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The operation of a religious organization under an oppressive regime, such as in communist countries, differs from that in a free society. There is extensive literature on the effects of regulation on competition in religious markets and on the religiosity of a population. Less attention has been given to the effects of oppressive regulation that aims to control and possibly eliminate religion rather than to promote a particular religious group. This paper focuses on the specific question of how churches deal with oppressive regulation, particularly how they choose between legal and illegal operation. It proposes that both the official and the black‐market way of supplying religious services have some advantages and disadvantages, and that dual operation is advantageous where the regulation is severe. The paper examines the operation of the Catholic Church in Central European countries under communist rule, particularly Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Ukraine, and the different strategies adopted by the Church concerning official and underground operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supporters of communism, national socialism and radical Islamism, but also people who incite racial hatred or deny the Holocaust, see their rights severely curtailed by the abuse clause of Article 17 of the European Convention on Human Rights. To make sense of this provision, this paper first introduces the distinction between abusable and non‐abusable rights in order to delimit the scope of Article 17. Then, this paper suggests a "test" to spot instances of abuse of human rights by borrowing the concept of performative self‐contradiction from speech act theory. Article 17 is reconceptualised as dealing with conduct that self‐contradictorily uses rights but simultaneously denies their very idea. In this way, it becomes possible to make sense of and to unify the disparate case law that Article 17 has generated so far: it equally targets political human rights abuse, attacking liberal democracy in general; and exclusionary human rights abuse, attacking the rights of other people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the National Liberation League (NLL), a Palestinian Arab communist movement which operated in Palestine between the years 1943–1948. The paper examines its short‐lived history in light of the relevant three contexts in which it operated: the local Palestinian national context; the regional context of communist activity in the Middle East and the external‐internationalist context of the Soviet Union. The paper further discusses the activities of the NLL during the period of the 1948 War in Palestine, as well as in the first period of military rule, imposed on the Palestinian citizens of Israel. An analysis of the NLL during the late Mandatory period and the early years of the State of Israel allows a close examination of the ways by which concepts of identity, nationalism, class and ethnicity were conceptualised, debated and contested during times of a national conflict and anti‐imperial struggle and brings to the fore tensions between ideology and practice, nationalism and internationalism. The NLL offers an important opportunity to look into the complex matrix of communist movements that combine anti‐imperial struggles with struggles for national liberation in the context of a national conflict and to examine their dilemmas and what may seem as internal contradictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shortly before the Mexico Olympics, on 2 October 1968, student demonstrators were shot by the military on Tlatelolco Square in Mexico City, thus ending the local student movement and its mass protests. This paper explores the government's use of anti‐communism to ideologically justify this massacre in the context of the Cold War. The student movement was presented as a foreign, communist intervention that threatened Mexico's sovereignty. The paper analyses the weaknesses and contradictions of this official narrative by contrasting public and confidential reports. Finally, the marginal role of communism in the movement and its internal divisions are also outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a critical discussion of the political economy of hydropower construction in the communist space. We use political economy, economic history and political ecology literature in order to reveal the economic and political relations in which hydropower is embedded in socialist states. The case analysed is the Iron Gates, a joint Romanian-Yugoslav project which raises specific questions about the techno-political framework of the new 'hydraulic landscape' and its place in socialist economies and societies. The case reveals important transformations in the political and economic relations within the Soviet bloc and provides a description of the complex institutional setting used in the construction of the hydropower system. In parallel, the paper explores the contribution of political power in the construction of the Iron Gates and especially its use in connection with the ideological production of the new communist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically highlights the role of nationalism in the development of the semiconductor industry in Taiwan. First, it demonstrates how the pre-1980s Taiwanese developmental state mobilised Chinese economic nationalism against Japanese colonialism and Chinese communism and adopted the strategies of graduated