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Objectives: The study explores how the Internet and social media promote active citizenship and political participation among young people. Methodology: Literature review and analysis of an inventory of good practices in the area of youth sociocultural education withregard to the use of the Internet and social networks. Results: Sociocultural entities can provide important guidance for young people in the practice of active citizenship and the participation in the digital context. Young people need specific skills in order to take full advantage of the benefits of the Internet and social media, especially with regard to reducing the gap in their political and cultural participation. Given the potential of sociocultural education to help young people develop as active and critical citizens, policies should place more emphasis on the creation of innovative methods ofyouth employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The community is built from the integration and different exchanges between collectives. As a human form of groupment, it is defined by two central elements: politics and space. Thus, with modernity, the dependence from what is outside outweighs what is within, where the hegemonic actors manage to renew the social relations, the means of production and even the understanding about these spaces. Human sciences are also responsible in reproducing different views about the concept of community and its' applications. In Brazil, the political relations stand out on the conformation of communities. The authoritarianism of hegemonic classes imposed in the daily living and the discourse based on local relevance hide the conflicts lived within the communities and hinder internal and external political action of the populace. This paper discusses these questions from a theorical review of authors who work with the theme in order to explain a given local reality. It is stressed the necessity of a political and historical analysis about how the communities spatialize, their dynamics and transformations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 (2017), this paper presents a study of the degree and types of political and religious participation - as well as the links that connect one to the other - among the youth of five Arab Mediterranean countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon). In politics, four types of participation are distinguished: official, everyday, community and protest. Between 5% and 17% of those surveyed could be considered hyperactivists, in that they participate in three or four of these types; in around a third, there was no participation at all. On the other hand, the majority of the young people considered themselves to be highly religious and, in three of the countries, a third attended the mosque at least three times a week. But the levels of religiosity did not influence political participation, as even the majority of the highly religious supported separating politics from religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the so-called digital culture, this paper discusses the issue of education and the political implications of the distance learning expansion movement in Brazil. In addition to the advances in the democratization of the access to information through the mediation of information and communication technologies (ICTs), which should be recognized as an effort to spread a certain "political culture", this does not necessarily mean, as Habermas (2003b) recalls, that the effective political participation of citizens is assured, especially in light of recurrent dislocation between the political public sphere and civil society. What are the interests behind the phenomenon of digitization of culture? And what is the purpose of education in this new cultural context? As an expression of contemporary social life, digital culture generates structural changes, not only in the form of transmission and access to culture, but also in the very concept and attitude towards culture, with decisive political implications for education. That leads us to think, for example, about the differences between the concepts of education present in the classical Greek Paideia culture, in the modern culture of Bildung, and in the contemporary educational model increasingly subservient to the ICTs we now have. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking as its starting point the concepts of governance of Rhodes and Kooiman, the article develops a critique of the theory of shared government between elected governments and civil society or market actors for its potentially adverse implications for democracy, such as the uncertainty regarding accountability of nongovernmental actors, the lack of presence of major groups of the population in the networks of actors and the absence of redistributive policies in the discourse of governance. On this basis, it argues the need to look back to the traditional political arena as an area of public statement, aggregation of social demands and the main option for political participation by large groups of the population in Latin America. The paper argues that strengthening democracy goes through the development of politics, rather than by their escape into the networks of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper submits for discussion the heuristic usefulness of incorporating the political perspective of youth cultures in order to analyze contemporary connections between youth, politics and culture. If traditional approaches emphasized the cultural character of politics and the symbolic elements, meanings and perceptions that youth construct regarding politics, what is proposed here is to think about youth culture politically and make visible new spaces for constituting conflict today, broadening the field of studies toward youthful practices that contest the hegemonic meanings of political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper highlights the importance of electoral observation as a new way to involve citizens in political processes. It outlines the scope of this practice in democratic contexts, taking observation as a tool for recording data on the administration and organization of the elections, and also the possibility of guaranteeing the transparency of the process and the behavior of political actors. It also shows the experience of Alajuelita with an analysis in the last two elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we discuss how the practices and the scope of political action can be a mode of subjectivation for young people today. By means of the analysis of 19 interviews with Brazilian youngsters of Rio de Janeiro, where their militancy in schools, colleges, and political parties was investigated, we could determine three central aspects which qualify the process of self construction through political activism: the facing of unknown outcomes, the relevance of action in the present, and the conflicts between public and private spheres, which demand totalizing the field of identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this work is to offer a theoretical and explanatory framework for the analysis of the events happened in Santa Rosa city in the summer of the 2008, which finished with mayor Juan Carlos Tierno's dismissal. The paper tries to put in the foreground the relationships between the politics's domains and art. That's why we work with the concepts already developed by a series of classical authors of the aesthetic studies. In the same way, we try to confront those conceptual and methodological determinations with the social mobilization and the aesthetic actions developed at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The irruption of social protest in big scale is a characteristic element of the Argentina's society from '90 decade to the present. The roadblock, the practice of the assembly, the emergence of social actors such as the "piqueteros", as well as traditional repertories such as strikes leaded by syndicates place these and other ways of collective action as privileged resources that scholars call "modular repertories", that is, models of actions that are used by the rest of the society despite the fact that they may not share the same goals of those who created them. In this sense, the following paper proposes the discussion on this phenomenon from a conceptual approach around the idea of political culture of protest. This idea is articulated on the tension between politics and culture concepts, the first idea of political culture, and de last contributions that come form theories of collective action applied to the social movements, protest and revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents some elements and reflections to contribute to the knowledge and understanding of power, domination and peasant resistance in a rural area of Yucatan. The document shows how the Mayan peasants are inserted in these structures and diverse relationships and how they organize themselves and carry out strategies of life and resistance. The paper is the result of a direct and participative research performed during 2001 and 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies why the Archbishop Víctor Manuel Sanabria supported the electoral alliance between the Republicano Nacional and Comunist parties in 1943. In addition, it examines to what extend this endorsement generated a division within the Costa Rican Catholic Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]