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This paper interrogates the context that Poverty Reduction Strategy operates as a development policy framework implemented in Benin and Nigeria, and how this provides opportunities and constraints for the objective of poverty reduction. Also, it argues that within the context of a neo-liberal ideology and strategy of development which guide the formulation and implementation of poverty reduction strategy, poor developing countries have not experienced a reduction in poverty or a promised development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, the maker movement has gained prominence in China, garnering attention from policymakers, scholars, and practitioners. Although several studies have explored the movement's macro-level impacts on the country's economy and society, an adequate understanding of the individual makers' lived experiences, practices, and ideologies remains elusive. This paper addresses this gap by examining how individual makers negotiate and respond to the global maker movement's individualistic values and China's state-led techno-nationalism. Framed by concepts of "critical making" and "maker ideology," the study draws on qualitative data obtained from individual makers to offer insights into the evolving maker culture in China. Our findings suggest that Chinese makers have moved away from the Westernized critical-making paradigm and embraced a more techno-nationalistic orientation. By contributing to a nuanced understanding of the non-uniform and diverse development of the global maker movement in non-Western contexts, this paper sheds new light on the maker movement's ongoing transformation in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the diverse multiethnic setting of colonial New Spain, women faced challenges in separating themselves from marriages they considered unendurable. The Catholic Church, which exercised hegemony over definitions of marriage in the colony, controlled access to permanent, formal separation or "ecclesiastical divorce", while secular courts offered shorter-term separations generally aimed at reunifying couples. Outside of these options, flight, concealment, and bigamy, or "self-divorce," offered the only recourse for women seeking to leave an untenable relationship. While it is well known that few women sought (and even fewer were granted) ecclesiastical divorce, it is clear that many women sought separation through formal and informal means. Using ecclesiastical petitions for divorce, this paper investigates the experience of deposit (depósito) for New Spain's separated women. Deposit was likely a primary goal of women's divorce petitions. Moreover, the hegemony of marriage was less complete in reality than in ideology; the number of single women in the colony is now known to be vast, and their networks substantial. Building on Bird's and Megged's insights on separation and singleness, this paper argues that studying deposit reveals a custom that offered women of all classes a substantial degree of respite and agency in separation, particularly in the early colony, when institutional options were less formalized. Sometimes, depósito permitted lengthy separations that blurred into permanency, while at other times it served as a crucial safety valve. Nonetheless, the practice was a contested terrain on which husbands also sought to exercise power and control. Deposit, therefore, was a highly ambivalent form of "separation" in Latin America. This was undoubtedly true both in the early-colonial period and thereafter, but as colonial society matured and institutional deposit became more possible and common, men's power was enhanced. Studying the practice before the late seventeenth century therefore reveals some of the ways that early colonial societal flux authorized female agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ubuntu has been defined as a moral quality of human beings, as a philosophy or an ethic, as African humanism, and as a worldview. This paper explores these definitions as conceptual tools for understanding the cultural, educational, and philosophical landscape of post-apartheid South Africa. Key to this understanding is the Althusserian concept of state apparatus. Louis Althusser divides the state apparatus into two forces: the repressive state apparatus (RSA); and the ideological state apparatus (ISA). RSAs curtail the working classes, predominately through direct violence or the threat of violence, whereas ISAs function primarily by ideology, including forms of organised religion, the education system, family units, legal systems, trade unions, political parties, and media. This paper discusses the link between increasing inequality in post-apartheid South Africa and education, with specific reference to Althusser's ISAs and the abuse of Ubuntu as a subterfuge for socio-economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AI has become the poster child for a certain kind of thinking which holds that some technologies can become objective, independent and emergent entities which can evolve beyond the control of their creators. This thinking is not new however. It is a product of certain philosophical ideas such as materialism, a common-sense world of objective and independent objects, a correspondence theory of truth, and so forth, which are centered around the pre-eminence of science, epistemology, and logical reasoning, among others, as the supremely valid modes of engaging experience. This paper aims to critically examine the synthesis of the development program for AI to be found in the writings of computer scientist John McCarthy (1927–2011). McCarthy has been called one of the founding fathers of AI. First, some of the main themes which recur in his writings from as early as the mid nineteen fifties in the Dartmouth proposal, up to his late writings, are considered. A discussion of the goals that such a program implies, follows, in terms of society's relation with AI based technology and the nature and purpose of AI itself. These implications are arguably related to social control and are also moral. Ultimately, McCarthy's idea that AI is and can be built upon a paradigm of reasoning and logic so as to simulate a perfectly rational abstraction of human thinking is shown to be motivated by his view that AI systems should be controlled, as servants. This understanding of human thinking is questionable, however, given current research on human irrationality, as well as on the argumentative role of reasoning. And yet, the process of development toward the unachievable goal of controllable, rational, logical AI systems, has handily come to serve as a blind for increasing techno-corporate control of society, with techno-corporate interests displacing blame for devaluations and harms caused by their push to develop the technology to AI systems which they can conveniently 'lose control of.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing rightist movement studies into the Iranian context, this study advances a generalizable understanding of the ideological, moral, and cultural activism of Islamist movements and their rightist counterparts. While numerous studies have discussed the economic explanation of rightist movements, I integrate Islamist movements in the Muslim world and rightist movements in the West to develop a generalizable cultural and moral explanation of rightist movements. Value and ideological conflicts, as well as moral outrage, drive this integrated understanding of rightist movements. The rise of innovative and contentious forms of millennialism in Iran—especially the increasing salience of the Jamkaran mosque, the rise of new media outlets and millennial discourses, and pertinent policies—provide evidence for proposing this generalizable understanding. I argue that the rise of performative contentions surrounding millennialism, known as Mahdaviat, within the pro-regime revolutionary rightist movement in Iran was Islamists' ideological response to liberal threat perceptions. These threat perceptions were activated before the liberal Reform era (1997–2005). After the ascent of Ahmadinejad to power in 2005, ideological millennialism became