sovereignty, selectively subsidising certain areas and sectors, and promoting national (homogeneously imagined) territorialisation to integrate with the international market. Second, the paper exhibits how in the late 1980s, when the outflow of capital to Mainland China became a compelling phenomenon and Taiwan democratised, popular sovereignty became the norm and Taiwanese nationalism emerged. In response, the democratised state started employing Taiwanese economic nationalism and implementing populist territorial policies to consolidate the support of 'us' (the Taiwanese/Taiwan) versus 'them' (the Chinese/China). This made China and everything related a security concern that had to be excluded as 'the other'. This paper responds to the appeals of political geographers to give nationalism a central place in contemporary theories of the nation-state and contributes to the theory of the developmental state by bringing 'the nation' back. While most of the existing developmental state literature focuses on how the roles and effects of 'the state' influence economic development, taking 'the nation' seriously can provide more accurate explanations for how and why the state focuses on development or not. Accordingly, through valuing the nation this paper promotes a theory of the developmental nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines ten years (1963-1973) of visits to Australia of Italian Communist Party (PCI) officials. In particular, the visits' origins, meaning and ramifications are analysed and framed against the background of post-war migrant worker identity discourses and radical politics. They appear to have shaped markedly the direction of the experience of Italian communists in Australia, especially in Sydney, and their interaction with both the Communist Party of Australia (CPA) and the PCI. Ultimately, they helped spread the message of Italian communism among migrants and encourage the replication on Australian soil of the successful experience of the Europe-based PCI federations with thousands of worker members. For the CPA, which had been looking for new ways to break through to the hearts and minds of the migrant proletariat, the visits heralded a stronger partnership with its Italian members, a closer link with Eurocommunism, and a potential new stream of recruits that would have reversed the hemorrhaging of membership. The visits were instrumental, as argued in this paper, for the establishment and promotion of an Italian cultural and language space for which far-left Italian migrants in Australia had long yearned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with combined crises of the 1990s and 2000s in post-Communist Russia and the evolution of a conservative fiscal anti-crisis policy to address them. Against the background of transformation restructuring, external shocks, cyclical downswings, and, sometimes, social unrest, policy makers consistently aimed to foster economic growth, while controlling inflation. Successive crises resulted in a gradual shift of emphasis from transformative institutional change to stability, a choice of self-insurance via the Reserve Fund and Welfare Fund. There is indirect support for our argument in Schularick and Taylor's 'Credit Booms Gone Bust' (2012), which shows a global trend toward safer policies, caused by the severity of the impact of crisis in a modern market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to agrarian debates through a discussion of the interactions between the interests and incentives of the rural classes, focusing especially on the leadership exercised by middle-size farmers. In the recent past, class analysis associated with Marxism has given way to models of individual rational maximization, not least because of the lack of specific findings about the effects of peasant differentiation beyond the dichotomous class conflict between peasants and landlords. Information has replaced asset distribution as the main factor affecting effective governance and service provision. According to these theories, politicians did not deliver less because they were responding to the preferences of the large landowning classes, or because seemingly competitive elections were games of rotating chairs within a single dominant class but, rather, because the voters did not have enough information about the candidates and programmes. I bring the discussion back to peasant differentiation and class endowments using the case of communal action boards in Colombia, showing how the demand for information on candidates and developmental resources matters, but is dependent on class structures. I suggest that different rural groups access, use, and manipulate information with differing aims, and that the rural middle class is a fundamental actor in the demand for public goods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antonio Gramsci is widely celebrated for his conceptualisation of hegemony. This paper elucidates a related concept that appears frequently in Gramsci’s prison notebooks yet has been surprisingly under-emphasised: ‘conceptions of the world’. By conceptions of the world, Gramsci refers to things that inform our understanding of the world and our place in it. Each conception of the world is inherently practical and philosophical, relational and political. Gramsci argues that producing a new, effective conception of the world is the key to successfully building communism. It is therefore important to situate this concept in Gramsci’s thought. That is the aim of this paper, which elaborates