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This article tracks how a trope of middle-class household thrift, grounded on the autarchic Aristotelian oikos, has long fueled derogatory discourses in Britain aimed at low-income urban residents who practice quite different forms of thrift. Since the 1970s this trope has migrated across scales, proving a potent metaphor for national economic policy and planetary care alike, and morally and economically justifying both neoliberal welfare retraction compounded by austerity policies and national responses to excessive resource extraction and waste production. Both austerity and formal recycling schemes shift responsibility onto consumer citizens, regardless of capacity. Further, this model of thrift eclipses the thriftiness of low-income urban households, which emerges at the nexus of kin and waged labor, sharing, welfare, debt, conserving material resources through remaking and repair and, crucially, the fundamental need for decency expressed through kin care. Through a historicized ethnography of a London social housing estate and its residents, this paper excavates what happens as these different forms and scales of household thrift coexist, change over time, and clash. Ultimately, neoliberal policy centered on an inimical idiom of thrift delegitimizes and disentitles low-income urban households and undermines their ability to enact livelihood practices of sustainability and projects of dignity across generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper estimates the negative effects of motorised road traffic on the travel and walking behaviour of local residents in Great Britain and the cost of the wider negative impacts on local economic activity, external effects of motorised transport, social exclusion, neighbourhood social capital, self-rated health, and subjective wellbeing. We use the results of a survey (n = 3038) and models linking the characteristics of roads and pedestrian crossing facilities in each participant's local area, travel and walking behaviour, and the level and monetary value of the wider impacts of travel behaviour. The costs of road traffic borne by local communities were estimated as £31.9 billion per year, i.e. 1.6% of the Gross Domestic Product, or £631 per person. This value varies within the interval £569-£698/person/year, depending on the assumptions made. The highest estimated costs of motorised road traffic are reduced neighbourhood social capital (£236) and reduced subjective wellbeing (£196/person/year). The costs for some population segments, such as London residents, city residents, and people aged 25–34 are higher than the average. The characteristic of roads causing the highest costs is volume of motorised traffic above low (£264/person/year), followed by multiple lanes (£148), traffic speeds above low (£119), and absence of a median strip (£60). By quantifying for the first time, at the national level, the costs of the negative community effects of motor vehicles, this study provides evidence supporting policies to reduce traffic volumes and speeds and reallocate roadspace to pedestrians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Private vehicle travel entails costs to society. However, in a world designed around the automobile, adults who lack access to a vehicle for economic reasons may experience a significant handicap due to constrained mobility and accessibility. This paper examines whether private vehicle access is associated with the quantity and quality of out-of-home activities in which low-income individuals participate. We use pooled data from multiple time use surveys drawn from the Netherlands, Canada, Spain, and the United Kingdom, and employ Cragg two-part hurdle modeling to determine whether there is an association between household vehicle access and participation in twelve out-of-home activity types. As a robustness check, we also estimate multiple discrete continuous extreme value (MDCEV) models. Further, we examine travel time by mode for those with and without vehicles. Finally, we use American Time Use Survey data and fixed-effects panel models to determine the subjective well-being that is associated with our out-of-home activity types. A lack of private vehicle access is associated with significantly less frequent out-of-home activity participation, both in the aggregate and for seven of the twelve individual activities. Moreover, the activities most likely to be foregone are generally associated with high subjective well-being, suggesting that constrained mobility comes with significant emotional costs. We find a greater "activity penalty" for rural residents and for Canadian residents without vehicle access; urbanites without vehicles in the U.K. are the only geographic group which do not exhibit an activity penalty. Finally, respondents with vehicle access spend more total time traveling, although those without private vehicles partially offset spending less time in them with higher use of alternative modes. Overall, the findings suggest that the lack of a private vehicle is deleterious for quality of life, raising troubling questions about inequity possibly arising when people are denied access to vehicles for economic reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: There is a growing body of research, which suggests that many contemporary urban environments do not support healthy lifestyle choices and are implicated in the obesity pandemic. This paper reviews the evidence from this field in relation to theory, policy and practice, from three different disciplinary perspectives: urban design, geography and public health nutrition. In the UK, our development has been higher density and our urban form more varied, yet the paper concludes that it still may be making a contribution to our own obesity crisis. The dynamics of this, however, are highly complex and currently little understood. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Urban centres in the US, Britain and Canada have responded to identified visible 'social problems' such addiction, mental health and homelessness by providing some supportive housing for the urban poor and marginalized. While some critics have questioned what supportive housing specifically entails in terms of the built environment, what remains under explored, though a growing area of concern, is the relationship between surveillance and supportive housing for urban residents identified as having addiction and mental health problems - a gap addressed in this paper. Drawing upon qualitative ethnographic observational data we examine some of the measures of control and coercion that are encroaching into social housing primarily established for poor and marginalized people with addiction and mental health problems in the urban centre of Vancouver, Canada. We witnessed three modes of regulation and control, that vary widely, among the residencies observed: physical surveillance technologies; site-specific modes of coercion; police presence and staff surveillance, which all together impact the everyday lives of residents living in low-income and supportive housing. We argue that supportive housing has the potential to provide its intended commitment - safe and secure affordable housing. However, owing to an (over)emphasis on 'security', the supportive housing we