the dominant discursive field in Iran's state politics. Drawing on narratives of prominent Islamist figures and media personalities in Iran and events surrounding Mahdaviat, this paper advances a generalizable argument of the moral and cultural explanation of rightist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explore the ethical issues which arise with the employment of the performance or viewing of drama as a therapeutic process for ‘mental illness’. Looking into two case studies, this piece concentrates on the use of drama therapy along an axis of risk which balances patient safety and potential benefits. As this is a vast area of practice, this paper chooses to focus on the performance and viewing of Greek tragedy as a ‘complementary therapy’. In the public and academic psyche, Greek tragedy has held a prominent place in artistic explorations of ‘mental ill-health’ and thus it is unsurprising that it has been a point of origin for drama therapy. Reviewing the content of the plays, the settings of their modern performances, and the ‘ideology’ behind such performances will enable this paper to highlight some of the greater issues concerning the ethical implications of these examples of drama therapy. Citing performances from the 1950s to the present day, we will explore the competing risks to individuals that come with using ancient Greek drama as a potential means of therapy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fetishism is one of the fundamental concepts of Marx’s critique of political economy. The goal of this paper is to explore the relationship between the concept of fetishism and the concept of ideology, i.e. to consider the ways in which the concept of fetishism can be related to theories of ideology developed by Marx himself and Marxist theorists. Conception of fetishism in Marx’s critique of political economy is presented in the first part of the paper, while the second part explores various Marxist interpretations of ideology, with an emphasis on the distinction between critique of ideology and theory of ideology. The third part of the paper focuses on the conception of modernity developed by contemporary Marxist theorist Jacques Bidet. His theory, which heavily relies on Marx’s insights, provides an original solution to the problem of the relationship between ideology and fetishism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is addressed to recent theoretical discussions of the Anthropocene, in particular Bernard Stiegler's Neganthropocene (Open Universities Press, 2018), which argues: "As we drift past tipping points that put future biota at risk, while a post-truth regime institutes the denial of 'climate change' (as fake news), and as Silicon Valley assistants snatch decision and memory, and as gene-editing and a financially-engineered bifurcation advances over the rising hum of extinction events and the innumerable toxins and conceptual opiates that Anthropocene Talk fascinated itself with—in short, as 'the Anthropocene' discloses itself as a dead-end trap...". The objective of this paper is therefore twofold: (1) to discuss how the Anthropocene is appropriated to certain ideological discourses (paradoxically) to maintain the hegemony of precisely those systems of production that have most accelerated climate change etc.; (2) to consider how the factography of the Anthropocene is exploited in this process to mask the ideological character of industry-aligned "technocratic" environmental management. The paper is not concerned with specific case studies in terms of government and industry policy, or climate science, but rather with the ways in which the discourse of the Anthropocene has been inflected within the humanities and the broader cultural field—that is to say, ideologically, as a system or logic of meaning. How the Anthropocene "means" is, in this respect, a question of some importance. This paper does not attempt to address all the facets of this question, but focuses upon a central "apocalyptic" strain in the discourse of the Anthropocene drawn particularly from Francis Fukuyama's millennial posthumanism and centred in the question of "sustainability" as catastrophe management—with the risk that real environmental degradation will become an alibi for a revived neoliberalism. In other words, that the critical Earth system transformations that characterise the Anthropocene are themselves commodities, and that the project of their amelioration is in process of defining a future (opportunistic) "crisis" rhetoric with a global political franchise. The ideological import of the Anthropocene stems precisely from the fact that it is planetary and, while catalysed by human agency, independent in its specific behaviour from it. The Anthropocene objectively presents as the contemporary counterpart of the Cold War doctrine of Mutually Assured Destruction and the most compelling argument for a new kind of technological "arms race." But it also presents as the condition of an emerging ideological discourse which will determine how this race is run. From the discourse on "energy security" to the widespread "security crackdown" on environmental activists across the so-called developed & developing world, the Anthropocene has come to represent the co-option of a scientific factography for the thinly disguised resurgence of "ideological science" of the Fukuyamaesque variety (post-history, post-human). For Fukuyama, the true meaning of "posthuman" is thus the accomplishment of humanity's historical mission. As the "End of History" designates an end of ideological struggle, so too the dénouement of the Anthropocene and the "ends of man" represent the accomplished purpose of species warfare: dominion, not simply over the world, but over all possible worlds. According to this narrative, science—like technology—must be uniquely at the service of the maintenance of the global order, organised around a universal appeal to "crisis management." It is precisely for this reason that what calls itself post-human masks the return of an ever-more-apocalyptic Humanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the film Thappad (The Slap) (2020) directed by Anubhav Sinha, which portrays slapping as a form of domestic abuse and a violation of women's right to self-respect. This study investigates the incorporation of Universal Human Rights principles into the discourse of Hindi cinema. Through textual analysis of the film text, the paper examines how the film employs the language of rights as a counter-narrative against patriarchal ideologies, promoting gender equality and dignity within domestic settings. It argues that by countering the conservative cultural perspectives pertaining to spousal abuse through the discourse and philosophy of Human Rights, the film contributes to societal transformation. The paper identifies a shift in the film's discourse from traditional, orthodox narratives to universal narratives centred around rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to reflect politically and ideologically on the representation of the 2008 crisis and its repercussions on the rural habitat in recent Spanish literary fiction. To this end, it proposes the analysis of five (neo)rural novels, but not before a brief historical-cultural introduction to the post-15M repoliticization process of the novel in Spain, as well as the explanation of the problems surrounding the nomenclatures "rural" and "neo-rural". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the political economy framework to examine developments surrounding the establishment and structuring of Botswana Television since its introduction as a national broadcaster in 2000. The focus is to identify the broadcasting model for Btv, and establish whether PSB or SB would be appropriate for a national television in Botswana context. Data obtained through documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews showed that Btv has always been funded and structured to operate from either the Government Ministry of Transport and Communications, or the Office of the President. Consequently, the channel's broadcasts are predisposed toward the ideologies of the ruling elites, than those of the public. Therefore, we argue that Btv should be re-structured and allowed to operate in the interests of both the state and public. Doing so could result in collective use of state media and safeguard against unnecessary government control. Thus, for developing contexts such as Botswana, we suggest a hybrid model of both PSB and SB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses and expands the concept of a 'political moral economy' to better understand elite attempts to justify and promote capitalist development strategies linked to the proliferation of 'smart technologies' such as big data, mobile communications, and the construction of hi-tech cities. Drawing on an Ideology and Discourse analysis perspective on hegemony introduced by Ernesto Laclau and Chantel Mouffe, it aims to show how market-based 'smart development' across the African continent has discursively incorporated resistance moralities associated with popular critiques of elite corruption, foreign exploitation, and local economic marginalisation for its overall political success. To do so, it will focus on the case of 'Leapfrogging development' discourses and the planned construction of the Technopolis Konza in Kenya. The key advance of this article is showing how dominant ideologies – and the domestic and foreign regimes of elite power they support – can be strengthened through processes of 'moral legitimisation' and 'moral disciplining'. Specifically, this moral dimension of hegemony involves the ongoing incorporation and strategic redeployment of existing and emergent normative discourses for the purpose of providing political legitimacy to these governing ideologies and further attempting to normatively regulate populations in accordance with their core values and interests – even in the face of their practical and ongoing failures as policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Conference on Propaganda, Ideological and Cultural Work was held in Beijing on October 7th and 8th, 2023. The conference conveyed the important instructions of General Secretary Xi Jinping on propaganda, ideological and cultural work, and officially proposed and systematically elaborated on Xi Jinping's cultural thought. This significant meeting, convened by the Party Central Committee in the new journey of national rejuvenation and strong nation-building, underscores the imperative to comprehend and implement the spirit of the conference. It emphasizes the profound study and implementation of Xi Jinping's cultural thought in all aspects and processes of cultural construction. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee, with ComradeXi Jinping at its core, has shown foresight and set directions, accurately grasping the trends of ideological and cultural exchanges worldwide and deep shifts in societal thoughts in China in the new era. From a strategic height of governing the country, the Committee has consistently prioritized propaganda, ideological, and cultural work, proposing a series of new ideas, viewpoints, and judgments around the guiding principles, objectives, responsibilities, and values of cultural construction in the new era, thereby forming Xi Jinping's Thought on Culture. This paper systematically discusses the background, core essence, and practical pathways of this innovative theory of the Party, aiming to provide references for advancing the construction of socialist culture with Chinese characteristics and building a modern civilization for the Chinese nation. The study posits that Xi Jinping's Thought on Culture represents a rich development of Marxist cultural perspective, marking a new height in the innovative development of Marxism in the context of Chinese modernization with its original theoretical contributions. It continues the Party's century-long cultural endeavors, innovating while adhering to the Party's hundred-year theory and practice in cultural work. The thought integrates numerous original cultural theories of the new era, achieving a systematic integration of the cultural deployments in this period. It stands as a milestone in the history of human civilization thought and the history of Chinese propaganda and ideological culture, serving as a distinct flag leading global developmental trends and advancing human civilization. Xi Jinping's Thought on Culture profoundly addresses fundamental questions in our national cultural construction in the new era, such as the principles to uphold, the path to follow, the objectives to achieve, and the strategies to employ. It elaborates on the Party's position, objectives, responsibilities, and practical requirements in propaganda, ideological, and cultural endeavors, thus anchoring the strategic focus of cultural construction in the new era. This provides an ideological weapon and action guide for better upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era. To excel in propaganda, ideological, and cultural work in the new era, unwavering adherence to the scientific guidance of Xi Jinping's Thought on Culture is essential. Specifically, this involves maintaining the guiding role of Marxism in the ideological sphere, continually exploring new realms of Marxism; embracing the spirit of struggle to proactively advance propaganda, ideological, and cultural work in the new era; and steadfastly pursuing the path of cultural development under socialism with Chinese characteristics. Only by doing so can the common ideological foundation of the united struggle of the entire Party and people of all ethnicities nationwide be effectively consolidated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, aims to investigate the impact of historical perspective on some contemporary studies. This affect is apparent in comparisons made between assessments of Arabic scholars and modern linguistic theories and notions in the West. The Arabic world, after gaining their independence, had tried their hardest to import the knowledge from the West due to political, scientific, and sociological reasons. While Arabs accepted the superiority of knowledge in several fields that produced in the West, their look, on the contrary, at the modern linguistics has always been suspicious. Nevertheless, they did not hold back from finding out the similar or better correspondent linguistic theories or conceptions in Arabic language tradition. However, the aim of the early Arabic language scholars and the context of the knowledge they produced were quite different from those of the modern period linguists and the conditions of the emergence of linguistics. In this respect, it is a methodological error to decontextualize the concepts mentioned in the history of Arabic language or to subject them to forced interpretations to match them with modern linguistic concepts, and it also disrupts the epistemic value of linguistic knowledge that has gone down in history. The wealth and depth of Arabic language tradition has been useful in ascribing those new linguistic theories and concepts to Arabic tradition as it was asserted that these concepts dealt with by scholars without nomination. We assume that the effect of historical interpretation worked out well here. The ideological dimension of the historical interpretation exceeds the limits of this paper, for that, this paper limited with some examples in which the effect of honorific interpretations of history on Arabic studies is obvious. These examples are selected from the works of people who are known for their linguistic contributions in the Arab world in the modern period. The historical and social conditions of the theories and knowledge referred to in this paper have not been discussed as they would exceed the limits of this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on an interpretation of the concept of phantasmagoria in Walter Benjamin's Arcades Project according to which its meaning implies an extension of Marx's understanding of ideology that makes it encompass modern society's field of ideas, the materiality of its cultural productions, and its forms of experience in their reciprocal interaction. On this basis, and taking into account the dreamlike component that Benjamin attributes to the phantasmagorical, the paper analyses what he calls