on the implications of ‘conception of the world’ through a reading of Gramsci’s prison notes – particularly his commentaries on humanity and worldliness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper differentiates between centrifugal and centripetal aspects of ethno-nationalism to help account for the ascendancy of communism in the immediate aftermath of World War II in Poland. It argues that the directing of social antipathy to defined out-groups allowed the Polish Workers' Party (PPR) to manage social anger and that the Roman Catholic Church's ethno-religious agenda was aligned with the PPR's ethno-nationalist policy. Furthermore, it is contended that the Church's toleration of hostile actions directed at minority communities supported the PPR's management of social anger. The paper concludes that the Church, despite its manifest intentions and contrary to contemporary perceptions, played a role in the PPR's achievement of hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• By focusing on the case of Lithuania, this paper develops a framework for understanding the development and characteristics of interest groups and the broader category of interest systems in the former Communist countries of Eastern Europe. • Nearly two decades have passed since the transition to democracy in the former Baltic Soviet republics and Eastern Europe. These nations have established democratic elections, modern judicial systems, institutions of representative government and guarantees of civil rights and civil liberties. Successful democratization, however, also requires the construction of a civil society characterized by open channels of communication between citizens and interests and their governments. Recent studies of the democratization of the former Soviet republics and satellite states in Eastern Europe have rarely addressed the development and role of interest groups and lobbying in these nations. This paper fills this void by presenting the findings of the first major study of interest group politics and lobbying in Lithuania. The major findings are based upon interviews of nearly 50 Lithuanian political, academic, bureaucratic and media elites conducted in the July of 2005. • Overall, the lobbying community in Lithuania is underdeveloped, often corrupt, and is negatively perceived by many Lithuanians elites. Much of this is due to the legacy of communism which heavily influences the perception and efficacy of interest groups and lobbying resulting in a suspicion among the public and government officials that has impeded the development of an effective lobbying community. Lithuanian interest groups do not use sophisticated practices or tactics of lobbying; access is largely based on personal connections and corrupt practices. The business community is the most effective lobby due to its contacts and extensive resources; in contrast, the labour lobby is weak due to a hangover from communist times. Looking to the future development of the Lithuanian lobbying community, it is unclear what effect the entry of Lithuania into the European Union (May 2004) will have on the development of interest group activities and lobbying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses organized economic interest groups in the Czech Republic placed in the context of the development of interest group activity in the post communist era and how this bodes for the consolidation of Czech democracy. After a brief overview of Czech political and economic developments since the end of communist rule, the origins, evolution and present state of interest groups are outlined. There has been a proliferation of economic interest groups, particularly in the business arena. However, there are some concerns about interest groups activity, which are examined next. The paper then moves to its main focus--the examination of economic interests. It does this by explaining the interaction among business, labour and government in the policymaking arena and explaining apparent contradictions in the perceived influence of business. This is followed by a similar look at Czech agriculture. The paper concludes with some speculation about the likely future development of interest groups and what this might mean for the nature of Czech democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between mainstream development policy (and perhaps also development studies) and postcolonial theorists has often been characterized as a dialogue of the deaf. Rather like in the old ‘debates’ between adherents of modernization and neo-Marxist theories, the protagonists are often thought to be talking at or past one another, rather than with each other. This paper reassesses some firmly held views on both sides of the schism. On the one hand, many official development agencies appear to promote business as usual (often quite literally, as a recent War on Want report attests in the case of the UK's DFID using its aid budget to promote profitable opportunities for British corporations). On the other hand, some postcolonial purists rely on surprisingly modernist, totalizing discursive techniques while claiming post-structural credentials, or baulk at the prospects of practical engagement. Discrepancies between theory, discourse, policy and practice are not the preserve of one side. However, the middle ground is firmer and better trodden than most believe. Considerable progress has been made and the paper assesses examples of productive engagement and concludes with suggestions for carrying forward the challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his provocative critique of Geertz's 1966 definition of religion, Talal Asad (1993) suggests that the very project of defining the category of religion is rooted in the historical rise of Western secularism in societies formerly dominated by Christianity. In post-Mao China, there has been an explosion of activities that might be categorised as religious in the Geertzian sense, including church attendance, temple building, qi gong practice, pilgrimage, and geomancy. This paper examines two such activities, the participation of women in a Protestant church in rural Shandong and the recent protest by members of the Fa Lun Gong (Buddhist Law Qi Gong) society in Beijing, and asks what their emergence in a post-Maoist communist state tells us about the historical processes that frame the possibility of defining religion. Working with theories of religious participation from Geertz, Asad, Tambiah, and Feuchtwang, the paper develops a conception of 'symbolic participation' to illuminate the flourishing of religious practice in post-Mao China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In section 1, I develop epistemic communism, my view of the function of epistemically evaluative terms such as 'rational'. The function is to support the coordination of our belief-forming rules, which in turn supports the reliable acquisition of beliefs through testimony. This view is motivated by the existence of valid inferences that we hesitate to call rational. I defend the view against the worry that it fails to account for a function of evaluations within first-personal deliberation. In the rest of the paper, I then argue, on the basis of epistemic communism, for a view about rationality itself. I set up the argument in section 2 by saying what a theory of rational deduction is supposed to do. I claim that such a theory would provide a necessary, sufficient, and explanatorily unifying condition for being a rational rule for inferring deductive consequences. I argue in section 3 that, given epistemic communism and the conventionality that it entails, there is no such theory. Nothing explains why certain rules for deductive reasoning are rational. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What has happened to incomes, inequality and satisfaction with living standards in the first stage of transition from a communist command economy to a market economy in East Germany? This paper tests six hypotheses about the transition to capitalism. Contrary to expectations, real incomes went up not down, net income inequality scarcely increased, and those who were previously advantaged did not become better off at the expense of the previously disadvantaged. A major reason for the last two results was that the Federal Republic's taxes and benefits, which were more progressive than the Communist regime's, had the effect of counteracting the increasing inequality of household gross incomes. It is also reported that, although real net incomes increased, satisfaction with living standards declined, probably because East Germans increasingly compared themselves with western counterparts. Optimism about the future declined in 1991-92 after reaching very high levels in 1990 immediately after the revolution. This paper is based on the first three waves of the East German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) conducted in June 1990 (N=4453 individuals in 2179 households), March-April 1991 and March-April 1992. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that insights from Tocqueville help us to understand post-communism. Tocqueville is initially helpful in helping us appreciate the extraordinary vacuum that has followed the fall of state socialism. Vacuums tend to be filled, however, and the first part of the paper accordingly concerns itself with nationalism. But not every country suffers from nationalism, and the second part of the paper argues -- against currently dominant theory -- that instant democratization is not likely to stymie economic reform. The third part of the paper notes that the absence of a civil society is, in the long run, much more of a problem than a solution: the chances of successfully consolidating democracy depend upon destroying venal and cumbersome states and in creating leaner and more efficient replacements. The conclusion notes that a variety of regimes is likely to characterize the region once the initial period of vacuum has come to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Albanian agricultural policies during the period after the Second World War. A communist type of agrarian reform was carried out in 1945/6, based on the principle 'land belongs to those who till it.' This reform was soon followed by a collectivization process, resulting in the creation of agricultural co-operatives, the process being finished in 1960. This paper describes how the peasants gradually lost practically all rights to farm private plots. It also gives the background to the general economic and social crisis at the end of the 1980s, which resulted in the collapse of the socialist economy. Co-operatives and state farms were divided and the land distributed to the peasantry. This process of privatization is being carried out under difficult circumstances. Although the government has issued special laws, their implementation at the local level is inefficient due to a lack of co-ordination. The new class of private farmers is faced with great problems. Food production is mainly at a subsistence level, and the