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This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the trilateral trade relationship between Mexico, the United States and China, and its main characteristics, from 1993 to 2020, through the application of vector autoregressive (VAR) models at different points in time. More specifically, trade links between these economies have been transformed from a first phase of little significance to a second phase with profound interrelationships since 2001, and finally to a current consolidation stage, despite the current increasingly complex environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to survey the growth of solar energy worldwide, analyze US-China trade dispute in the solar industry, and evaluate the merits of US trade tariffs. Design/methodology/approach – The study surveyed archival data, publications by international organizations, government agencies, industry groups, and some academic research papers. Findings – Global demand for solar energy has been rising steadily and is projected to generate growing source of electric power. There is worldwide consensus that public support for solar industry in the development stages is necessary. The US Government provides generous support programs and subsidies to US solar industry. Accordingly, US punitive tariffs against China's solar industry on grounds of government subsidies are of questionable merit. Originality/value – This paper presents a concise profile of global solar energy and evaluates US trade policy toward China. The findings can be of value to government officials as they consider trade policies and their impact on the future of solar energy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign policy of a country is mostly determined by its geography. The geography compels sovereign states to cultivate relations with their neighboring countries to attain some predetermined interests. Similarly, China has created and maintained quite friendly relations with almost all Central Asian states to fulfill its ever-increasing energy needs and contain the escalating security threat being posed by the assorted terrorist, extremist, militant and separatist groups in the region. Since China is projected to overtake the US in terms of exporting energy resources by 2030, the communist state is striving hard to foster all sorts of ties with the energy-rich the Central Asian states. However, the growing Chinese closeness and affinity with the region have made the US apprehensive of the potential and ominous rise of China which could well dwarf and outclass the US in the regional. Therefore, it has led the US to craft strategies aimed at challenging and obstructing the increasing Chinese engagement with the region. Thus, it has instigated a kind of competition and low-intensity rivalry between the US and China in the region. Such a cut-throat completion would create marvelous opportunities and mounting issues for the regional countries. The article analysis China's economic and defence relations with all the Central Asian countries. It also discusses the escalating Chinese interests and the region's importance for China. In the end, the paper throws light on the impending competition and rivalry between China and the US in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the historical institutionalists' emphasis on the effects of ideas on policy making, this paper focuses on the importance of economic ideas and ideologies on China's trade policy making with regard to the signing of the WTO agreement with the United States in 1999. The paper argues that trade liberalization in China was a result of top Chinese leaders' embrace of neoclassical economic ideas which conceive a small role for the state in the marketplace, mainly as the regulator of the macro-economic environment and as the enforcer of the rule of law, rather than as a major player in the marketplace. Top Chinese leaders' socialization with neoclassical economic ideas enabled them to forge a political consensus to link state-owned enterprise (SOE) reforms with speedy WTO accession and led to China's major concessions in WTO negotiations with the United States in 1999 which were inconceivable just a few years ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper selects China and Thailand as a reference object. Based on the U. S. market, it analyzes the export competitiveness of the agricultural products of China and Thailand by market share and growth rate, measures the agricultural products of China and Thailand export competition degree by export product similarity innex and estimates the agricultural products of China and Thailand export competitiveness strength by shift share method. The results show that: At present, in the U. S. market, the competition of the agricultural products of China and Thailand is fierce, but export growth of China's agricultural products is faster and more competitive. Finally on how to further improve China's agricultural exports competitiveness in the U. S. market and promote China's agricultural export trade to the U. S. it puts forward the related countermeasures and suggestions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzed the impact and causal relation of outbound Chinese FDI on growth, employment and export performance of 16 selected US States by using Panel data. The contemporaneous panel fixed estimation results shows that the impact of Chinese outbound FDI on the economic growth, employment and export of selected states are insignificant. But the impact of FDI on growth turns positive and significant when interacted with States export to China. Applying heterogeneous panel causality approach on a refined dynamic panel model indicates that Chinese FDI does not cause GDP, exports and employment while the results of reverse causality confirm that US State GDP (market size) cause the inflow of Chinese outbound FDI. The overall impact of Chinese outbound investment, a small portion of the total FDI inflow to the US, varies from conditionally positive to utterly insignificant without any adverse impact on the local economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American politicians and policy makers have blamed China's exchange rate for the large US trade deficits. This paper explains why the USA treats its trade deficits with China as a security issue that have become a source of friction in Sino-US relations. The essay argues that this friction is a useful deflection from the politically difficult policy action needed to remedy the US economy and cannot easily be removed by the Chinese side alone. The structure of global trade and the reality of China's political economy, which forces Chinese leaders to develop policies for a “harmonious society” in the face of growing inequality also makes it difficult for China to respond positively to US pressure on the exchange rate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The remarkable economic rise of China and the recent turmoil in US financial markets inevitably raises questions about the respective fortunes of both countries. This paper assess the relative standing of the US and China by placing their relationship in historical context. It is suggested that China's accession to the WTO marked the highpoint of US influence and ascendancy. Since then, China's position has been steadily improving, something that the recent emergence of its first sovereign wealth fund and its subsequent role in bailing out distressed US financial institutions has dramatically highlighted. If China's form of 'state capitalism' continues to become more influential it will have major consequences for not only the US, but for the extant geopolitical order more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the following paper I explore the issue of the dollar as the unofficial reserve currency of the global finance system. I look at arguments for its "resilience" or continued use and how there is an inbuilt mechanism in liberalized capital that tends to reinforce the use of the dollar, and how this is to the advantage of the United States. I then look at the various ways in which the dollar has become increasingly vulnerable as a reserve currency because of the current constitution of the U.S. economy and because of its mutual dependency with China. I also set out how finance and other markets can go into sudden decline because of these vulnerabilities and how the constitution of the markets themselves can exacerbate this. Both of these factors, I argue, are problematic for the system, and provide the basis on which the dollar may ultimately cease to be the unofficial reserve currency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, through a comparative study of the roles Chinese and Indian diasporas in the United States play in the political economy of their respective homelands, explores the relationship between the diaspora and homeland development and how this dynamic relationship contributes to economic growth and foreign relations of the homelands. The author argues that the roles of Indian and Chinese diasporas in their respective homelands’ development consistently reflect, and are heavily influenced by, their homelands’ economic development strategies as well as political history and culture. The author also argues that the impact of the diaspora on the foreign relations of their homelands is conditional upon the state of bilateral relations between their homeland and the country of residence. This study raises issues for future research, such as the relationship between the diaspora and regime type of the homeland. The author concludes by suggesting that since activities of overseas Chinese and non-resident Indians provide a unique perspective in the comparative study of Chinese and Indian political economy, the two diasporas warrant more scholarly and policy attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]