the phantasmagorias of space, linked to the figure of the flâneur, and the phantasmagorias of time, that Benjamin associates with the character of the gambler. Given the correspondence that he also establishes between these two kinds of phantasmagoria, a hermeneutical hypothesis is proposed to explain their correlation, in addition to the significance that this acquires in the Arcades Project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents war literature as a distinctive genre intertwined with various schools of social thought and literary criticism including nationalism, social realism, and commitment. It puts forward a definition of war literature and the history of its emergence. It also attempts to explore some gray areas in war literature, relating to its artistic and creative modes of writing, its biases and prejudices. It questions the principles of authenticity and representation in this literary genre, addressing the contestation between reality and fiction, aesthetics and ideology, which dominate the discourse of postcolonial studies. The paper chooses Palestinian literature as a model case study, discussing the effects of the Sartrean school of commitment, Arabized in the concept of Adab al-Iltizam, on the creativity and individuality of writers. It discusses some of the general characteristics and themes of Palestinian literature, moving from early war literature (1948) to more contemporary works (1990s-), and presents how some writers manage to walk the thin line between literary representation and national commitment and succeed, without falling into the quagmire of propaganda or mundanity, to depict a national cause still subjected to colonialism in a postcolonial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the intricate interplay between mass-mediated communication, the formation of publics, and the political landscape within the culturally diverse and politically vibrant state of Tamil Nadu, located in Southern India. The study focuses on the unique context provided by the annual readers' meetings of the vernacular political satire journal, Thuglak. Employing a comprehensive political ethnography approach, the paper uncovers a complex web of interactions, ideologies, and identity formation that shape the publics of Thuglak. The paper further reveals that the political character of the journal's readership is profoundly influenced by the journal's core tenets, particularly Brahminism and Hindutva. Through a nuanced exploration of the Thuglak readers' meetings, the paper contributes to a broader understanding of the role of mass-mediated communication in shaping public sentiment and, subsequently, the political landscape in Tamil Nadu. This study serves as a testament to the powerful influence of local media in shaping the political destiny of a region and underscores the critical importance of examining such connections in an increasingly interconnected and globalised world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the current age is best understood as a theological age in that its normal approach to the world is one based on a high level of abstraction. Theology stands in contrast with piety, which derives much more from immediate experience and embodies common sense. The cultural and intellectual development of Europe and the West can be understood in terms of the interaction of two distinct modes of thinking and viewing the world, namely theology and piety, and the way in which theology has come to dominate Western culture to the detriment of piety. Hence, the dominance of Greek rationalism within the West has led to a one-sided culture that gives priority to rationalist modes of thought. There has been a continuing tradition of piety in the West, but its existence has tended to be somewhat fugitive as can be seen, for example, in Musil's depiction of the 'other condition' and in J S Mill's personal breakdown caused by an excess of theology. The implications of a theological approach for history are evident as historical developments are viewed through the rigid prisms of perspectives that either fragment the study of history into a series of disconnected narratives endowed with their unique telos or impose an all-encompassing narrative that erases differences as well as potentialities. In both cases, it is the theological mode of thought—which has dominated the West since the so-called birth of rationalism—that turns history into ideology. This paper contends that the current condition calls for a new history of philosophy that captures and responds to the crisis affecting the West's self-understanding and sense of purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is produced with the aim of examining the traces of feminist thinking that is rooted in Malaysia. Feminism is a movement that fights for women’s human rights from discrimination by all parties whether men, communities, or authorities until they achieve the desired emancipation and justice. Its historical background is traced among women as early as its growth after independence in 1957 until its latest development in the 2020s. The methodology used in the production of this writing is entirely armchair research. Data were mostly obtained from individual workbooks, seminar papers, research results, newspaper clippings and online data. The study found that the development of feminism in Malaysia can be categorized according to its growth period, namely after independence in the 1960s, 1970-1980s and finally, the 1990s until present. In each category of those years, feminism presented ideologies and demands in accordance with the developments of its time. This has shaped the uniqueness of Malaysian-style feminism born out of local needs and demands and should continue to evolve in a way that does not conflict with the Malaysian Islamic views and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Joko Widodo is a phenomenon president because he is the one and only president who comes from a lowerlevel class as compared to the other presidents who comes from Indonesia's elite, especially the Javanese elite. Of the importance of the Indonesian people, every Indonesian President is concerned with the people's interests to gain the people's sympathy. Hence, this study unentangles how Jokowi disseminated his ideology to influence the Indonesian people through his political speech text. Accordingly, this study aims to investigate Jokowi's ideological stance inside his political speech text. This study also identifies why Jokowi prioritizes Indonesia's people as the main concern in his program. This study integrated interpretivism as the underlying paradigm. Meanwhile, case study research design was applied as this study centered on Jokowi's speeches as Indonesian President. Data were collected from the first official speech text of President Jokowi delivered on August 16, 2015. This paper combined Critical Discourse Analysis and Systemic Functional Linguistics, particularly the Appraisal System's judgmental analysis. The paper formed Judgement as a sub-type of the attitudinal classification rather than the other two, Affect and Appreciation. The Judgmental categories dominated by the sub-type of Capacity have exceeded other judgmental subtypes. Jokowi mostly evaluated Indonesia's people using the positive Capacity to show that the People of Indonesia the capable people to overcome their problems. The reason behind Indonesia's people's political inclination is that Jokowi is supported by the people-based political party, Struggle-Indonesian Democratic Party (PDIP). The analysis of this study illustrates the importance of a leader's ideological stance in facing and communicating with the people. This is because the stance allows Jokowi to inspire and empower the Indonesian people with his speeches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the controversy over the mode of distribution of Holy Communion that surfaced during the COVID-19 pandemic, with a focus on debates that took place in the Greek Orthodox community. After describing and evaluating the role of secular and religious experts in the context of the pandemic, the paper analyzes three main perspectives on the issue of the Eucharist: (1) the secularist-rationalist viewpoint; (2) the religious–traditionalist outlook; and (3) the "Third Way" perspective. The paper argues that the Church's Holy Communion controversy is indicative of a deeper struggle between religious and secular thinkers and among various voices in the Greek Orthodox Church concerning the latter's place in, and influence over, the modern secular socio-political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great Dictionary of Taoism, published by Huaxia Publishing House in 1994 and compiled by the Chinese Taoist Association and Suzhou Taoist Association, is the first comprehensive reference book on Taoism in the world. The dictionary has provided invaluable assistance for scholars of Taoism. However, in the last three decades, with the flourishing research on the language of Taoist literature, the inadequacies in the Great Dictionary of Taoism have gradually become apparent. Therefore, a systematic revision of this dictionary is necessary. Based on a selection of 700 typical entries with obvious problems from the Great Dictionary of Taoism, this paper conducts a detailed study of their errors from five key areas: entries, meanings, definitions, documentary evidence, and convention. By providing examples and proposing correctional suggestions, the paper aims to provide a necessary reference for the revision of the Great Dictionary of Taoism. The Great Dictionary of Taoism serves as a vital link between the sacred world and the secular society in Taoism, and this study will help Taoist priests, believers, and researchers accurately understand complex Taoist ideologies and practice patterns. It is significant for the inheritance and promotion of Taoist culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to investigate the ideological mutations that occur by turning the written text into an adaptation, using the protagonists that play the role of the marginal, both in the novel and in the movie, facilitating the breakthrough in the peripheral universe. Transmedia reveals the construction of the same fictional word, but the shift lies in the swinging between ideological isms: progressivism and conservatism, capitalism and anti-capitalism. This study is focused on recent literature and its adaptations. Characters have got the same name, they live in similar universes, but the main aim of this paper is to identify the shifts that result from turning the written message into a visual one. The same “story” can take a different ideological turn, therefore, both creations must be taken into consideration, in order to comprehend the global message. The ”double-creations” chosen to illustrate this point are: Love Sick by Cecilia Ștefănescu, motivating this choice by the progressivism of the adaptation in contrast to the conservatism of the novel, concentrating on the queer component; I am an old communist hag! by Dan Lungu where the focus falls on the anti-capitalist view, whereas the novel concentrates on an anti-communism ideology; Soldiers by Adrian Schiop, a case where the movie diminishes the focus on the progressivism, shifting the prespective on the universal love story between Adi and Alberto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the paper, I offer a phenomenological analysis of the lived experience of intersexuality, which I view from the perspective of indeterminacy concerning the horizon of the givenness of the homeworld founded on the broader basis of the pregivenness of the lifeworld. These horizons define the structure of the sedimentation of subjective experience, as well as the layers of cultural meanings sedimented in the lifeworld. The sedimented layers of self-experience and of the shared lifeworld function as a sphere of indeterminacy, that is, the horizons of constituted phenomena. In this sense, all intentional acts have the nature of horizontal indeterminacy, the layers of which are revealed in the genetic question (Rückfrage) directed toward them. Horizontal indeterminacy also accounts for the distinction between the homeworld and the alienworld, which appears as something unobvious and unexpected against the obviousness of the homeworld, at the same time thematizing the latter. The notion of human corporeality as given in the sex/gender binary is one element of the sedimented conceptual system, which operates as the horizon of indeterminacy of both self-experience and the pre-reflective life-world. A unique opportunity for phenomenological insight into the constitution of the phenomenon of sex/gender is provided by Hida Viloria's account of her lived experience of intersexuality. Her lived body, first experienced pre-reflectively as a transparent medium and a perfectly handy tool of undisturbed intentionality and unproblematized in sexual activities, gradually underwent alienation under the objectifying gaze determined by the binary pattern of sex/gender. Becoming an alienated object, Viloria's body lost its transparency. She began to experience her corporeality and identity in a way determined by the sedimented "ideology" of sex and gender. Having "tried on" the constructs of masculine and feminine identities, Viloria eventually overcame alienation and, in the process of secondary self-identification, reclaimed her lived body in its intersexuality and her identity in its non-binary gender fluidity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the literature review method, this research identifies a non-exhaustive series of dynamics and mechanisms used by data companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, and also by the group of companies known as 'data brokers', for the reproduction of the ideology of consumerism. A definition for such ideology is also presented. Five dynamics and 17 mechanisms are described within these two categories. The combination of subsets of elements in the second categorization gives rise to the first. The research question addressed here is: how do transnational data companies act in the international reproduction of the ideology of consumerism? It is argued that they take advantage of a deliberate lack of interest, mainly state interest, in regulating how they operate in the International Political Economy, to capture data through general dynamics that result from the articulation of specific data capture mechanisms. Thus, these companies manage to naturalise, ideologically, the act of consuming. The general dynamics identified by the paper were five: personalisation, web concentration, architecture of choice, infrastructural imperialism, and lock-in. The phenomenon is discussed in the light of the Critical Theory of International Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antisemitism has been found on both the extreme left and right among political elites. However, at the mass public level, limited research suggests right-wing antisemitism, but not much left-wing antisemitism. This paper challenges that research, at least for the U.S., offering an alternative theory. The theory argues that the lowest levels of antisemitism will be found among mainstream liberals and conservatives. Ideological moderates will exhibit higher rates of antisemitism, while those lacking an ideological orientation will show still higher antisemitic rates. Extremists of the right and left may be more antisemitic than mainstream conservatives and liberals, but the inability of standard ideological self-placement questions to distinguish extreme ideologues from the very conservative/liberal makes it difficult to test the extremism hypothesis. Numerous items measuring attitudes towards Jews in the U.S. across five major surveys finds overwhelming support for the mainstream philosemitism theory. The conclusion puts the findings into perspective and offers suggestions regarding future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is the fascist ideology and how to study it from a historicist and realist perspective. The first section discusses the existence of a fascist ideology, contradicting interpretations that reject the originality of the movement. The second presents the main contemporary interpretations on the matter. And the third proposes a methodology that interprets the beliefs from