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This paper examines how hockey is used to construct and demarcate the Canadian national community from external others, namely, the USA, Europe and Russia/USSR. The paper suggests popular nationalist narratives around the sport of hockey construct difference from external others in ways that place them in tension with state and corporate interests. Drawing on the concept of everyday nationalism, this article explores how the interplay between international competition, national identity and commercial sport has made hockey an ambiguous and contested national symbol in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s, governments have adopted gender mainstreaming (GM) as a strategy for achieving gender equality and improving women's social, economic and political conditions. Yet, studies indicate that GM continues to be unevenly implemented, both within and across countries. To explain this outcome, this paper focuses on the local implementers of GM - the gender focal points - and how they understand GM and interpret it in their everyday work. Drawing upon interviews with gender focal points in the Canadian public service, we explore how bureaucratic role perceptions shape how these local actors understand GM and how they navigate the complex terrain between bureaucratic neutrality and the equality agenda of gender mainstreaming. Our exploratory study shows no common understanding among our interviewees, revealing how the meaning of gender mainstreaming varies depending on whether the public servant views himself or herself as policy analyst, policy advisor or policy advocate. Based on these insights, we conclude with suggestions for future research on gender mainstreaming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the concept of place has most often been used to examine micro-scale locales, recent explications of place-making and place-framing can usefully inform debates on nations, nationalism, and the nation-state. Viewing the nation as a contested, unstable, and relational place enables a pluralist and dynamic understanding of how nation-places are constructed and contested, by whom, and towards what ends. In this paper, we examine public debates over the extraction of the Canadian tar sands as an illustrative example of how place is negotiated, deployed, and contested to legitimize particular outcomes. We analyzed 50 articles from one of Canada's most widely circulated daily newspapers, The Globe and Mail. We found diverging place-frames of Canada used by government, industry, Indigenous groups, environmentalists, and other stakeholders as they make cases for and against the development of the tar sands. Framings of Canada promoted by the government and industry-Canada as a modern, rational, and legitimate actor-featured most prominently in the sample. Importantly, however, counter-frames trouble narratives of Canada's inherent benevolent and responsible nature, and offer a small, yet strong opposition to hegemonic national imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a slightly revised version of the author's 'Outstanding Career Award Lecture' presented at the Annual Meeting of the Canadian Sociological Association in Victoria, British Columbia on June 6, 2013. The paper distinguishes between Canadian Sociology and the Sociology of Canada. The former involves the explanatory stance that one takes to understanding Canada. The latter addresses the significant social dimensions that underlie Canadian social organization, culture, and behavior. I make a case for a Canadian Sociology that focuses on the unique features of Canadian society rather than adopting a comparative perspective. I also argue that there is a continuing need within the Sociology of Canada to address the issues of staples development. However, I argue that 'new' staples analysis must have a directional change from that of the past, in that social processes now largely determine the pattern of staples development. Moreover, new staples analysis must include issues that were never part of earlier staples analysis, such as issues of environmental impacts and of staples depletion under conditions, such as climate change. The paper concludes by analyzing four factors that provide the dominant social contexts for analyzing modern staples development: (1) the rise of neoliberal government, (2) the implementation of globalization and its social consequences, (3) the assumption of aboriginal rights and entitlement, and (4) the rise of environmentalism. These factors were generally not considered in earlier staples approaches. They are critical to understanding the role of staples development and its impact on Canada in the present time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper places Canada's equalization program in the context of broader discussions of equality and universality that dominated the mid-twentieth century discourse. It examines the origins of equalization in the Rowell-Sirois Report, the flirtation with equalization during the Dominion-Provincial Conference on Reconstruction in 1945-46, and the intergovernmental discussions of the 1950s that led to the first formal implementation of equalization in 1957. It argues that a system of universal regional equalization grants arose not only because of the lessons of the Depression and the regional inequalities surfacing during the 1930s, but also as a by-product of the move to universal social security measures, such as family allowances and, later, health insurance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory paper addresses the intersection of character and social structure by looking at the childhood and youth of Erving Goffman. Drawing from historical and contemporary documents, I reconstruct the social world of Canada between WWI and WWII and Goffman's place in it, identify Goffman's social position as an outsider, and document his early familiarity with dramaturgy. The argument is made that Goffman's formative years illuminate his interest in stigma, showing how stigmatizing circumstances can discredit claims to identity, and suggesting how impression management helps mitigate the discrepancy between a person's real life circumstances and prevailing cultural ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Canadian Review of Sociology has been an important venue for scholarship on ethnicity and race. Through an analysis of publications dealing with both terms in the journal, between 1964 and 2010, the paper finds that publications have focused more on ethnicity than race, using a political economy approach, and quantitative methods. Over time, significant changes have occurred, including a move away from ethnicity to race and a move away from quantitative methods. Many of these changes have occurred in conjunction with policy and demographic changes in Canada and as a response to ongoing racial inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research points to a growing gap between immigrant and native-born outcomes in the Canadian labour market at the same time as selection processes emphasize recruiting highly educated newcomers. Drawing on interviews with well-educated men and women who migrated from countries in sub-Saharan Africa, this paper explores the gendered processes that produce weak economic integration in Canada. Three-quarters of research participants experienced downward occupational mobility, with the majority employed in low-skilled, low-wage, insecure forms of 'survival employment'. In a gendered labour market, where common demands for 'Canadian experience', 'Canadian credentials' and 'Canadian accents' were uneven across different sectors of the labour market, women faced particular difficulties finding 'survival employment'; in the long run, however, women's greater investment in additional post-secondary education within Canada placed them in a somewhat better position than men. The policy implications of this study are fourfold: first, we raise questions about the efficacy of Canadian immigration policies that prioritize the recruitment of well-educated immigrants without addressing the multiple barriers that result in deskillling; second, we question government policies and settlement practices that undermine more equitable economic integration of immigrants; third, we address the importance of tackling the 'everyday racism' that immigrants experience in the Canadian labour market; and finally, we suggest the need to re-think narrowly defined notions of economic integration in light of the gendered nature of contemporary labour markets, and immigrants' own definitions of what constitutes meaningful integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reports on the federalism being practised in the Canadian social union based on eleven case studies. The studies ask three questions. What kinds of intergovernmental regimes prevail in the social sector? What is the impact of regime type on the public interest? For individual programs, is there an alternative to the existing regime that might better serve the public interest? Intergovernmental regimes are defined by reference to two sets of variables: the extent to which there is independence or interdependence between orders of government; and the extent to which a hierarchical or non-hierarchical relationship prevails. Four types of regimes are defined: unilateral (hierarchical, interdependent), collaborative (non-hierarchical, interdependent), classical (non-hierarchical, independent), and beggar-thy-partner (hierarchical, independent). Regarding the first question, all four regime types are found in the eleven cases and no one type dominates. More generally, the regimes vary from sector to sector, from program to program, and over time suggesting that there is no single theory of federalism guiding the management of the social union. The effect of regime type on the public interest is analysed on the basis of policy, democratic, and federalism criteria. In most cases, the intergovernmental regime is analysed as appropriate, suggesting that something is right with the social union, at least from its intergovernmental perspective. In cases where the intergovernmental regime is considered inappropriate, the analysis argues for more collaborative federalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]