opportunities to improve agricultural conditions are limited by a lack of capital, the fragmentation of land and poor infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revolutionary Left movements in India base their programme of radical social transformation on an understanding of Indian society that borrows heavily from the 1930s formulation of the Chinese Communist Party ( CPC). The characterization of Indian society as semi-feudal and semi-colonial, and the elevation of the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses as the primary (and basic) contradiction, seem to have been influenced by the programme of the CPC. This formulation may have had validity in the late 1960s, but transformations of the structure of the Indian economy since then seem to have made it less applicable at present. Drawing on recent research on Indian political economy, this paper (a) summarizes some of the key features of political-economic changes that have taken place in India over the past four decades, and (b) draws out some implications of these changes for the programmatic debate within the Indian communist movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarship on the impact on communists of Khrushchev's 'secret speech' to the twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 is limited. Generally it is located within broader studies of organisational upheavals and ideological debates at the leadership level of communist parties. Rarely has there been analysis of the reverberations at the individual level. Consistent with James R. Barrett's pioneering approach, this paper seeks to incorporate the personal into the political, and inject a subjective dimension into the familiar top-down narrative of American communism. It will do this by focusing on the motivations, reactions and consequences of the defection of one Party member, the writer Howard Fast. It will thereby illuminate the story of personal anguish experienced by thousands in the wake of Khrushchev's revelations about Stalin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of communism, democracy has come to be seen as the 'only game in town'- the only legitimate form of political system. Democracy is considered legitimate because it provides for individual rights and allows the people access to the resources of the state. If 'we the people' defines the limits of these entitlements, the next logical question is who are 'the people'? In contemporary developed states, the problem of diversity is most often framed as a problem of immigration; the arrival of new groups threatens both the presumed homogeneity of established nations and their democracy. We argue for a new conception of democracy, which takes into account the constructed nature of 'the people' that democracy empowers. This paper attempts to provide such an account by advocating a new understanding of the relationship between nationalism, citizenship, and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Germany's history can be broadly divided into two eras: Firstly, the 1950s ‘Aufbau’ period, in which the need to build a socialist society for future generations was emphasised – a project that involved a Stalinist approach, in which ideological commitment was central to political concerns. Secondly, the so-called ‘real-existing socialism’ of the 1970s, in which social stability, a sense of belonging and Honecker's ‘unity of economic and social policy’ were the watchwords. The reforms of the NÖS, or New Economic System – introduced in 1963 and abandoned at the end of the decade – marked the transition between these two periods and aimed to ensure the state's economic survival. This paper will examine both the economic and cultural policy of this period in order to contextualise the NÖS and to demonstrate that it was emblematic of wider trends in European history. I will also argue that the NÖS was perhaps the most important turning point in GDR history. It typified the regime's new approach to reconciling its desire to maintain control with the need to modernise the GDR. This period simultaneously represented the last gasp of revolutionary socialism, a doomed attempt to solve the structural problems of the Stalinist model and a foreshadowing of Honecker's GDR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is concerned with the social organization of collective memory and representations of history in the context of how post-communist democracies reckon with former regimes. It specifically centres on the textual accomplishment of coming to terms with the past in the 'Tismӑneanu Report' condemning Communism in Romania. The focus is on how the Report displays and shapes the ideological contours of coming to terms with the past around a particular 'social representation' of history. Several constitutive features of the Report that facilitate bringing off a particular 'representation of history' are identified: (a) the construction of a practical framework for the inquiry as a matter of public concern and attention; (b) the production of `Communism' as an empirical category with uniquely bound features; and (c) the structuring of time by bringing together a political agenda and national identity. The present argument tries to place representations of history (and coming to terms with the past) as something in need of constitution rather than simply relied on. It is suggested that a conception of coming to terms with the past as a textual accomplishment may lead to a fuller appreciation of the structure, function and salience of representations