the interest of group consciousness and linked fate, especially as they relate to diverse minority groups such as Latinos and Asian Americans. Research has demonstrated the importance of language, community involvement, and experiences with and perceptions of discrimination as factors contributing to "pan-ethnic" group consciousness for both Latinos and Asians. In this paper we extend this analysis to a new minority population: Muslim Americans. While Muslim Americans are among the most discussed and debated groups, they are among the least studied from an empirical research perspective. Political observers argue that a unified Muslim community exists, or else that Muslims are too diverse to be a cohesive group, however these are empirical questions which have not been answered. Using a unique public opinion survey of Muslims in Seattle, Dearbon, MI, Chicago, and Long Beach, we examine the degree of group consciousness among this religious/ethnic minority group. Specifically, we test whether or not perceptions of discrimination, religiosity, and language skills create a sense of group consciousness among Muslim Americans. Muslims Americans are arguably the most diverse minority group in the United States, but also a population that faces tremendous discrimination in society. Racially, sizable segments of the Muslim population identify as Asian, Black, Arab, and White. Within the Islam, differences exist between Sunni and Shi'a practices. These trends make this a very intriguing population for investigations of group identity. This paper represents one of the first efforts to understand whether or not Muslims are a cohesive political community in America, and what factors contribute or detract from group consciousness. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite limited experience courting the Latino community, both political parties made a point to campaign aggressively for Latino "swing" votes through advertisements and get-out-the-vote (GOTV) drives in 2006. While there is a new commitment to Spanish-language advertising and direct contact with Latino voters, no evidence exists that this targeted outreach has worked. The question remains, does targeted advertising influence the vote choice of Latinos, and, how does this advertising affect the more general population? To address these questions, we implemented an experiment during the 2006 California election. Latino and non-Latino subjects were randomly assigned to a control or treatment group. Those in the treated groups received a flyer endorsing Arnold Schwarzenegger for governor, containing an endorsement from a Latino or an Anglo political figure. The treatment ads were further divided into English only or in both English/Spanish. Thus, the groups were as follows: Anglo endorser English, Latino endorser English, Anglo endorser bilingual, and Latino endorser bilingual. We expect to find that targeted messages should have a stronger influence on vote preference than non-targeted messages among Latinos. Further, the combined effect of a Latino endorser with a message delivered in both languages might have the strongest effects. Finally, non-Latinos should be less receptive to the Latino-targeted ads, perhaps witnessing a demobilizing effect. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2000 Presidential election voter education and mobilization has witnessed a renaissance in targeted contact and segmented messaging. Candidates, political parties, and interest groups have taken advantage of advances in electronic databases to divide and subdivide the electorate into different groups, and have different messages and messengers for each subgroup of voters. For decades, scholars and practitioners have known that personalized campaign appeals are more effective. Labor unions, religious leaders, military veterans, and racial and ethnic community leaders have typically been used by campaigns to make a stronger, more personalized, and perhaps more trusting connection with voters. While nationwide and one-size-fits-all campaigns can be cheaper and easier to implement, smaller, targeted campaigns might be more effective in winning the hearts and minds of voters. This paper takes up the question of whether or not personalized or segmented contact during a campaign is more successful at convincing voters than "generic" contact, or no contact at all.Using data from a national survey of Latino registered voters in 2004, we examine the impact of being contacted by a co-ethnic messenger on support for the Republican and Democratic parties. While some previous studies have examined just voter turnout or vote choice, this paper examines the deeper implications of co-ethnic contact, including support for public policy, candidate favorability, and strength of partisanship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]