the perspective of the intellectual context in which they were produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is important to align what we teach with how we teach information literacy (IL), otherwise we may inadvertently engage with what Hipple et al. (2021) identify as the pedagogy of hypocrisy through neoliberal pressure in higher education. This occurs when there is a misalignment between the values and principles behind what we teach and the pedagogical approaches we take when teaching. For example, when teaching IL concepts that intend to engage with social justice themes around access privilege and information, the pedagogy of hypocrisy can occur when we simply demonstrate how to access library resources on the library's website, without engaging in critical conversations about systems that contribute to inequities in access within society. To counter this, Hipple et al. (2021) suggest that those who teach must critically reflect on who they teach for, examine how they use and activate (or co-opt) social justice language, and name dominant and oppressive structures. This paper builds on Hipple's argument to suggest ways of recognising the pedagogy of hypocrisy within IL practices, and argues that this recognition is key to countering hegemonic ideologies within LIS teaching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we develop more properties on complex intuitionistic fuzzy soft ℓ-group (CIFSL-G) structure. We initiate the concept of complex intuitionistic fuzzy soft ℓ - homomorphism and present its pertinent properties. We extend this ideology to define the concept of invariant complex intuitionistic fuzzy soft function and develop some new results. Moreover, we establish the notion of normal complex intuitionistic fuzzy soft ℓ-group (NCIFSL-G) and discuss its various fundamental algebraic characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the liberal society that Popper lauds, that aims to be truly open, and discusses why another, more communitarian kind of society, particularly societies in Africa, may also reflect the quest for intellectual openness that is Popper’s ideal. Moreover, this paper avers reasons why Popper should be comfortable with such a liberal-communitarian mix. The inter-subjectivity in his critical rationalism is a balance of an explicit individualism, and an implicit social element (Afisi, 2016a). Popper is indeed an author of such a balance. For a society to be truly open requires the careful recognition and protection of individual freedom. However, the extent to which individuals are free to perform actions that they desire without external constraints, and the level of their individuality in relation to others when performing such actions, remain a contentious issue between liberals and more communitarian thinkers. Popper’s critical rationalism provides the necessary impetus to this contention through his view of freedom that I contend can best be viewed as carefully balanced, a view which combines individuality with a social element that upholds community values necessary for openness of society. With this combination, Popper’s politics of liberalism provides an effective model of how a truly open society can be achieved. The values inherent to Popper’s liberalism including those concerning intellectual openness, individual freedom, mutual respect, measured selfrespect, welfarism, humanitarianism, accountability, critical debates and feedback from the citizens, together concern the conditions for a society to be truly open. There are many competing thoughts as to what openness might be in Popper’s philosophy. The present study of Popper does not presume to address them all. The focus here is specifically on using Popper’s idea of critical rationalism to balance relations between liberal politics of individual rights and freedom, and communitarian politics of the common good, as it relates to situations about how socio-economic and political conditions in Africa societies should be structured. While I contend that Popper’s works in political philosophy focused centrally on Western political tradition, and not about Africa in its strict sense, significant lessons can be distilled from Popper that can offer suggestions on social reforms in Africa. This paper explores Popper’s project of the open society across the plurality and differences of societies, so that his liberal ideas of individual freedom are not undermined, and the progress of the communitarian idea of the common good, that Africa societies are built upon, is also well enhanced. Liberal individualism and community values inherent to communitarianism are both well accommodated within Popper’s critical rationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A considerable and growing body of literature has engaged in a critical reading of the nature and substance of shifts in not only the business practices, but the conditions for the very raison d'ėtre or telic identifiability of universities under current strategic political arrangements. Moving beyond the practices of academic economy in the business of higher education that reduce the intellectual worker to academic labourer enduring multiple forms of alienation, the paper considers what kind of critical setting there may be for reimagining the university in non-nostalgic ways. While the paper takes its cues pre-eminently from the Australian Higher Education Provider sector, it draws on the overlapping political theorising particularly from the N. American critics Wendy Brown and Henry Giroux. From their critiques of neoliberalism, the paper argues that asking what universities are for does not fare well when higher education institutions are subjected to neoliberal rationality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the country achieved statehood in 1971, the United Arab Emirates' propulsion into modernity has witnessed the steep growth of the third sector (MOCD, 2019). The UAE's global economic outlook has also attracted numerous third sector organizations (TSOs) to establish chapters in the UAE (International Humanitarian City, 2020). While the TSOs established in the UAE serve a wide array of public purposes, a large proportion of them were grounded in charitable work. Although the third sector has been steadily growing in the UAE, literary efforts to document this sector were not found in the literature. This paper aims at presenting a preliminary understanding of the current status of TSOs in the UAE. Taking the contextual factors of the UAE into consideration, this paper explores the process of establishing a TSO across various legal frameworks found in the UAE and identifies the differences between them. This paper also includes a classification of TSOs based on their operational roles and a description of their geographical distribution across the UAE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the impact of Zoroastrianism on criminal law and legal theory during the reign of the Sasanian dynasty (224–651 C.E) in late Antique Persia. This was the historic period when Zoroastrianism was also the ideology of the Iranian state, which granted the Zoroastrian church extraordinary power and influence, a unique situation which is termed by the author as 'imperial Zoroastrianism'. The first part of the paper examines how imperial Zoroastrianism evolved from previous understanding of religion and law. The second part of the paper scrutinises the Zoroastrian understanding of wrong in the light of eschatology and cosmology, and the ethical principles that follow from this very particular world view. Next, an individual section is devoted to the criminal theory of Zoroastrianism, which regards criminal punishment not as a punishment but as a means to save the soul of the offender from sufferings in Hell. With such an underlying principle in mind, the text looks for examples of cruelty and leniency in substantive criminal law and criminal procedure. This main body of the article examines contemporary legal sources and apocalyptic works. Finally, a comparison of Hindu and Islamic criminal legal theory follows the description of the Zoroastrian criminal law, highlighting astonishing similarities. Considering the results