of history as integral part of moral/political/legal courses of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently the value of Marxian approaches to human geography has again been called into question in the pages of Antipode. In this paper I review the reasons as to why geographers re-discovered Marx and then, from the late 1960s, began to engage with Marxian approaches. I then consider some of the reasons why Marxian approaches in their turn became the subject of critique in geography and some of the alternatives explored in the wake of this. The conclusion is that a pluri-theoretical human geography is necessary but that Marxian approaches remain of central significance to radical and critically minded geographers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strawsonian approaches to responsibility, including more recent accounts such as Dennett's and Wallace's, face a number of important objections. However, Strawsonian theories can be recast along revisionist lines so as to avoid many of these problems. In this paper, I explain the revisionist approach to moral responsibility, discuss the concessions it makes to incompatibilism (including the point that compatibilists may not fully capture what our commonsense understanding of responsibility), why it provides a fruitful recasting of Strawsonian approaches, and how it offers an alternative to the pattern of dialectical stalemates exhibited by standard approaches to free will and determinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments of countries undergoing a post-communist transition face the dilemma of balancing conflicting demands for greater economic efficiency (to achieve a successful transition to a market system) with demands for enhanced social protection (to legitimize regime change through a visible improvement in living standards which includes vulnerable groups). This paper analyses the transition in Bulgaria and Romania. Unlike other European countries, these countries did not embark on retrenchment policies until the mid- to late 1990s, so convergence with policies of spending constraint elsewhere in Europe was belated and partial. The social problems created by strict economic policies, exacerbated by a determination to reorganize the post-communist welfare states along the lines promoted by international organizations, are now being recognized. Post-communist governments in South-eastern Europe have belatedly started to address the social aspects of transition to democracy and the market. This probably reflects the process of regime change in Bulgaria and Romania, which has been characterized as a “two-step transition to democracy”, with liberal governments only succeeding transformed communist elites in power after a protracted transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper advances a theory as to why Vygotsky’s research program has remained at the center of international psychological debates, despite its grounding in Marxist philosophy. An important part of the psychological appeal of Vygotsky derives from the fact that he was describing the mental constructs and rule-governed behavior of human development in their account of social, cultural, and historical reality. There have been a number of attempts to create a Marxist psychology during the 1920s and 1930s. These have been less successful because of misunderstandings of Marxism, and indeed of psychology. If Marxism drew on German Hegelian philosophy, British political economy, and French political socialism, then psychology drew on German materialist physiology, British empiricist philosophy, and French Cartesian dualism. Marx attacked the poverty of philosophy and wrote a Critique of political economy, similarly, Vygotsky wrote Educational psychology and attacked the poverty of psychology in his magnum opus, Historical Meaning of the Crisis in Psychology. Vygotsky argued that we must write our poverty of psychology then lay the foundations for a Marxist psychology. That is to create psychology’s own capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an analysis of the role of language in historical class formation in light of the recent developments in postmodern social theory and historiography. Revisionists from within this perspective have questioned if not abandoned E. P. Thompson's class struggle analysis, arguing that he fails to account for the constitutive character of language in the construction of collective identities. They oppose his account of the making of the English working class with alternative histories emphasizing populist and other non-class identities. Drawing on the Bakhtin Circle of literary studies, and returning to Thompson's own writings, I argue that we can incorporate language into class struggle analysis as a critical mediating force. I maintain that class struggle occurs largely within a hegemonic discursive formation, and that class consciousness and identity thus in part are formed through counter-hegemonic strategies of resistance to ideological domination. To illustrate this theory I analyse the role of language in the class struggles of the silk weavers of the Spitalfields district in London in the 1820s. I analyse how the silk weavers articulated a class consciousness through their counter-hegemonic struggles with the large capitalists and the language of political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comments critically on certain assertions about the relationship between racism and nationalism made by recent Marxist contributions to the debate about the nature and origins of nationalism. The ideas of 'race' and 'nation', and the ideologies of racism and nationalism, are shown to have certain common features which create the potential for their articulation rather than opposition. Thereafter, taking the particular example of England, it is argued that the ideology of racism can be used to define and sustain nationalism. 