observed were also sites of social control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective To determine the cost-effectiveness of a physical activity programme (Be Active) aimed at city-dwelling adults living in Birmingham, UK. Methods Very little is known about the cost-effectiveness of public health programmes to improve city-wide physical activity rates. This paper presents a cost-effectiveness analysis that compares a physical activity intervention (Be Active) with no intervention (usual care) using an economic model to quantify the reduction in disease risk over a lifetime. Metabolic equivalent minutes achieved per week, quality-adjusted life years (QALYs) gained and healthcare costs were all included as the main outcome measures in the model. A cost-benefit analysis was also conducted using 'willingness-to-pay' as a measure of value. Results Under base-case assumptions--that is, assuming that the benefits of increased physical activity are sustained over 5 years, participation in the Be Active programme increased quality-adjusted life expectancy by 0.06 years, at an expected discounted cost of £3552, and thus the cost-effectiveness of Be Active is £400 per QALY. When the start-up costs of the programme are removed from the economic model, the cost-effectiveness is further improved to £16 per QALY. The societal value placed on the Be Active programme was greater than the operation cost therefore the Be Active physical activity intervention results in a net benefit to society. Conclusions Participation in Be Active appeared to be cost-effective and cost-beneficial. These results support the use of Be Active as part of a public health programme to improve physical activity levels within the Birmingham-wide population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Emerging evidence suggests that walking and cycling for different purposes such as transport or recreation may be associated with different attributes of the physical environment. Few studies to date have examined these behaviour-specific associations, particularly in the UK. This paper reports on the development, factor structure and test-retest reliability of a new scale assessing perceptions of the environment in the neighbourhood (PENS) and the associations between perceptions of the environment and walking and cycling for transport and recreation. Methods: A new 13-item scale was developed for assessing adults' perceptions of the environment in the neighbourhood (PENS). Three sets of analyses were conducted using data from two sources. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses were used to identify a set of summary environmental variables using data from the iConnect baseline survey (n = 3494); test-retest reliability of the individual and summary environmental items was established using data collected in a separate reliability study (n = 166); and multivariable logistic regression was used to determine the associations of the environmental variables with walking for transport, walking for recreation, cycling for transport and cycling for recreation, using iConnect baseline survey data (n = 2937). Results: Four summary environmental variables (traffic safety, supportive infrastructure, availability of local amenities and social order), one individual environmental item (street connectivity) and a variable encapsulating general environment quality were identified for use in further analyses. Intraclass correlations of these environmental variables ranged from 0.44 to 0.77 and were comparable to those seen in other similar scales. After adjustment for demographic and other environmental factors, walking for transport was associated with supportive infrastructure, availability of local amenities and general environment quality; walking for recreation was associated with supportive infrastructure; and cycling for transport was associated only with street connectivity. There was limited evidence of any associations between environmental attributes and cycling for recreation. Conclusion: PENS is acceptable as a short instrument for assessing perceptions of the urban environment. Previous findings that different attributes of the environment may be associated with different behaviours are confirmed. Policy action to create supportive environments may require a combination of environmental improvements to promote walking and cycling for different purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Lacking of methods for valuing transport noise impact in public urban spaces. • Gaps in evidence for impact pathway, revealed and stated preference approaches. • Opportunities from urban sound environment research and UK transport policy. • A non-exhaustive list of challenges in developing and implementing the valuation. Transport noise is the dominant noise source in urban areas. Its impacts on people at their residential locations are included in economic appraisal in the UK and many other countries, and guidance and analysis tools were developed for the valuation of the impacts. However, for transport noise impacts on people in public urban spaces, e.g., urban streets, squares and parks, there is still a lack of national methodologies. This paper will discuss the gaps, opportunities and challenges in developing a national methodology for these places in the UK. Currently, evidence is lacking on pathways of transport noise impact on people and dose–response relationships at non-residential locations, and the values people place on sound environment quality at these locations. However, opportunities are emerging, with increasing attention to the urban realm in UK transport policy, and recent progress and transitions in urban sound environment research, including association between public health and urban soundscape, standardisation in soundscape research and practice, and crowdsourcing sound environment evaluations. The associated challenges, as compared to methodology for residential locations, may include calculating noise from non-free-flow traffic, defining and adding diverse receptor types, estimating dynamic affected population, accounting for diversity in level and source of background sound, and obtaining large and consistent data for dose–response or willingness-to-pay analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviewed research reveals a lack of young people's voices articulating if and how urban nature supports their mental health and wellbeing. This paper presents qualitative research with young multi-ethnic urban residents living in a northern UK city and offers an important counter-narrative to the pervasive notion of childhood nature-deficit disorder. Using interviews and creative arts workshops, we explored the value of urban nature for the mental health and wellbeing of 24 young people aged 17-27 years, 9 of whom had lived experience of mental health difficulties. Trees, water, open spaces and views were frequently experienced nature typologies offering benefits. Deteriorating landscapes, young people's shifting identities and perceived time pressures disrupted support. Young people expressed how urban nature encounters were experienced as accepting and relational, offering a: stronger sense of self; feelings of escape; connection and care with the human and non-human world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]