of both the analytic and the comparative methods, the author comes to the conclusion that it is not religion in itself that suppresses crimes, but rather their eschatology and cosmology: religions that are based on divine justice are less lenient toward crimes and offenders than religions in which alternative concepts like divine grace or non-violence are also operative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reconsiders the claim made by mainstream internet platforms that they inherently foster a democratic public sphere, offering reasons why the opposite may be true. It surveys past studies that have supported both views, showing how the position taken by scholars tends to depend on their disciplinary perspectives. Historically, scholarly approaches to the public or political impacts of the internet and social media have been characterised by four main interpretative lenses: technodeterminism, behaviourism, and the prioritising of either ideology, or the economics of media ownership. This article pays particular attention to the last two, and to Facebook, which among mainstream internet platforms has notably associated itself with democratic ideals. The article describes how many of the democratic ideals associated with Facebook's impacts on society are in fact reversed by the platform's practices, with effects that directly contradict the platform's stated principles. The article ends by suggesting that Facebook consciously pretends to favour the public sphere, and that such Orwellian doublethink is a deliberate attempt to divert attention away from its augmentation of private and personal issues at the expense of collective engagement and empowerment. designed differently, Facebook could have had favourable impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When individuals picture the two parties, what do they think of? Given the dominant understanding of partisanship as a social identity, understanding the content of these mental images—individuals' stereotypes of the two parties—is essential, as stereotypes play an important role in how identity affects attitudes and behaviors, perceptions of others, and inter-group relations. The existing literature offers three answers to this question: one that claims that people picture the two parties in terms of their constituent social groups, a second that claims that people picture the two parties in terms of policy positions, and a third that claims that people view the two parties in terms of individual traits they associate with partisans. While not mutually exclusive, these theories have different implications for the effects of partisanship and the roots of partisan animosity. This paper adjudicates between these theories by employing a new method that measures stereotype content at the collective and individual level using a conjoint experiment. An important advantage of the conjoint measure is that it allows for the direct comparison of the importance of different attributes, and different kinds of attributes, to the stereotype. Using a pre-registered 2,909-person survey, I evaluate the relative importance of issues, groups, and traits to stereotypes of partisans. I find strong evidence that issue positions and ideological labels are the central elements of partisan stereotypes. I also find that individuals who hold issue- or ideology-based stereotypes are more affectively polarized than those whose stereotypes are rooted in groups or traits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Christian nationalism is a significant religious and political ideology in Ghana, a west African country whose population is 70 per cent Christian. In Ghana, Christian nationalism is not simply Christians seeking to make their collective voice heard on issues of national interest. Instead, Christian nationalists pursue a religious and political project with the aim of remaking Ghana according to their values and beliefs. To embed and consolidate influence, prominent Christian nationalists in Ghana both cultivate 'insider' status with powerful political elites and develop a high media profile in order to promote their views, encourage the government to adopt their policies, and increase the number of followers. This article makes two main arguments. First, Christian nationalists in Ghana seek to change public policy to remake the country according to their understanding of Christian morals and ethical behaviour. Second, Christian nationalists in Ghana pursue their goal—to build the kingdom of God on earth—in three main ways: (1) strong support for Ghana's national cathedral, seen as a celebration of national unity and social cohesion; (2) attacks on alleged immorality of Ghana's LGBTQ+ community; (3) vilify followers of minority religions to encourage the view that Christianity is the most appropriate religion in Ghana and that other religions are inferior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE AIM OF THIS PAPER IS TO OFFER A PRESENTATION AND AN ANALYSIS OF THE CONSERVATIVE POLITICAL CONCEPTION AS EMBRACED BY MIHAI EMINESCU, WHO IS KNOWN MOSTLY AS A ROMANIAN NATIONAL POET, RATHER THAN AS A POLITICAL THINKER AND IDEOLOGUE. FOR THE ANALYSIS OF MIHAI EMINESCU'S POLITICAL VISION, THE PAPER IS BASED ON THE VOLUME "POLITICAL WRITINGS" (SCRIERI POLITICE), MORE PRECISELY ON THE ARTICLES "STUDIES ON THE SITUATION", "THE UPPER CLASSES", "THE SUPERIMPOSED BLANKET", "THE THEORY OF WORK COMPENSATION", "REAL AND FICTITIOUS PROGRESS" AND "«TIMPUL» AND THE PEASANT PROBLEM" ("STUDII ASUPRA SITUAȚIEI", "CLASELE SUPERIOARE", "PĂTURA SUPERPUSĂ", "TEORIA COMPENSAȚIEI MUNCEI", "PROGRESUL REAL ȘI CEL FICTIV" AND "«TIMPUL» ȘI PROBLEMA ȚĂRĂNEASCĂ"), PUBLISHED BETWEEN 1880 AND 1882. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THIS PAPER AIMS TO OFFER AN ANALYSIS OF THE WELFARE STATE, USING LIBERTARIAN ARGUMENTS, WHICH ARGUE THAT THIS TYPE OF STATE IS IMMORAL AND ITS POLICIES ARE NOT JUSTIFIED, EVEN IF ITS ACTIONS APPEAR TO BE NOBLE. IN THIS ESSAY I DRAW ON THE THEORIES OF MURRAY ROTHBARD AND THE PLATFORM OF THE LIBERTARIAN PARTY IN THE USA, BUT I ALSO DRAW ON OTHER AUTHORS SUCH AS ROBERT NOZICK AND ON HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL DATA RELATING TO THE NEOCONSERVATIVE POLICIES OF ADMINISTRATIONS SUCH AS REAGAN IN THE USA. THE PAPER ALSO DRAWS ON OTHER SECONDARY SOURCES ANALYZING LIBERTARIANISM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is part of a broader sociological investigation and on this research what is intended is to studies the narration of television advertising; which is produced to persuade the poor informal and impoverished working classes to consume through informal credit in Costa Rica. Particularly, this academic-scientific paper analyzes advertising, which is conceived as cultural artifacts produced by the advertising industry, then these were the object of a critical political analysis of the image. One of the most important conclusions that the study yielded was the understanding that advertising, as a powerful social fact, operates in a cultural-symbolic key and as an ideological suture in the face of a social, economic and culturally unequal daily life. In addition to advertising as an artifact, a cultural instrumentalized certain mythical elements of the Costa Rican idiosyncrasy to reproduce the capitalist cultural system and also reproduce and update certain parts of the country's nationalist myth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an exploratory study on the design and control of patriotic images in Venezuela during the government of presidents Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías (1999-2013) and Nicolás Maduro Moros (2013 to the present). The aim is to recognize, identify and classify the visual objects that make up Venezuela's scopic regime, unravelling the iconographic plan the state developed for its implementation. Having searched for and retrieved 240 photographs from the virtual domain, the paper shows that Chavist governments have gained ground for their ideology by way of a renewed patriotic iconography within the urban visual space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Luanda maybe more than elsewhere, controlling the city