'These racial elements impose their modes of existence on nations circumscribing them within limits from which, like blind slaves, they do not even wish to escape, although they would not even have the strength to do so. They dictate their laws, inspire their wishes, control their sympathies and stir up their hatreds and contempts.'(n2) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nations of the industrialized capitalist world are characterized by a tendency to reduce the length of time employees normally spend at work. Through capitalism's long history mercantilists, classicalists, Marxists and marginalists have devoted a great deal of effort to attempting to explain why it is that standard times should tend to change. This paper overviews the major contributions to the debate. Various theories are examined and their emergence and fates placed in an historical context. Marginalism's preference argument which presently dominates the debate is challenged by showing that within Marxism there exists an alternative explanation for this phenomenon which is not based on income but on the innate limitations of human beings. Until the 1950s, it is argued, the human limits approach dominated the whole issue of worktime and the essence of this contribution has never been refuted but has been simply deleted from the discussion. Consequently the whole contemporary debate is being conducted on the basis of unjustified assumptions and this is rendering discussion increasingly sterile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the shifting industrial relations policies of the German Labor Ministry to evaluate the competing theories of the state. The analysis shows (1} that pluralism, social democracy, corporatism, and statism can only account for policy changes in specific segments of the interwar years and (2} that in comparison, structuralist neo-Marxism explains the policy shifts from 1918 to 1933. However, I argue that because of their predilection for a fixed set of actors, these explanations are weak in predicting the ascendance of various forces during the interwar period and then sketch a contingency approach to the study of state agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the emergence of anti-war initiatives in the former Yugoslavia against the background of the official nationalism of Communist elites and their post-1990 successors. The author argues that anti-war activism in the disintegrating state was a mobilization of the most articulate segment of a widespread, all-Yugoslav, urban, cosmopolitan and genuinely non-ethnonationalistic cultural identity. One of the reasons behind its easy suppression by the official rhetoric of ethnic homogeneity is its purely cultural stance and lack of experience in alternative forms of political organization. Dominant approaches to ethno-nationalism in former Yugoslavia are criticized for essentializing ethnic identities, and contrasted with some interpretive approaches that analyze the structural preconditions of ethno-nationalism as top-to-bottom projects of the ex-Communist middle-to-high ranking functionaries in search of legitimacy and forced to create a 'democratic electorate.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses author's views on sociologist Steven Lukes ideas on Marxism. Beyond questions of scholarship, of course, lies the ultimate set of philosophical issues concerning the truth about human rights as one part of the truth about morality. This paper is divided into 3 divisions dealing with (1) Lukes's assumptions, (2) human rights advocacy in the contemporary context, and (3) a few observations about the reality status of rights. Lukes's evidence consists primarily of, a series of citations along with his own commentary. Author's first set of critical comments about Lukes's assumptions is one that, a decade or so ago, he would have considered too obvious to mention, except perhaps in a single phrase, but that recent anti-Marxian intellectual trends have perhaps rendered it more necessary to stress. It is just this: there is no sound philosophical reason for taking it for granted, as Lukes does both in words and in his manner of structuring his citations. Historically, of course, all sociologists have at least some general notion of the various indirect but real concrete relationships between sociologist Karl Marx and other communists of his time.

This article analyzes the Marxist paradigm. In order to develop a coherent perspective, it is necessary for the author to go back to the work of Marx himself, to isolate its basic features and the tensions and ambiguities they involve, and then to assess the work of contemporary Marxists in the light of this heritage. While the central task of this paper is a critical review of the Marxist contribution to political analysis, such a focus must be located within the scope of Marx's theory as a whole, rather than separated out and isolated as one dimension of the theory. Therefore, the author begins with a general review of Marx's social theory and then explore his analysis of the political realm in the light of the societal problems defined by the theory as a whole.