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This paper aims to analyze the discursive strategies of Mexican digital media used to portray the actions and protagonists of the feminist protests in the context of the current administration of the Mexican federal government, known as "The 4T" ("The Fourth Transformation"). It reviews the coverage of feminist protests on emblematic dates (International Women's Day, Global Day of Action for the Legalization of Abortion, International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women) of five digital media during the first three years of the 4T (2019-2021) from a Critical Discourse Analysis (cda) approach. The results reveal how these strategies reconfigure the object of the protest and create two opposite hubs of significance: either to validate or to sanction women's actions in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps [transgression] is like a flash of lightning in the night which, from the beginning of time, gives a dense and black intensity to the night it denies, which lights up the night from the inside, from top to bottom, yet owes to the dark the stark clarity of its manifestation, its harrowing and poised singularity." — Michel Foucault (Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews). Gajan is a Bengali festival which is a combination of Foucauldian concept of multidirectional functioning of power structure, transgression and Bakhtinian concept of Carnival. This festival gives the subaltern masses the power of subverting every establishment, institutions of superstructures, order of hierarchy, and every form of classification possible- in terms of gender, caste, race, dialect, religion and law. It invokes the surreal state of mind were all barriers that separate the rational from the irrational collapses, leading to a random state of mind. It is the liberation of the libido, trapped desire for the 'Other' and an open display of the Freudian 'unconscious'. Gajan generally deals with the liberation of two kinds of marginalized groups: the namasudra (the caste of untouchables) and women. It portrays a woman who can be angry, thirsty, ferocious, warrior like almost giving men an 'anti-penis envy'. The aim of my paper is to deconstruct the fertility rites an its association with the castration complex, the various fissures and silences in the mythmaking of Gajan, its rites evolving gradually as a taboo, the issue of transgenderism, the eruption of the unconscious, its gradual marginalization and disappearance from a psychoanalytical, political anthropological matrix. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an ethnographic image of 'Āšūrā' delineating how a cultural and religious ritual may play the role of establishing and sustaining cultural hegemony in Morocco. It forwards into a position of prominence the carnivalesque aspect of the ritual. The cultural authority of the male is transgressed, mocked and crushed down by the joyful moment of female becoming in a ritual outlet that permits power to rejuvenate its yoke of domination over women in the normal existing social conditions. Carnival is a form of social control of the low by the high and thus serves the interests of the official culture that it apparently opposes. It is a licensed relief. Hegemony permits the ritual inversions of hierarchy and status degradations to re-affirm the status quo. In this sense, 'Āšūrā' seems to offer an occasion for the ritual emancipation of women fulfilled by their practice of magic and ceremonial alfresco gatherings, chanting songs of challenge to the male authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines football as a site of social contestation for Iranian women. The recent political controversy regarding women's attendance at football matches is indicative of this social conflict. I start by contextualizing this episode within a feminist framework of analysis. I then look at the development of Iranian women's participation in football as rioters, fans, players, referees, coaches, sports-writers and administrators of the game. Examples of women footballers from other cultures are provided in order to foreground commonalities and differences. Finally, I demonstrate how this movement is catalysng both Iranian feminism and the wider working-class social movement confronting the mullah-bourgeoisie. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]