landscape is synonymous with controlling the polity at large. Despite a tremendous political change in Angola during the twentieth century, the paper traces how the modernist plans elaborated in the late colonial period (1945–1975) have influenced the planning imagination of Luanda until today. It argues that the construction boom that reshaped Luanda at the end of the war in 2002 can be interpreted as a modernist promise to break the middle class free from a hopeless urban fabric by promoting a specific urban aesthetic rather than facilitating social transformation. These continuities are, however, complex and fragile. What happens when the utopia of a city under control starts to lose power? Reflecting on two urban projects built around half a century apart, this paper explores how the kinesthetic experience of the city might constitute an unexpected form of ideological dissent able to disrupt modernism at large. The trajectory of Kilamba City, in particular, is the epitome of the oil-fed reconstruction frenzy of the late 2000s that brutally ended in 2014. Looking at how residents, planners and even state media relate to this project suggests that the unsustainability of a utopian suburban life eventually triggers new political subjectivities and directly challenges the modernist ideology that endured for so long. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the way forward for social policy in America considering the conflicting religious and political ideologies that confront the polity. The paper applies Secularized Evangelical Discourse to analyze the position of the religious right, New Christian Right and mainstream evangelicals to seek answers on the way forward for the American welfare state. This paper argues that the debates between left-wing liberal Democrats and right-wing conservative Republicans have generated an ideological fulcrum that sometimes destabilizes, but often ensures stability for democratic checks and balances. The paper therefore suggests that the way forward for effective social policy implementation is to embrace a secularized notion of moral justice that admits equity, fair play and true statesmanship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The letters between Feng Zikai and Master Guangqia after 1949 in socialist China complicated interaction among religion, the self, and the world, and during this period waves of literary and artistic practices emerged that sought to identify individual options in the face of the atrocities. Feng’s religious-cultural practices, overseas interactions, and his letters in the 1950s–1970s in my paper would be regarded as a set of values or a structure of feeling that registered a social episteme. The years 1949–1975 were a period when the cold war took place and Feng kept close relationships with intellectuals from Hong Kong, Singapore, and Japan. This paper examines him in the transnational framework, and studies communist cultural and diplomatic policies as well. Therefore, this paper will focus on the letters between Feng and intellectuals from abroad, to explore the issue of how the religions, overseas publications and cultural practices helped Feng Zikai expand his ways of culture expression. Besides, this paper intends to investigate how Feng succeeded in retaining the continuation of Master Hongyi’s religious thoughts in socialist China during the 1950s–1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on scholarly works that are both ethnographically-based (such as Stephen Levinson and Elinor Ochs’s) and socially-based (such as Jacob Mey and Joana Pinto’s), this paper takes a particular stance on linguistic pragmatics. Originally named by Peirce and established as a perspective – rather than a discipline – pragmatics gathers researches from different traditions around the world. In departmental terms, people working on language from a pragmatic perspective may be affiliated with areas such as sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology, applied linguistics, neurolinguistics, etc., yet a family resemblance unites them: pragmatics seen as social science, which stands for both a field ethnographically oriented to the role, ideologies and agency of language users, and science “in society,” politically situated. The paper revisits language ethnographies in Oceania and Africa, in addition to semantically-oriented scholarship. I conclude, with Rajagopalan, that a diversity of problems investigated in pragmatics are refinements from subjects’ situated action [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the prominent theories of cultural studies is cultural materialism, which has its base on the theory of Marxism. Much of the research work done regarding cultural materialism is on Renaissance literature; the development of the theory itself is through the studies conducted on the plays of William Shakespeare, who is one of the epitomes of Renaissance literature. This paper aims to be a unique cultural materialist reading done on a graphic novel based on Kashmir, Indian subcontinent. Kashmir is one of the most desired lands on Earth; it has also been a land of contest right from 1947. This article attempts to explore Malik Sajad's reflection of the Kashmiri society by analyzing and discussing graphic panels from Munnu: A Boy from Kashmir (originally published in 2015) in the light of cultural materialism. Since cultural materialism admits that a text mirrors the socio-cultural and political life of a society; it has been used for interpreting this Kashmir-based graphic novel which is a blend of image and words. This graphic memoir offers a unique narration of the political and societal lives of Kashmiris through the creative deployment of an anthropomorphic metaphor. This study shows how Sajad graphically reflects the dominant ideology and dissident discourses in these panels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, reading as a cultural practice was deeply woven into daily life and informed critical aspects of society. However, scholars often lament the lack of evidence available to reconstruct historical audiences of popular culture, and thus to understand how these texts shaped readers, and ultimately, the broader ideologies of the time. Reader Worlds is a research-creation project which examines how locative media can fill this gap. Converging the embodied storytelling capacities of locative media and the evocative letters published in the reader departments of the pulp Western Story Magazine during the 1920s, this paper and its corresponding virtual tour explore how immersive technologies offer layered meaning to the narratives of historical readers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico's educational institutions there is a persistent failure to comply with the rules established for the exercise of their primary educational tasks, promoted by the main figures who hold greater responsibility for students (directors/teachers and parents). Based on the above, the research entitled - Power and ideology: Control through educational institutions) was carried out in 2018. The case of Tlaxcala. In the fieldwork, both public and private institutions of the basic education levels (preschool, primary, secondary) upper middle, and higher education were addressed. In this way, this paper aims to expose the main results obtained at the higher education level. For the methodological procedure, the qualitative approach was used, taking as an analytical method the fundamental approaches of the Critical Discourse Studies (ECD). The main results are presented through discursive categories of associative-conflictive, causality, single and mixed opinions, related to compliance with the terms of article 3 of the Constitution, the application of the educational reform, curricula and programs and teacher updating; All this within the framework of the educational reform of 2012. The conclusions allowed to identify the way in which power is produced and reproduced through the ideology implanted in the norms that govern the educational institutions addressed, providing an empirical reference of reality and the discourse that identifies it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]